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Rethinking the political in the pluriverse: The ethico-political significance of care 多元宇宙中的政治反思:关怀的伦理-政治意义
IF 1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-05 DOI: 10.1177/17550882231178884
M. FitzGerald
Postfoundational political thought is characterized by a distinction between “politics” (a socio-symbolic order that delineates what is knowable and thinkable) and “the political” (the instantiation of a socio-symbolic order). This article critically engages with the postfoundational thought of Jacques Rancière to rethink “the political” in the context of the pluriverse, a matrix of multiple distinct yet interconnected worlds. In so doing, this article challenges the idea that “care” is not properly political. Specifically, I argue that in the context of the pluriverse, socio-symbolic orders, or worlds, are not instantiated as such; rather, they must be established and, importantly, reestablished in the face of one another. From this vantage point, caring for and maintaining worlds—especially worlds marginalized by relations of power in the global political economy—is of political and ethical significance. This article thus offers a decolonial and feminist approach to thinking about the political as it (a) destabilizes the Westerncentric assumption that there is one-world, and takes different worlds as worlds seriously; and (b) centers issues of care and reproduction, demonstrates how they are politically and ethically salient, and thereby contributes to the project of foregrounding the political import of care.
后基础政治思想的特点是“政治”(描述可知和可思考的社会符号秩序)和“政治”(社会符号秩序的实例化)之间的区别。本文批判性地运用雅克·朗西的后基础主义思想,在多元世界的背景下重新思考“政治”,这是一个由多个不同但相互联系的世界组成的矩阵。在这样做的过程中,本文挑战了“关心”与政治无关的观点。具体来说,我认为在多元宇宙的背景下,社会符号秩序或世界并没有这样的实例化;相反,它们必须建立起来,更重要的是,必须在彼此面前重新建立起来。从这个角度来看,关心和维护世界——尤其是在全球政治经济中被权力关系边缘化的世界——具有政治和伦理意义。因此,本文提供了一种非殖民化和女权主义的方法来思考政治,因为它(a)动摇了西方中心的假设,即存在一个世界,并将不同的世界视为世界;(b)关注护理和生育问题,证明它们在政治上和伦理上是如何突出的,从而有助于突出护理的政治重要性。
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引用次数: 2
A human right to political membership & the right to territory 政治成员的人权和领土的权利
IF 1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-21 DOI: 10.1177/17550882231169489
Afifa Khwaja
The global justice debates frame the right to political membership and territorial rights by focusing on stateless individuals/refugees as claimants of the former and sovereign states as the claimants of the latter. Kant’s Right to Hospitality is often employed to reinforce this mode of framing rights. However, this mode of framing rights can lead to possible neglect of a people as an equally important right claimant. I employ a context-oriented interpretation of Kant’s right to Hospitality to highlight the non-state people’s claims to political membership and territory. I suggest that in Kant, while the non-state people are not in a civil condition, we can nevertheless recognize their provisional claims to the territory, which are forceful enough to exclude outsiders. Furthermore, the non-state people cannot be forced into a political membership with us or each other because we do not know the nature of obligations they may have towards each other. Recognizing these limits of our understanding can encourage philosophically thought-out modes of reframing indigenous people’s claims in our theoretical debates. In practice, it can promote an insightful attitude in negotiating their terms of political membership and land claims against the sovereign states.
全球司法辩论通过将无国籍个人/难民作为前者的索赔人,将主权国家作为后者的索赔人来界定政治成员权和领土权利。康德的款待权经常被用来强化这种权利框架模式。然而,这种界定权利的模式可能会导致人们忽视一个同样重要的权利要求者。我对康德的好客权进行了基于语境的解释,以强调非国家人民对政治成员和领土的主张。我认为,在康德看来,虽然非国家人民并不处于公民状态,但我们仍然可以承认他们对领土的临时要求,这足以将外来者排除在外。此外,不能强迫非国家人民与我们或彼此成为政治成员,因为我们不知道他们对彼此可能承担的义务的性质。认识到我们理解的这些局限性,可以鼓励我们在理论辩论中以哲学思考的方式重新定义土著人民的主张。在实践中,它可以在谈判其政治成员资格和对主权国家的土地要求时促进一种富有洞察力的态度。
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引用次数: 0
From the Twenty Years’ Crisis to the climate crisis: Reconsidering Carr’s thoughts on nationalism and global reform 从二十年危机到气候危机:再看卡尔的民族主义与全球改革思想
IF 1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-14 DOI: 10.1177/17550882231168906
Haro L Karkour
A recent debate emerged on the possibility of rendering nationalism compatible with addressing the climate crisis. E. H. Carr’s analysis of nationalism and global reform is relevant to this debate. Carr’s analysis highlights a negative relationship between nationalism and peace in the international order; a relationship that extends to, and is exacerbated by, climate change. This analysis is relevant to the contemporary debate on nationalism and climate change in three ways. First, it shows that competition over resources, border control and conflict are likely to increase in the climate age. Second, it explains the failure of UN-led attempts to address the climate crisis. Third, it problematises mid-way solutions to render nationalism compatible with addressing the climate crisis – whether these are realist, liberal institutionalist or green nationalist. Carr’s work however does not simply present a pessimistic outlook on the climate crisis; it also offers a positive lens to think of the crisis as an opportunity. Times of crisis to Carr are times of opportunity for humanity to re-define its sense of purpose. The emergence of issuespecific climate movements and sector-specific green projects is testimony to the presence of this opportunity today to move beyond nationalism, towards multi-scalar identity frameworks.
最近出现了一场关于使民族主义与应对气候危机相容的可能性的辩论。e·h·卡尔对民族主义和全球改革的分析与这场辩论有关。卡尔的分析强调了国际秩序中民族主义与和平之间的负向关系;这种关系延伸到气候变化,并因气候变化而加剧。这一分析在三个方面与当代关于民族主义和气候变化的辩论有关。首先,它表明在气候时代,对资源、边境控制和冲突的竞争可能会增加。其次,它解释了联合国领导的解决气候危机的努力为何失败。第三,它提出了使民族主义与应对气候危机相容的中间解决方案——无论是现实主义、自由制度主义还是绿色民族主义。然而,卡尔的著作并不是简单地对气候危机持悲观态度;它还提供了一个将危机视为机遇的积极视角。对卡尔来说,危机时刻是人类重新定义目标感的机会。针对特定问题的气候运动和针对特定行业的绿色项目的出现,证明了今天有机会超越民族主义,走向多尺度身份框架。
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引用次数: 2
Exploring Eurasian integration through the lenses of Carl Schmitt: The Eurasian Economic Union as an example of Schmittian “Great Space” 从施密特的视角探索欧亚一体化:以施密特“大空间”为例的欧亚经济联盟
IF 1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-07 DOI: 10.1177/17550882231159940
Paolo Pizzolo
The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) embodies Russia’s latest attempt to restore interconnections among former Soviet countries through economic means rather than military might. The literature on the EAEU views the initiative as a geopolitical tool, a post-imperial escamotage, a platform to enhance reforms, or a counterhegemonic strategy. This article wishes to understand the EAEU as an example of Carl Schmitt’s theorizations, especially in relation to the concept of Great Space. The EAEU resembles the Schmittian Great Space in four main respects: the existence of a regional hegemon with spheres of interest beyond its fixed borders, the expression of an “imperial” community of cultural and historical affinity, the overcome of the rigid Westphalian state model expressed by the jus publicum Europeaum in favor of a large space, and the manifestation of the nomos of the Earth, that is a telluric civilization within the Schmittian contraposition between Land and Sea. The application of the Schmittian Great Space paradigm to the EAEU—in tandem with the proliferation of other regional integration initiatives and organizations—confirms the ongoing global shift from rigid Westphalian nation-states to highly integrated political-economic blocs based on civilizational identity in the frame of a multipolar world.
欧亚经济联盟(EAEU)体现了俄罗斯通过经济手段而非军事力量恢复前苏联国家之间相互联系的最新尝试。关于EAEU的文献将该倡议视为地缘政治工具、后帝国升级、加强改革的平台或反霸权战略。本文希望将EAEU理解为卡尔·施密特理论的一个例子,特别是与大空间概念有关的理论。EAEU在四个主要方面类似于施密特大空间:一个利益范围超出其固定边界的地区霸主的存在,一个具有文化和历史亲和力的“帝国”共同体的表达,克服欧洲公共法所表达的僵化的威斯特伐利亚国家模式以支持大空间,以及地球诺模斯的表现,即陆地和海洋之间的施密特对位中的大地文明。施密特大空间范式在EAEU中的应用,以及其他区域一体化倡议和组织的激增,证实了全球正在从僵化的威斯特伐利亚民族国家向多极世界框架下基于文明身份的高度一体化政治经济集团的转变。
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引用次数: 0
Philosophical issues in the English School of international relations 英国国际关系学派的哲学问题
IF 1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-28 DOI: 10.1177/17550882231151983
M. Bevir, Ian Hall
This article responds to Charlotta Friedner Parrat’s critique of our argument that the English School of international relations should embrace a more thoroughgoing interpretivism. We address four of Friedner Parrat’s objections to our argument: that our distinction between structuralism and interpretivism is too stark; that our understanding of the relationship between agency and structure is problematic; that our approach would confine the English School to the study of intellectual history; and that the English School should eschew explanation. We argue that if the School is to use structuralism, it must be clearer about how it understands structures and their relationships to agents. We argue too that interpretivism not only offers a better account of situated agency, but also that it provides the English School with one way to move beyond the description and classification of institutions in international society towards better explanations of international relations.
本文回应了夏洛塔·弗里德纳·帕拉特(Charlotta Friedner Parrat)对我们的观点的批评,即英国国际关系学派应该接受更彻底的解释主义。我们将讨论弗里德纳·帕拉特对我们的论点的四个反对意见:我们对结构主义和解释主义的区分过于明显;我们对机构和结构之间关系的理解是有问题的;我们的方法将把英国学派局限于对思想史的研究;英国学派应该避免解释。我们认为,如果学校要使用结构主义,它必须更清楚地了解它如何理解结构及其与主体的关系。我们还认为,解释主义不仅提供了对情境代理的更好解释,而且还为英国学派提供了一种方法,使其超越对国际社会机构的描述和分类,从而更好地解释国际关系。
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引用次数: 0
Ruminations on William Bain’s Political Theology of International Order 对贝恩国际秩序政治神学的思考
IF 1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/17550882221144467
Friedrich V. Kratochwil
This article reviews Wiliam Bains book and places it in the wider discussion of seciularization vs. secularism taking place in the social science. in general.
本文回顾了贝的著作,并将其置于社会科学中关于分离与世俗主义的更广泛讨论中。一般来说
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引用次数: 0
Reflections on Bain, Political Theology of International Order 对贝恩《国际秩序政治神学》的反思
Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/17550882221144469
Daniel Philpott
William Bain sustains his audacious claim to write a landmark in international relations thought. His view that the medieval theological debate between imposed order and immanent order structures contemporary thought about international order is largely compelling, especially in light of his demonstration that certain thinkers such as Hobbes and Grotius served as transmission belts, carrying this debate into modernity. He also persuasively shows that imposed order, or nominalism, dominates today’s schools of international relations thought, while immanent order only whispers its dissent. I raise two questions in critical conversation. First, while Bain argues persuasively that political theology persists after Westphalia, which he seeks to debunk as a milestone in secularization, nevertheless Westphalia stands as a milestone in the marginalization of religion (though not political theology) as an influential force in politics. Second, while Bain demurs from choosing between imposed and immanent order on normative grounds, his claim that the choice is a matter of faith appears to be a choice for imposed order. Clarifying this normative question is an apposite task for this important author’s next book.
威廉·贝恩(William Bain)坚持自己大胆的主张,要在国际关系思想史上写下一部里程碑式的著作。他认为中世纪关于强加秩序和内在秩序之间的神学辩论构成了当代国际秩序思想,这一观点在很大程度上是令人信服的,特别是考虑到他论证了霍布斯和格劳秀斯等思想家充当了传送带,将这种辩论带入了现代性。他还令人信服地表明,强加的秩序或唯名论主导着当今的国际关系思想流派,而内在秩序只是低声表示异议。我在批判性的谈话中提出两个问题。首先,尽管贝恩令人信服地认为政治神学在威斯特伐利亚之后仍然存在,他试图揭穿它作为世俗化的里程碑,但威斯特伐利亚仍然是宗教(尽管不是政治神学)作为政治中有影响力的力量被边缘化的里程碑。其次,尽管贝恩反对在规范性的基础上在强加秩序和内在秩序之间做出选择,但他关于选择是信仰问题的主张似乎是对强加秩序的选择。澄清这个规范问题是这位重要作者下一本书的一个适当任务。
{"title":"Reflections on Bain, <i>Political Theology of International Order</i>","authors":"Daniel Philpott","doi":"10.1177/17550882221144469","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/17550882221144469","url":null,"abstract":"William Bain sustains his audacious claim to write a landmark in international relations thought. His view that the medieval theological debate between imposed order and immanent order structures contemporary thought about international order is largely compelling, especially in light of his demonstration that certain thinkers such as Hobbes and Grotius served as transmission belts, carrying this debate into modernity. He also persuasively shows that imposed order, or nominalism, dominates today’s schools of international relations thought, while immanent order only whispers its dissent. I raise two questions in critical conversation. First, while Bain argues persuasively that political theology persists after Westphalia, which he seeks to debunk as a milestone in secularization, nevertheless Westphalia stands as a milestone in the marginalization of religion (though not political theology) as an influential force in politics. Second, while Bain demurs from choosing between imposed and immanent order on normative grounds, his claim that the choice is a matter of faith appears to be a choice for imposed order. Clarifying this normative question is an apposite task for this important author’s next book.","PeriodicalId":44237,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Political Theory","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136178355","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Theology, order, and disenchantment 神学、秩序和祛魅
IF 1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/17550882221144470
P. Jackson
William Bain’s book does a brilliant job excavating some key conceptual underpinnings of our contemporary discussions about order, but he has perhaps underplayed the importance of nominalism in structuring our present.
威廉·贝恩的书出色地挖掘了我们当代关于秩序的讨论的一些关键概念基础,但他可能低估了唯名论在构建我们的当下中的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Political theologies of Christian missionaries, European colonialism, and postcolonial resistance 基督教传教士的政治神学、欧洲殖民主义和后殖民抵抗
IF 1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/17550882221144473
M. Idris
This review supplements William Bain’s Political Theology of International Order by sketching out two historical threads that are inseparable from the histories of European thought and order that occupy the book. There are gestures toward both strands along the margins of Bain’s account, in a few observations and footnotes. They also have important implications for the place of political theological difference in this story and for the status of colonialism, hierarchy, and resistance. First, I expand on some of the book’s references to non-Christians and discuss the place of Islamic theology. Second, reflecting on Luther in relation to Muslim empires and adapting Bain’s acknowledgment of Grotius’s justifications for colonialism, I highlight the significance of hierarchy, enmity, and violence for a number of the thinkers mentioned, especially what their political theologies authorize in relation to non-Christians. These two sets of observations can help us imagine a complementary story less about international order than about the politics of proselytization and colonization. It also raises questions about the work that political theology as an analytic can do, especially when we globalize political theory and international political thought. I conclude by pondering the place of resistance in relation to imposed order and immanent order.
这篇评论补充了威廉·贝恩的《国际秩序政治神学》,勾勒出了与本书中的欧洲思想和秩序史密不可分的两条历史线索。在一些观察和脚注中,贝恩的叙述边缘有对这两条线索的暗示。它们也对政治神学差异在这个故事中的地位以及殖民主义、等级制度和抵抗的地位有着重要的影响。首先,我扩展了这本书中对非基督徒的一些引用,并讨论了伊斯兰神学的地位。其次,反思路德与穆斯林帝国的关系,并改编贝恩对格罗秀斯为殖民主义辩护的承认,我强调了等级制度、敌意和暴力对许多提到的思想家的重要性,尤其是他们的政治神学家对非基督徒的授权。这两组观察可以帮助我们想象一个互补的故事,与其说是关于国际秩序,不如说是关于传教和殖民化的政治。它还提出了关于政治神学作为一种分析方法所能做的工作的问题,特别是当我们将政治理论和国际政治思想全球化时。最后,我思考了抵抗与强加秩序和内在秩序的关系。
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引用次数: 0
Theology and international order: Questions, challenges and explorations 神学与国际秩序:问题、挑战与探索
IF 1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/17550882221144471
W. Bain
Theology is a neglected resource in international relations scholarship; it is, more often than not, characterised as a threat to political order because it is seen as a cradle of fanaticism and irrationality. Postsecular scholarship challenges this view by exploring the persistence of theological ideas and religious belief in political discourse and practice. Political Theology of International Order is my own contribution to this type of scholarship. This article engages responses from five distinguished scholars. It considers the implications of taking theology seriously when theorising international order; the veracity of narratives that frame the study of international relations; and new directions and possibilities that arise out of the book.
神学是国际关系学术研究中被忽视的资源;它往往被描述为对政治秩序的威胁,因为它被视为狂热和非理性的摇篮。后世俗学术通过探索神学思想和宗教信仰在政治话语和实践中的持久性来挑战这种观点。《国际秩序政治神学》是我自己对这类学术的贡献。这篇文章引用了五位杰出学者的回答。它考虑了在理论化国际秩序时认真对待神学的影响;构建国际关系研究框架的叙事的真实性;新的方向和可能性从书中出现。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of International Political Theory
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