Pub Date : 2024-10-07DOI: 10.1177/16118944241287723
David Turner
The Industrial Revolution traditionally has been seen in Disability Studies as marking a decisive shift in the lives of disabled people. It is argued that the rise of mechanisation, time discipline and standardisation made the industrial workplace a hostile environment for people with non-standard bodies. According to this view, increasing demands to work outside the home also meant that families were less capable of caring for older and disabled members, leading to greater institutionalisation. This view of increasing segregation of disabled people from home and work has dominated understanding of disability in the British Industrial Revolution, but it does not reflect the variability of disabled people's experiences at the time. Drawing on official enquiries, fictional literature, journalism and social commentary from the 1830s and 1840s – a time when the impact of industrialisation on the bodies and family relationships of workers became matters of public, political concern – this article shows the continuing importance of family in the lives of disabled people. The legal duty of families to care for sick and disabled relatives was an enduring social principle throughout this period. Interpersonal relations were tested and sometimes re-drawn by disability, forcing a change in traditional familial roles and expectations. For working people and their families, the potentials for poverty resulting from disability could be great. However, disabled people continued to play significant roles in the lives of their families, and where possible continued to contribute to the domestic economy. Taking a disability perspective on the history of the family highlights the interdependence between family members in industrialising Britain.
{"title":"Redefining Family Relationships: The Impact of Disability on Working-Class Families during the Industrial Revolution in Britain","authors":"David Turner","doi":"10.1177/16118944241287723","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944241287723","url":null,"abstract":"The Industrial Revolution traditionally has been seen in Disability Studies as marking a decisive shift in the lives of disabled people. It is argued that the rise of mechanisation, time discipline and standardisation made the industrial workplace a hostile environment for people with non-standard bodies. According to this view, increasing demands to work outside the home also meant that families were less capable of caring for older and disabled members, leading to greater institutionalisation. This view of increasing segregation of disabled people from home and work has dominated understanding of disability in the British Industrial Revolution, but it does not reflect the variability of disabled people's experiences at the time. Drawing on official enquiries, fictional literature, journalism and social commentary from the 1830s and 1840s – a time when the impact of industrialisation on the bodies and family relationships of workers became matters of public, political concern – this article shows the continuing importance of family in the lives of disabled people. The legal duty of families to care for sick and disabled relatives was an enduring social principle throughout this period. Interpersonal relations were tested and sometimes re-drawn by disability, forcing a change in traditional familial roles and expectations. For working people and their families, the potentials for poverty resulting from disability could be great. However, disabled people continued to play significant roles in the lives of their families, and where possible continued to contribute to the domestic economy. Taking a disability perspective on the history of the family highlights the interdependence between family members in industrialising Britain.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142384439","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-10-04DOI: 10.1177/16118944241287727
Harry C Merritt
During World War II, tens of thousands of Latvians served in German-led military formations, primarily in the Waffen-SS Latvian Legion. After the war, around 25,000 former Legionnaires transitioned from prisoner of war camps run by the Western Allies to civilian life in a variety of Western countries. They created veterans’ organisations — such as Daugavas Vanagi (‘Hawks of the Daugava’) — which also functioned as political advocacy groups and heritage organisations for the Latvian diaspora. These post-war organisations and platforms then allowed former Latvian Legionnaires to shape public memory of the war. In writings after 1945, a cohort of veterans crafted a narrative of the war that (1) presents their military service as representing a righteous cause defeated either by forms of betrayal or by the overwhelming might of the Soviet Union, (2) develops a cult of the fallen soldier, and (3) mystifies German war aims and the relationship of Latvian Legionnaires to them. Through analysis of memoirs and periodical publications by veterans along with forms of public commemoration, I argue that these materials and practices collectively constitute a ‘Lost Cause’ narrative, which, similar to the Lost Cause of the Confederacy — developed in the U.S. South after the American Civil War — became predominant among the Latvian diaspora before spreading to Latvia itself. This framework allows for productive comparisons with other European countries that experienced traumatic military defeats, representing a new approach to this controversial subject with potential application to similar cases in Ukraine and Estonia.
{"title":"The Latvian Lost Cause: Veterans of the Waffen-SS Latvian Legion and Post-war Mythogenesis","authors":"Harry C Merritt","doi":"10.1177/16118944241287727","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944241287727","url":null,"abstract":"During World War II, tens of thousands of Latvians served in German-led military formations, primarily in the Waffen-SS Latvian Legion. After the war, around 25,000 former Legionnaires transitioned from prisoner of war camps run by the Western Allies to civilian life in a variety of Western countries. They created veterans’ organisations — such as Daugavas Vanagi (‘Hawks of the Daugava’) — which also functioned as political advocacy groups and heritage organisations for the Latvian diaspora. These post-war organisations and platforms then allowed former Latvian Legionnaires to shape public memory of the war. In writings after 1945, a cohort of veterans crafted a narrative of the war that (1) presents their military service as representing a righteous cause defeated either by forms of betrayal or by the overwhelming might of the Soviet Union, (2) develops a cult of the fallen soldier, and (3) mystifies German war aims and the relationship of Latvian Legionnaires to them. Through analysis of memoirs and periodical publications by veterans along with forms of public commemoration, I argue that these materials and practices collectively constitute a ‘Lost Cause’ narrative, which, similar to the Lost Cause of the Confederacy — developed in the U.S. South after the American Civil War — became predominant among the Latvian diaspora before spreading to Latvia itself. This framework allows for productive comparisons with other European countries that experienced traumatic military defeats, representing a new approach to this controversial subject with potential application to similar cases in Ukraine and Estonia.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142383935","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-10-04DOI: 10.1177/16118944241287724
Raphael Rössel
Parents and their disabled children in both German states faced discrimination and severe challenges in the organisation of family life. In the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), from the 1960s onwards, parents achieved more far-reaching influence over the schooling and overall treatment of their children. The reasons for and avenues of parental empowerment were different on both sides of the border. In West Germany, collective action within a civil society framework was the major factor behind parental empowerment. In the GDR, parental protest tended to be more individualist and was often voiced via the petitioning system ( Eingaben) .
{"title":"Divided Care: Differences in the Agencies of Family Caregivers for Disabled Children in East and West Germany","authors":"Raphael Rössel","doi":"10.1177/16118944241287724","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944241287724","url":null,"abstract":"Parents and their disabled children in both German states faced discrimination and severe challenges in the organisation of family life. In the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), from the 1960s onwards, parents achieved more far-reaching influence over the schooling and overall treatment of their children. The reasons for and avenues of parental empowerment were different on both sides of the border. In West Germany, collective action within a civil society framework was the major factor behind parental empowerment. In the GDR, parental protest tended to be more individualist and was often voiced via the petitioning system ( Eingaben) .","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"43 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142383936","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-09DOI: 10.1177/16118944241265584
Camilo Erlichman, Christopher Knowles
This article explores the quest for legitimacy and popular consent during the British occupation of north-western Germany between 1945 and 1949. It does so through an analysis of two major propaganda campaigns that sought to publicly legitimise the British occupation at home and in Germany: ‘Germany under Control’, a large-scale exhibition put on display in London in 1946; and ‘Operation Stress’, the largest propaganda campaign in the British Zone, run in 1948 to legitimise food policies. Through an investigation of the internal rationale amongst British policymakers, the objectives behind the campaigns, the popular reception, and the broader outcomes, the article shows that both campaigns ended in failure and did not succeed in convincing the population of the need to maintain British rule in Germany. Propaganda was an ineffective tool to generate popular legitimacy at a time of austerity at home and severe material suffering in the British zone of occupation. As such, the British authorities encountered populations whose ‘moral economy’ and expectations from government were fundamentally opposed to the maintenance of the occupation. Both campaigns, therefore, epitomise the pitfalls of propaganda campaigns when facing bitter social realities and demonstrate the intricacies of the quest for legitimacy during military occupations.
{"title":"Legitimising Occupation: The Quest for Popular Consent during the British Occupation of Germany, 1945–1949","authors":"Camilo Erlichman, Christopher Knowles","doi":"10.1177/16118944241265584","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944241265584","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the quest for legitimacy and popular consent during the British occupation of north-western Germany between 1945 and 1949. It does so through an analysis of two major propaganda campaigns that sought to publicly legitimise the British occupation at home and in Germany: ‘Germany under Control’, a large-scale exhibition put on display in London in 1946; and ‘Operation Stress’, the largest propaganda campaign in the British Zone, run in 1948 to legitimise food policies. Through an investigation of the internal rationale amongst British policymakers, the objectives behind the campaigns, the popular reception, and the broader outcomes, the article shows that both campaigns ended in failure and did not succeed in convincing the population of the need to maintain British rule in Germany. Propaganda was an ineffective tool to generate popular legitimacy at a time of austerity at home and severe material suffering in the British zone of occupation. As such, the British authorities encountered populations whose ‘moral economy’ and expectations from government were fundamentally opposed to the maintenance of the occupation. Both campaigns, therefore, epitomise the pitfalls of propaganda campaigns when facing bitter social realities and demonstrate the intricacies of the quest for legitimacy during military occupations.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"57 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141910442","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-09DOI: 10.1177/16118944241265585
William King
The European Parliament influenced policy, and was a forum for the airing and sharing of a wide array of views and approaches to forms of European integration. Often conflicted and divided, members of the British Labour Group, comprising of the elected Labour Party representatives to the European Parliament, viewed the European Economic Community as a key platform and means through which workers’ rights could be supported. And many Labour Party Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), including sceptics, enthusiasts and those whose views changed, played a part in shaping the European Economic Community. This was particularly so with workers’ rights, an area which was central to the Labour Party, the European Parliament and the European Economic Community in the 1980s. The European Parliament was an instrumental institution in terms of building ties across borders and shaping and changing perspectives on key policy areas.
{"title":"Sceptics, Enthusiasts, or Architects? The British Labour Group, the European Parliament and Workers’ Rights, 1979–1989","authors":"William King","doi":"10.1177/16118944241265585","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944241265585","url":null,"abstract":"The European Parliament influenced policy, and was a forum for the airing and sharing of a wide array of views and approaches to forms of European integration. Often conflicted and divided, members of the British Labour Group, comprising of the elected Labour Party representatives to the European Parliament, viewed the European Economic Community as a key platform and means through which workers’ rights could be supported. And many Labour Party Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), including sceptics, enthusiasts and those whose views changed, played a part in shaping the European Economic Community. This was particularly so with workers’ rights, an area which was central to the Labour Party, the European Parliament and the European Economic Community in the 1980s. The European Parliament was an instrumental institution in terms of building ties across borders and shaping and changing perspectives on key policy areas.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"34 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141910223","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-09DOI: 10.1177/16118944241265576
Antonio Carbone
This article explores the active participation and, in some cases, resistance of farmers’ associations in Italy and France to European integration from the mid-1970s to the mid-1980s. The article examines, firstly, how Italian associations became active, due to their faltering relationship with the Christian Democrats, in searching new forms of political influence through more radical methods of mobilisation. Secondly, through the case of the so-called wine war between France and Italy, the article reveals how resistance to European Economic Community (EEC) reform and even other EEC member states could lead to forms of Europeanisation: exchanges between European organisations reflected shared resistance to specific policies, creating new arenas for collaboration. The analysis of the French–Italian case also offers an opportunity to explore the contrast between agriculture in the Mediterranean and northern countries in the EEC, showing complex Europeanisation dynamics in which both solidarity and competition become evident. Challenging the notion of a ‘permissive consensus’, this article aims to dismantle the notion of a conflict-free past in the history of European integration. In this regard, it underscores the multifaceted nature of European integration, marked by continual clashes and compromises, and provides a critical lens for interpreting the present state of the Brussels institutions.
{"title":"Mediterranean Farmers and Alternative Europes: Resistance, Europeanisation and CAP Reforms in Italy and France (mid-1970s to mid-1980s)","authors":"Antonio Carbone","doi":"10.1177/16118944241265576","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944241265576","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the active participation and, in some cases, resistance of farmers’ associations in Italy and France to European integration from the mid-1970s to the mid-1980s. The article examines, firstly, how Italian associations became active, due to their faltering relationship with the Christian Democrats, in searching new forms of political influence through more radical methods of mobilisation. Secondly, through the case of the so-called wine war between France and Italy, the article reveals how resistance to European Economic Community (EEC) reform and even other EEC member states could lead to forms of Europeanisation: exchanges between European organisations reflected shared resistance to specific policies, creating new arenas for collaboration. The analysis of the French–Italian case also offers an opportunity to explore the contrast between agriculture in the Mediterranean and northern countries in the EEC, showing complex Europeanisation dynamics in which both solidarity and competition become evident. Challenging the notion of a ‘permissive consensus’, this article aims to dismantle the notion of a conflict-free past in the history of European integration. In this regard, it underscores the multifaceted nature of European integration, marked by continual clashes and compromises, and provides a critical lens for interpreting the present state of the Brussels institutions.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"36 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141910445","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-09DOI: 10.1177/16118944241266708
Philipp Müller, Christina von Hodenberg
{"title":"Introduction: Historical Perspectives on Criticisms of European Integration","authors":"Philipp Müller, Christina von Hodenberg","doi":"10.1177/16118944241266708","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944241266708","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"152 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141910286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-09DOI: 10.1177/16118944241265575
Alexander Hobe
This article analyses the Europeanization of West German associations of Wehrmacht veterans in the 1950s. Using archival sources concerning the foundation of a European veterans’ umbrella organisation, the article argues that the veterans’ attempts at political reassertion in the post-war decades cannot be understood without accounting for their European dimension. Indeed, the veterans considered their European outreach to be a core pillar of their ‘politics of honour’, which manifested itself mainly in the agitation for the war criminals in Allied custody. Thus, aiming to establish themselves as effective and legitimate interest representatives, the veterans Europeanized. This process was consciously modelled after the ongoing process of integration while simultaneously exhibiting distinct characteristics stemming from the veterans themselves. The article tracks the veterans’ transnational interactions, their competitive dynamics in West German associational politics and the veterans’ associational interests to explain their specific form of an alternative Europeanization.
{"title":"The Europeanization of Honour: Wehrmacht Veterans and European Integration in the 1950s","authors":"Alexander Hobe","doi":"10.1177/16118944241265575","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944241265575","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses the Europeanization of West German associations of Wehrmacht veterans in the 1950s. Using archival sources concerning the foundation of a European veterans’ umbrella organisation, the article argues that the veterans’ attempts at political reassertion in the post-war decades cannot be understood without accounting for their European dimension. Indeed, the veterans considered their European outreach to be a core pillar of their ‘politics of honour’, which manifested itself mainly in the agitation for the war criminals in Allied custody. Thus, aiming to establish themselves as effective and legitimate interest representatives, the veterans Europeanized. This process was consciously modelled after the ongoing process of integration while simultaneously exhibiting distinct characteristics stemming from the veterans themselves. The article tracks the veterans’ transnational interactions, their competitive dynamics in West German associational politics and the veterans’ associational interests to explain their specific form of an alternative Europeanization.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141910229","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-09DOI: 10.1177/16118944241265577
Katharina Troll
European integration has been promoted, shaped and criticised by a variety of actors in different frameworks since 1945. Non-state actors such as employers’ associations became involved in this process very early on and, contrary to the widespread assumption in political science, created or revived transnational business associations in order to debate and shape the development of European integration from the second half of the 1940s. One of these platforms was the Council of European Industrial Federations (CEIF), which was founded in 1949 and consisted of representatives of all the national peak employers’ associations from the member states of the Organisation for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC). It officially advised the OEEC and represented European industry. The article analyses transnational business associations’ conflictual engagement with European integration and ‘Europe’ on the basis of the CEIF's Europeanisation process in the 1950s. It argues that contestation acted as a main driver of Europeanisation and that the early period of European integration must be understood as one of fights over different ‘Europes’. However, it also shows that ‘Europe’ must be understood as a fluid category that was used in various ways and imbued with a range of meanings by economic actors in different circumstances.
{"title":"Debating Europe Transnationally: The Council of European Industrial Federations and the Struggle over European Integration, 1950–1962","authors":"Katharina Troll","doi":"10.1177/16118944241265577","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944241265577","url":null,"abstract":"European integration has been promoted, shaped and criticised by a variety of actors in different frameworks since 1945. Non-state actors such as employers’ associations became involved in this process very early on and, contrary to the widespread assumption in political science, created or revived transnational business associations in order to debate and shape the development of European integration from the second half of the 1940s. One of these platforms was the Council of European Industrial Federations (CEIF), which was founded in 1949 and consisted of representatives of all the national peak employers’ associations from the member states of the Organisation for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC). It officially advised the OEEC and represented European industry. The article analyses transnational business associations’ conflictual engagement with European integration and ‘Europe’ on the basis of the CEIF's Europeanisation process in the 1950s. It argues that contestation acted as a main driver of Europeanisation and that the early period of European integration must be understood as one of fights over different ‘Europes’. However, it also shows that ‘Europe’ must be understood as a fluid category that was used in various ways and imbued with a range of meanings by economic actors in different circumstances.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"34 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141910239","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-09DOI: 10.1177/16118944241265580
David Lawton
This article argues that lawyers were important agents in the remaking of British Euroscepticism during the Maastricht treaty period and should be written into its history. It offers new subject matter, exploring how and why lawyers challenged the Maastricht treaty through the English courts. From its initial preparation to its ultimate failure, the legal case fused together a defence of high ideals, like the sovereignty of Parliament, with specific critiques of European ‘Union’; it invoked ideas of British and English exceptionalism, while building alliances across Europe, forging transnational connections between Eurosceptic lawyers across member states. Drawing from an unexplored archive of the legal team's court preparations and correspondence preserved by William Rees-Mogg, this study reveals the hidden role lawyers played in contesting the European Union.
{"title":"Lawyers against European Union: The Maastricht Judicial Review 1992–1993","authors":"David Lawton","doi":"10.1177/16118944241265580","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944241265580","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues that lawyers were important agents in the remaking of British Euroscepticism during the Maastricht treaty period and should be written into its history. It offers new subject matter, exploring how and why lawyers challenged the Maastricht treaty through the English courts. From its initial preparation to its ultimate failure, the legal case fused together a defence of high ideals, like the sovereignty of Parliament, with specific critiques of European ‘Union’; it invoked ideas of British and English exceptionalism, while building alliances across Europe, forging transnational connections between Eurosceptic lawyers across member states. Drawing from an unexplored archive of the legal team's court preparations and correspondence preserved by William Rees-Mogg, this study reveals the hidden role lawyers played in contesting the European Union.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"33 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141910314","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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