Pub Date : 2024-04-08DOI: 10.1177/16118944241241443
Zoltán Tibori-Szabó
In May 1944, at the age of 33, the lawyer and writer Ottó Kornis was crammed into a cattle car in his native Transylvanian town, Kolozsvár (in Romanian: Cluj; after 1974: Cluj-Napoca) with 72 of his fellow Jewish citizens, his parents included. They were deported to Auschwitz-Birkenau. His parents were murdered upon arrival. Out of all the passengers in that cattle car, only he and four other Jews survived the hell of the death and forced labour camps. As soon as he returned home, he wrote a book about his experience titled Smoke ( Füst), which was published in November 1945 in Cluj by the Minerva Literary and Printing Institute and was one of the very first books about the Nazi camps. The present study deals with Kornis’ career and fate from the early years of his youth until his death at the age of 38, only four years after the end of the war. It is a microhistory that explores the career and work of a celebrated and award-winning, then completely forgotten author. His life story reveals the central problems that preoccupied most of the survivors who returned from the Nazi camps to multi-ethnic Transylvania; it also helps to document the literary memorialisation of the Holocaust during the early post-war period.
{"title":"Ottó Kornis, a Forgotten Author and Survivor of the Nazi Camps","authors":"Zoltán Tibori-Szabó","doi":"10.1177/16118944241241443","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944241241443","url":null,"abstract":"In May 1944, at the age of 33, the lawyer and writer Ottó Kornis was crammed into a cattle car in his native Transylvanian town, Kolozsvár (in Romanian: Cluj; after 1974: Cluj-Napoca) with 72 of his fellow Jewish citizens, his parents included. They were deported to Auschwitz-Birkenau. His parents were murdered upon arrival. Out of all the passengers in that cattle car, only he and four other Jews survived the hell of the death and forced labour camps. As soon as he returned home, he wrote a book about his experience titled Smoke ( Füst), which was published in November 1945 in Cluj by the Minerva Literary and Printing Institute and was one of the very first books about the Nazi camps. The present study deals with Kornis’ career and fate from the early years of his youth until his death at the age of 38, only four years after the end of the war. It is a microhistory that explores the career and work of a celebrated and award-winning, then completely forgotten author. His life story reveals the central problems that preoccupied most of the survivors who returned from the Nazi camps to multi-ethnic Transylvania; it also helps to document the literary memorialisation of the Holocaust during the early post-war period.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"87 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140539031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-08DOI: 10.1177/16118944241241433
Camille Creyghton
In the 1830s and the 1840s, Paris was a gathering place for numerous political exiles from different nationalities, including Germans, Italians and Poles. The French capital offered them the opportunity to publish, debate and transnationally exchange ideas with one another in ways that were impossible in their home countries. This article develops a research perspective on these exiles that connects intellectual history with urban history and migration history. It proposes a localized intellectual history that studies how political thought emerges in interactions enabled by specific geographical contexts, in this case the Parisian urban landscape and metropolitan culture. The article first argues why the proposed connection between intellectual, urban and migration history needs to be made. Subsequently, three case studies are used to explore the methodological opportunities of this localized intellectual history: the salon of Marie d’Agoult, the Collège de France and the editorial offices of the German exile newspaper Vorwärts. While the three places largely differ in the kinds of sociability that they offered, the intended public and, by extension, the ways in which they stimulated the formation and exchange of ideas, they appear to be connected by the people who frequented them. It will be argued that focussing on these places enables us to study the process of intellectual transfer and how it is informed by the characteristics of very local geographies, which serve as junctions in the transnational contexts in which modern political ideas, such as nationalism itself, are produced.
{"title":"Transfer of Ideas and Exile Sociability in Paris, 1830–1848: A Localized Intellectual History","authors":"Camille Creyghton","doi":"10.1177/16118944241241433","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944241241433","url":null,"abstract":"In the 1830s and the 1840s, Paris was a gathering place for numerous political exiles from different nationalities, including Germans, Italians and Poles. The French capital offered them the opportunity to publish, debate and transnationally exchange ideas with one another in ways that were impossible in their home countries. This article develops a research perspective on these exiles that connects intellectual history with urban history and migration history. It proposes a localized intellectual history that studies how political thought emerges in interactions enabled by specific geographical contexts, in this case the Parisian urban landscape and metropolitan culture. The article first argues why the proposed connection between intellectual, urban and migration history needs to be made. Subsequently, three case studies are used to explore the methodological opportunities of this localized intellectual history: the salon of Marie d’Agoult, the Collège de France and the editorial offices of the German exile newspaper Vorwärts. While the three places largely differ in the kinds of sociability that they offered, the intended public and, by extension, the ways in which they stimulated the formation and exchange of ideas, they appear to be connected by the people who frequented them. It will be argued that focussing on these places enables us to study the process of intellectual transfer and how it is informed by the characteristics of very local geographies, which serve as junctions in the transnational contexts in which modern political ideas, such as nationalism itself, are produced.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140539059","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-08DOI: 10.1177/16118944231222721
Stephan Rindlisbacher
Opposing the treaties signed after the Paris Peace Conference, the Soviet state and the nascent Turkish Republic saw themselves as potential allies. The Treaties of Moscow and Kars in 1921 were the legal expressions of this. Among other things, both signatory powers agreed that a bilateral commission would demarcate their newly established mutual border in the South Caucasus. This article provides insights into the daily work of the Joint Turkish-Soviet Border Commission that met, after repeated delays, from March 1925 to September 1926. Based on the minutes of this commission stored in the National Archive of Armenia, it explores the following questions: Who were its members? What was its daily business? What sort of challenges occurred and how were they dealt with? This allows us to place this commission in context. Even though the Commission members stuck publicly to the terms of friendship and cooperation, they had conflicting geopolitical interests. Potential conflicts were deliberately silenced. Furthermore, regional representatives from the Transcaucasian Federation (on the Soviet side) or from the Kurdish minority (on the Turkish side) were marginalised in the decision-making processes. After one and a half years, the Commission was able to demarcate the bilateral border. From this perspective, its work was a success. The boundaries established in 1925/26 still exist today, separating Turkey from the three South Caucasian republics.
{"title":"Between Proclamations of Friendship and Concealed Distrust: The Turkish-Soviet Border Commission, 1925–1926","authors":"Stephan Rindlisbacher","doi":"10.1177/16118944231222721","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944231222721","url":null,"abstract":"Opposing the treaties signed after the Paris Peace Conference, the Soviet state and the nascent Turkish Republic saw themselves as potential allies. The Treaties of Moscow and Kars in 1921 were the legal expressions of this. Among other things, both signatory powers agreed that a bilateral commission would demarcate their newly established mutual border in the South Caucasus. This article provides insights into the daily work of the Joint Turkish-Soviet Border Commission that met, after repeated delays, from March 1925 to September 1926. Based on the minutes of this commission stored in the National Archive of Armenia, it explores the following questions: Who were its members? What was its daily business? What sort of challenges occurred and how were they dealt with? This allows us to place this commission in context. Even though the Commission members stuck publicly to the terms of friendship and cooperation, they had conflicting geopolitical interests. Potential conflicts were deliberately silenced. Furthermore, regional representatives from the Transcaucasian Federation (on the Soviet side) or from the Kurdish minority (on the Turkish side) were marginalised in the decision-making processes. After one and a half years, the Commission was able to demarcate the bilateral border. From this perspective, its work was a success. The boundaries established in 1925/26 still exist today, separating Turkey from the three South Caucasian republics.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"21 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139445465","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-28DOI: 10.1177/16118944231222713
Alexandru Nicolaescu
Thanks to the accelerated worldwide literacy process and technical innovations in the printing field, the written press reached its maximum development potential at the turn of the twentieth century. Because of their widespread availability, magazines and newspapers were used by the time's elites to disseminate new knowledge and technical innovations. Considering these aspects of the press, this study traces the thematic evolution of the educational and informational articles published by the most influential magazines and newspapers of the Romanians in the Austro–Hungarian Empire from 1867 to 1914. Significant personalities wrote the selected periodicals of the Romanians from Transylvania, where most Romanians lived during the Dual Monarchy. They were also appreciated by the Romanians who lived in the Kingdom of Romania. Hence, they generated fruitful debates of ideas that helped to develop the various Romanian cultures, societies, politics and economies. This study, which focused on the comparative analysis of the messages conveyed in the articles, found that newspapers and magazines had similar educational messages despite having diverse purposes. The dissemination of general information was approached differently by the two types of studied press. Based on this first comparative analysis of the most representative publications of Romanians from Transylvania, I conclude that their editors put forth well-thought-out educational messages, and the informational articles had the same characteristics as the European press of the period.
{"title":"The Romanian Press in the Austro–Hungarian Empire (1867–1914): A Comparative Study Case of the Most Significant Magazines and Newspapers","authors":"Alexandru Nicolaescu","doi":"10.1177/16118944231222713","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944231222713","url":null,"abstract":"Thanks to the accelerated worldwide literacy process and technical innovations in the printing field, the written press reached its maximum development potential at the turn of the twentieth century. Because of their widespread availability, magazines and newspapers were used by the time's elites to disseminate new knowledge and technical innovations. Considering these aspects of the press, this study traces the thematic evolution of the educational and informational articles published by the most influential magazines and newspapers of the Romanians in the Austro–Hungarian Empire from 1867 to 1914. Significant personalities wrote the selected periodicals of the Romanians from Transylvania, where most Romanians lived during the Dual Monarchy. They were also appreciated by the Romanians who lived in the Kingdom of Romania. Hence, they generated fruitful debates of ideas that helped to develop the various Romanian cultures, societies, politics and economies. This study, which focused on the comparative analysis of the messages conveyed in the articles, found that newspapers and magazines had similar educational messages despite having diverse purposes. The dissemination of general information was approached differently by the two types of studied press. Based on this first comparative analysis of the most representative publications of Romanians from Transylvania, I conclude that their editors put forth well-thought-out educational messages, and the informational articles had the same characteristics as the European press of the period.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"22 36","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139148453","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-25DOI: 10.1177/16118944231221031
Catherine Gibson
Borders are key sites for the amplification of emotions, yet historians have rarely made emotions into a focal point for studies of boundary-making processes. This article sets out fragmentary evidence for how to read across a fuller array of sources that move us beyond technocratic understandings of boundary commissions to highlight the range of emotional interactions which occurred between boundary commissioners and local populations. It draws on evidence from the Estonian-Latvian Boundary Commission, established in the summer of 1919 to demarcate the international border between the newly independent states of Estonia and Latvia. Petitions sent to the Boundary Commission by the border region inhabitants expressed fear, trepidation or anger about the border proposal and professed feelings of patriotic loyalty to the Estonian or Latvian state. The press derided the Boundary Commission, using humour to convey frustration and shock at the absurdity of the border proposal and tarnish the reputation of the commissioners by portraying them as hot-headed. The accumulating emotional toll of these public sentiments left the boundary commissioners feeling weary and disheartened. By attuning to moods and sentiments surrounding the work of the Estonian-Latvian Boundary Commission, this exploratory article calls for historians to consider emotions methodologically as part of a broader toolkit of approaches for studying histories of boundary-making and to reflect on the insights such perspectives can bring to the field.
{"title":"Attuning to Emotions in the History of Border-Making: The Estonian-Latvian Boundary Commission in 1920","authors":"Catherine Gibson","doi":"10.1177/16118944231221031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944231221031","url":null,"abstract":"Borders are key sites for the amplification of emotions, yet historians have rarely made emotions into a focal point for studies of boundary-making processes. This article sets out fragmentary evidence for how to read across a fuller array of sources that move us beyond technocratic understandings of boundary commissions to highlight the range of emotional interactions which occurred between boundary commissioners and local populations. It draws on evidence from the Estonian-Latvian Boundary Commission, established in the summer of 1919 to demarcate the international border between the newly independent states of Estonia and Latvia. Petitions sent to the Boundary Commission by the border region inhabitants expressed fear, trepidation or anger about the border proposal and professed feelings of patriotic loyalty to the Estonian or Latvian state. The press derided the Boundary Commission, using humour to convey frustration and shock at the absurdity of the border proposal and tarnish the reputation of the commissioners by portraying them as hot-headed. The accumulating emotional toll of these public sentiments left the boundary commissioners feeling weary and disheartened. By attuning to moods and sentiments surrounding the work of the Estonian-Latvian Boundary Commission, this exploratory article calls for historians to consider emotions methodologically as part of a broader toolkit of approaches for studying histories of boundary-making and to reflect on the insights such perspectives can bring to the field.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"13 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-12-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139158550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-21DOI: 10.1177/16118944231222445
Nick Baron, Luminița Gatejel, Stephan Rindlisbacher
{"title":"‘Drawing The Line’: Border Commissions in Eastern Europe. Introduction","authors":"Nick Baron, Luminița Gatejel, Stephan Rindlisbacher","doi":"10.1177/16118944231222445","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944231222445","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"32 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138948163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-20DOI: 10.1177/16118944231221026
C. Ardeleanu
This article aims to historicise the making of the border between the Russian and Ottoman empires in southern Bessarabia, drawn in the post-Crimean War context in 1856–1857. An international commission was appointed for this purpose, and delegates from five empires – Austrian, British, French, Russian and Ottoman – gathered in the province on the ground to demarcate the border decided by Europe's powers. Based on the commission's lengthy protocols, and on the memoirs of several experts involved in surveying, mapping and demarcating the border on the ground, this article delves into the mechanisms of border-making in the field, examining the challenges that commission members encountered with finding a common vocabulary and with balancing larger geopolitical interests with local geographical realities. The case study is also an excellent illustration of what it means to zoom in and out of the different scales involved in bordering. From the diplomatic meetings in Paris to the commissioners’ negotiations in Chișinău and the land surveyors adding names on maps after discussions with peasants in a village close to the Dniester, border making is a complex process that operated simultaneously at different scales, spaces and times.
{"title":"Riding the Line. Expertise and the Making of the Bessarabian Border, 1856–1857","authors":"C. Ardeleanu","doi":"10.1177/16118944231221026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944231221026","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to historicise the making of the border between the Russian and Ottoman empires in southern Bessarabia, drawn in the post-Crimean War context in 1856–1857. An international commission was appointed for this purpose, and delegates from five empires – Austrian, British, French, Russian and Ottoman – gathered in the province on the ground to demarcate the border decided by Europe's powers. Based on the commission's lengthy protocols, and on the memoirs of several experts involved in surveying, mapping and demarcating the border on the ground, this article delves into the mechanisms of border-making in the field, examining the challenges that commission members encountered with finding a common vocabulary and with balancing larger geopolitical interests with local geographical realities. The case study is also an excellent illustration of what it means to zoom in and out of the different scales involved in bordering. From the diplomatic meetings in Paris to the commissioners’ negotiations in Chișinău and the land surveyors adding names on maps after discussions with peasants in a village close to the Dniester, border making is a complex process that operated simultaneously at different scales, spaces and times.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"8 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139168793","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-19DOI: 10.1177/16118944231221024
Giorgio Ennas
In the 19th century, several factors influenced the development of Montenegrin-Ottoman borders: European experts’ stereotypes and limited knowledge of the Balkans, the Great Powers’ interests, and local populations’ conceptions of their own territories and societies. This article considers how these factors interacted in the demarcation of Montenegrin-Ottoman borders between 1879 and 1881 by not only studying the profiles, statements and actions of regional ‘experts’ at the Congress of Berlin in 1878 but also of the delegates to the Commission for the Delimitation of Montenegro and of the members of the Albanian League. Through critical readings of documents produced by the delegates of ‘secondary’ powers, such as the Ottoman Empire and the Kingdom of Italy, it argues that the effectiveness of the border-demarcation was undermined by the failure of the Delimitation Commission, the Great Powers’ misperceptions and lack of knowledge, which was shaped by poor expert advice, and finally, by the resistance of local populations.
{"title":"Beyond Diplomacy: The Demarcation of Montenegrin-Ottoman Borders (1879–1881)","authors":"Giorgio Ennas","doi":"10.1177/16118944231221024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944231221024","url":null,"abstract":"In the 19th century, several factors influenced the development of Montenegrin-Ottoman borders: European experts’ stereotypes and limited knowledge of the Balkans, the Great Powers’ interests, and local populations’ conceptions of their own territories and societies. This article considers how these factors interacted in the demarcation of Montenegrin-Ottoman borders between 1879 and 1881 by not only studying the profiles, statements and actions of regional ‘experts’ at the Congress of Berlin in 1878 but also of the delegates to the Commission for the Delimitation of Montenegro and of the members of the Albanian League. Through critical readings of documents produced by the delegates of ‘secondary’ powers, such as the Ottoman Empire and the Kingdom of Italy, it argues that the effectiveness of the border-demarcation was undermined by the failure of the Delimitation Commission, the Great Powers’ misperceptions and lack of knowledge, which was shaped by poor expert advice, and finally, by the resistance of local populations.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":" 26","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138962282","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-17DOI: 10.1177/16118944231221036
Andrea Martini
Although Italy was one of the first European countries to tolerate the existence of a fascist party, the democratic governments of its immediate postwar engaged in a genuine and important reflection on the means to counter the re-emergence of fascism. Thus Italy too, like its European counterparts, sought to conceive of itself as a militant democracy. This article aims to illuminate its efforts and its approach, and also to cast light on the evident limits and contradictions. Looking at the Italian case while observing how other European countries tackled the re-emergence of fascism in the same period will make clear the intrinsic difficulties of turning a democracy into a militant one only a short time after the fall of an authoritarian regime and in the aftermath of an inevitably problematic transition.
{"title":"Fighting Against ‘Apology of Fascism’: Origins and Contradictions of the Italian Approach to Militant Democracy","authors":"Andrea Martini","doi":"10.1177/16118944231221036","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944231221036","url":null,"abstract":"Although Italy was one of the first European countries to tolerate the existence of a fascist party, the democratic governments of its immediate postwar engaged in a genuine and important reflection on the means to counter the re-emergence of fascism. Thus Italy too, like its European counterparts, sought to conceive of itself as a militant democracy. This article aims to illuminate its efforts and its approach, and also to cast light on the evident limits and contradictions. Looking at the Italian case while observing how other European countries tackled the re-emergence of fascism in the same period will make clear the intrinsic difficulties of turning a democracy into a militant one only a short time after the fall of an authoritarian regime and in the aftermath of an inevitably problematic transition.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"7 23","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138966553","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-17DOI: 10.1177/16118944231221037
Igor Ivašković
The article examines Slovenian liberal and clerical magazines to analyse the adaptations of the political narratives of the two main Slovenian political parties from the assassination in Sarajevo in 1914 until early in the final stage of World War I in March 1918. Slovenian clericals, who gathered together in the Slovenian People's Party, reacted to the killings in Sarajevo by adopting a strong pro-Habsburg and anti-Serbian position. Their magazines even called for a military invasion of Serbia. In comparison, their primary political competitors on Slovenian soil, the Slovenian liberals congregated in the National Progressive Party and condemned the act of assassination, yet they were critical of the Austrian anti-Serbian policy for having escalated the war. These two Slovenian political parties were also divided on the issue of the future envisioned for the Slovenian nation within South Slavic state formations. The clericals pressed for realization of the trialist idea, which forecast a Croatian–Slovenian state unit within the Habsburg Monarchy with its centre in Zagreb. The liberals, in contrast, dreamed of a larger South Slavic state that would bring all South Slavs together and have its centre in Serbia. The development of the war, chiefly the Entente's foreseeable victory, the threat of implementation of the London Pact, and the fact that Austrian Germans characterized all emancipatory Slovenian political movements as an anti-state element, all worked to force Slovenian clericals to cooperate with their pre-war enemies. The overriding aim was for them to retain their leading position among Slovenians by formally cooperating with the liberal stream, including taking over part of the liberal political strategy, in order to ensure that it was in the best possible position in the South Slavic state at end of the war.
{"title":"From Bitter Enemies to Political Partners: Shifting Viewpoints of Slovenian Clericals and Liberals During the World War I","authors":"Igor Ivašković","doi":"10.1177/16118944231221037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944231221037","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines Slovenian liberal and clerical magazines to analyse the adaptations of the political narratives of the two main Slovenian political parties from the assassination in Sarajevo in 1914 until early in the final stage of World War I in March 1918. Slovenian clericals, who gathered together in the Slovenian People's Party, reacted to the killings in Sarajevo by adopting a strong pro-Habsburg and anti-Serbian position. Their magazines even called for a military invasion of Serbia. In comparison, their primary political competitors on Slovenian soil, the Slovenian liberals congregated in the National Progressive Party and condemned the act of assassination, yet they were critical of the Austrian anti-Serbian policy for having escalated the war. These two Slovenian political parties were also divided on the issue of the future envisioned for the Slovenian nation within South Slavic state formations. The clericals pressed for realization of the trialist idea, which forecast a Croatian–Slovenian state unit within the Habsburg Monarchy with its centre in Zagreb. The liberals, in contrast, dreamed of a larger South Slavic state that would bring all South Slavs together and have its centre in Serbia. The development of the war, chiefly the Entente's foreseeable victory, the threat of implementation of the London Pact, and the fact that Austrian Germans characterized all emancipatory Slovenian political movements as an anti-state element, all worked to force Slovenian clericals to cooperate with their pre-war enemies. The overriding aim was for them to retain their leading position among Slovenians by formally cooperating with the liberal stream, including taking over part of the liberal political strategy, in order to ensure that it was in the best possible position in the South Slavic state at end of the war.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"358 16","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138966702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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