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Histories of the European Parliament during the Cold War: Transnational Democracy in the Making? 冷战时期欧洲议会的历史:正在形成的跨国民主?
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-06-24 DOI: 10.1177/16118944251349327
Wolfram Kaiser
This article introduces and discusses the incipient historiography of the European Parliament. It argues that more systematic research in this direction has strong potential to overcome limitations of research both on European integration and the member states. It can encourage and support those working on national history, or histories, to leave their intellectual ghettos and explore both vertical and horizontal connections in contemporary European history. Researching and writing about the history of the European Parliament can also contribute to a broader interdisciplinary debate about transnational democracy beyond the state, in what is now the highly institutionalised and legally integrated European Union. Focussing on the period of the Cold War, the article sets out a research agenda for addressing the internal politics of the European Parliament, its role in post-war European democracy and polity-building; and its underrated contribution to the Europeanization of policymaking. What could result is, befitting for a pluralistic democratic institution, not one, but several histories of the European Parliament and transnational democracy.
本文介绍并讨论了欧洲议会的早期史学。文章认为,在这一方向上进行更系统的研究,具有克服欧洲一体化和成员国研究局限性的强大潜力。它可以鼓励和支持那些从事国家历史或历史研究的人离开他们的知识分子圈子,探索当代欧洲历史的纵向和横向联系。研究和撰写有关欧洲议会历史的文章,也有助于在目前高度制度化和法律一体化的欧盟中,就超越国家的跨国民主展开更广泛的跨学科辩论。本文以冷战时期为中心,提出了一个研究议程,以解决欧洲议会的内部政治问题,其在战后欧洲民主和政治建设中的作用;以及它对决策欧洲化的贡献被低估了。可能的结果是,适合于一个多元化的民主机构,而不是一个,而是几个欧洲议会和跨国民主的历史。
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引用次数: 0
Vanished Institutions: The Life and Death of Europe's International Organisations – Introduction 消失的机构:欧洲国际组织的生与死——导论
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-05-06 DOI: 10.1177/16118944251332095
Kiran Klaus Patel, Kenneth Weisbrode
Why do international organisations die? Their causes of death deserve attention and analysis. Europe in the 20th century with its plenitude of international organisations provides a rich ground for studying why some of them died, why some lived, why some were resurrected from near-death and why some survive as institutional shells, or zombies. The introduction to this special issue summarises the cases that follow in order to discern a pattern or logic of institutional death in modern European history. A pattern is elusive because causal and conditional factors are almost impossible to separate in cases of institutional death. Yet they show that, in contrast to state collapse, international organisations more often die from without – that is, for external, contextual reasons – than from within. However powerful some external factors, such as war, can be, institutional death is rarely predetermined. In one form or another international organisations possess a strong will to live.
国际组织为什么会消亡?他们的死因值得关注和分析。20世纪的欧洲拥有大量的国际组织,为研究为什么有些国际组织死了,有些国际组织活了下来,为什么有些国际组织从濒临死亡的边缘复活,为什么有些国际组织作为机构的躯壳或僵尸存活了下来,提供了丰富的基础。本特刊的导论总结了以下案例,以便辨别现代欧洲历史上制度死亡的模式或逻辑。模式是难以捉摸的,因为在机构死亡的情况下,因果因素和条件因素几乎不可能分开。然而,它们表明,与国家崩溃相比,国际组织更多的是由外部原因(即外部背景原因)而不是由内部原因死亡。无论战争等外部因素多么强大,制度上的死亡很少是预先决定的。国际组织以一种或另一种形式拥有强大的生存意志。
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引用次数: 0
NATO’s ‘Near Death’ and the Study of ‘Vanishing Institutions’ 北约“濒临死亡”与“消失的机构”研究
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-05-05 DOI: 10.1177/16118944251331411
Seth A Johnston
A newly elected president declares NATO ‘obsolete’ and announces his country's withdrawal from parts of the transatlantic Alliance. Some European leaders fear a more complete abandonment. Although France remained a treaty ally after Charles de Gaulle's 1966 announcement, this episode remains the most significant rejection of NATO's organisation in its history. And yet, the potentially fatal crisis catalysed adaptations in the Alliance so successful that they endured through the end of the Cold War. This case offers lessons about institutional endurance in the face of such crisis. NATO adapted boldly, but also prudently; slowly perhaps, but effectively. The high politics of competing national interests and the high stakes of nuclear deterrence demanded change but could not afford catastrophe. How institutions adapt – and by whom – can mean the difference between vanishing and revitalising.
一位新当选的总统宣布北约“过时”,并宣布他的国家退出部分跨大西洋联盟。一些欧洲领导人担心更彻底的放弃。尽管在戴高乐1966年宣布退出后,法国仍是北约的条约盟友,但这一事件仍是北约历史上最严重的一次拒绝。然而,这场潜在的致命危机促使北约成功地进行了调整,直到冷战结束。这个案例提供了面对此类危机的制度耐力的教训。北约大胆地做出了调整,但也很谨慎;也许缓慢,但有效。国家利益竞争的高度政治和核威慑的高度利害关系要求变革,但承受不起灾难。机构如何适应——以及由谁适应——可能意味着消失还是复兴的区别。
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引用次数: 0
Fascist Internationalism: From a Vanished Institution to a Failed Concept? 法西斯国际主义:从消失的制度到失败的概念?
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-04-28 DOI: 10.1177/16118944251331427
Daniel Hedinger
During the early 1930s, a number of fascist international organisations emerged in Europe and East Asia. Italy's ambition to universalise fascism led to the establishment of the Action Committees for the Universality of Rome (Comitati d’Azione per l’Universalità di Roma, CAUR) in mid-1933. Meanwhile, some months earlier, Japan's continental expansion and the founding of Manchukuo brought about the creation of the Greater Asia Association (Dai Ajia Kyōkai). For a moment, it seemed that the time had come for a proper fascist international aimed at an ultranationalist revision of the League of Nations and at fighting the Comintern on a global level. During the 1930s, fascist internationalism was the ideology-driven motor beyond such projects. However, by the latter half of the decade, all of them had failed. In Europe, heightened competition between Germany and Italy left little space for a pan-European fascist organisation. In Asia, the colonial context of the region and Japan's expansion placed almost insurmountable obstacles in the way of an East Asian fascist international, and it turned out that the connection between the two centres of gravitation in Asia and Europe would not be established through any kind of fascist international organisation. This article discusses how and why the fascist internationals of the early 1930s vanished, stressing that, in the end, the rising Axis alliance was much more driven by transimperial radicalisation. In other words, Italy, Germany and Japan did not rely on a proper fascist international institution to plunge the world into a new world war. Nonetheless, as this article shows, the manner of the failure and vanishing of fascist internationalism is essential in understanding the scope and nature of global fascism in the interwar years.
20世纪30年代初,欧洲和东亚出现了一批法西斯国际组织。意大利要使法西斯主义普遍化的野心导致在1933年中期成立了罗马普遍性行动委员会(Comitati d 'Azione per l ' universalit di Roma, CAUR)。与此同时,几个月前,日本的大陆扩张和满洲国的成立带来了大亚洲协会(Dai Ajia Kyōkai)的成立。一时间,似乎是时候建立一个真正的法西斯国际组织了,其目的是对国际联盟进行极端民族主义的修正,并在全球范围内与共产国际进行斗争。在20世纪30年代,法西斯国际主义是这些项目之外的意识形态驱动的发动机。然而,到那个年代的后半段,所有这些都失败了。在欧洲,德国和意大利之间日益激烈的竞争几乎没有给泛欧法西斯组织留下空间。在亚洲,该地区的殖民背景和日本的扩张为建立东亚法西斯国际设置了几乎不可逾越的障碍,事实证明,亚洲和欧洲两个引力中心之间的联系不可能通过任何形式的法西斯国际组织建立起来。本文讨论了20世纪30年代早期的法西斯国际是如何以及为什么消失的,并强调,最终,崛起的轴心国联盟更多地受到跨帝国激进化的推动。换句话说,意大利、德国和日本没有依靠一个适当的法西斯国际机构将世界拖入一场新的世界大战。尽管如此,正如本文所示,法西斯国际主义的失败和消失的方式对于理解两次世界大战期间全球法西斯主义的范围和性质至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
European Lives and Deaths – Atlantic Revival? The Europeanness of the League of Nations’ Protracted Demise 欧洲人的生死——大西洋复兴?国际联盟(League of Nations)长期消亡的欧洲特征
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-04-25 DOI: 10.1177/16118944251331415
Karen Gram-Skjoldager, Haakon Andreas Ikonomou
In this article, we revisit the story of the League of Nations’ (1919–1946) death. Throughout its existence, the League served as an instrument for a series of important experiments in organising European politics and negotiating Europe's place in the wider global order. To understand the League's demise and legacy, we need to study these different conceptions of Europe, their shortcomings, failures and legacies. The article explores three such conceptions: (1) the Eurocentric civilisational order that played a foundational role in the early 1920s; (2) the European regional agenda that rose to prominence as a product of the French-German rapprochement of the late 1920s; and (3) the new technocratic visions of regional European cooperation that were associated with a deteriorating international political climate in the 1930s. The Atlantic heritage, with the transfer of experiences, functions and personnel from the League to the UN during and after the World War II, is addressed in the article's fourth and final sections. Our argument is that these European visions were attempts to manage the turbulent and skewed post-war world order by an Eurocentric organisation that from its very inception was hampered by the fact that one of its chief designers, namely the United States, opted not to join. In a broader perspective, we show that in order to understand how international organisations die, we should work with a deeper historical perspective that considers the effects of their various life stages.
在本文中,我们将重温国际联盟(1919-1946)灭亡的故事。在其存在的整个过程中,国联在组织欧洲政治和协商欧洲在更广泛的全球秩序中的地位方面发挥了一系列重要实验的工具作用。要了解联盟的消亡和遗产,我们需要研究这些不同的欧洲概念,它们的缺点、失败和遗产。本文探讨了三个这样的概念:(1)20世纪20年代初起基础性作用的以欧洲为中心的文明秩序;(2)作为20世纪20年代末法德和解的产物,欧洲地区议程变得突出;(3)与上世纪30年代不断恶化的国际政治气候有关的欧洲区域合作的新技术官僚愿景。在第二次世界大战期间和之后,大西洋遗产与经验、职能和人员从国际联盟转移到联合国,将在文章的第四节和最后一节中讨论。我们的观点是,这些欧洲愿景是一个以欧洲为中心的组织试图管理动荡和扭曲的战后世界秩序的努力,而这个组织从一开始就受到其主要设计者之一美国选择不加入的阻碍。从更广泛的角度来看,我们表明,为了理解国际组织是如何消亡的,我们应该从更深入的历史角度来考虑它们不同生命阶段的影响。
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引用次数: 0
The Quiet End of the Front-Runner: The Expiry of the European Coal and Steel Community 领跑者的悄然终结:欧洲煤钢共同体的终结
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-04-25 DOI: 10.1177/16118944251331428
Tobias Witschke
The European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) was the first and most notable post-war supranational community advancing the process of European integration. It is also the only such community which ceased to exist after 50 years, as laid down in its founding treaty. Based on archival research, this article reviews the discussion on the future of the ECSC Treaty within the European institutions held at the beginning of the 1990s, which confirmed the expiry date of 2002. It challenges the view, expressed even within European institutions, that the Treaty expired because of outdated legal provisions, as these were in fact still used and applied in the 1980s, especially during the European steel crisis. However, this discussion produced no compelling reason why the European coal and steel industries should not be integrated into the general EU common market after 2002, also in view of the upcoming enlargement to Central and Eastern Europe. In fact, even after its disappearance, the ECSC's financial legacy continued to contribute to EU policy objectives.
欧洲煤钢共同体(ECSC)是战后第一个也是最著名的推动欧洲一体化进程的超国家共同体。正如其创始条约所规定的那样,它也是唯一一个在50年后不复存在的共同体。本文在文献研究的基础上,回顾了20世纪90年代初欧洲机构内部关于《欧洲经济共同体条约》未来的讨论,这些讨论确定了2002年的到期日期。它对甚至在欧洲机构内部也表达的观点提出了挑战,即《条约》因过时的法律规定而失效,因为这些法律规定实际上在1980年代,特别是在欧洲钢铁危机期间仍在使用和实施。然而,这次讨论并没有产生令人信服的理由,说明为什么欧洲煤炭和钢铁工业在2002年之后不应该被纳入欧盟共同市场,也考虑到即将扩大到中欧和东欧。事实上,即使在欧洲经委会消失后,它的金融遗产仍在为欧盟的政策目标做出贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Social Justice after the 20th Century. Edited by Martin Conway and Camilo Erlichman 20世纪后的社会正义。Martin Conway和Camilo Erlichman编辑
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-01-29 DOI: 10.1177/16118944251315934
Martin Conway, Camilo Erlichman, Sandrine Kott, Ido de Haan, Adrian Grama, Felix Römer
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引用次数: 0
Forum II H ow to Write Modern European History Today? Statements to Jörn Leonhard’s JMEH-Forum 论坛二今天如何书写欧洲近代史?对Jörn莱昂哈德jmeh论坛的声明
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-01-21 DOI: 10.1177/1611-89442016014004002
Michel Espagne, Jonas Kreienbaum, Frederic Cooper, Christoph Conrad, Philipp Ther
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引用次数: 0
The Legal Moment in International History: Global Perspectives on Doing Law and Writing History in Nuremberg and Tokyo, 1945–1948. 国际历史上的法律时刻:纽伦堡和东京,1945-1948年,法律研究和历史写作的全球视角。
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-01-21 DOI: 10.1177/1611-89442016014004003
Daniel Hedinger, Daniel Siemens
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引用次数: 0
From Nanking to Hiroshima to Seoul: (Post-)Transitional Justice, Juridical Forms and the Construction of Wartime Memory 从南京到广岛再到首尔:(后)过渡时期司法、司法形式与战时记忆的建构
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-01-21 DOI: 10.1177/1611-89442016014004007
Urs Matthias Zachmann
History still looms large in the politics of East Asia. Rather than settling into a modicum of consensus, debates on how to understand and commemorate the Second World War even seem to gain in intensity and emotionality with the passage of time. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the debates on landmark cases of (post-) transitional justice, particularly the Tokyo Trial of 1946–1948 and later, more recent trials. This article seeks to point out the role which jurists and juridical forms play in shaping the historical narratives of the trials and in proliferating their contentiousness. Thus, the perspective of Japanese jurists at the Tokyo Trial betrays an ingrained scepticism towards international law as an absolute standard and the agnostic rejection of any higher juridical authority to establish historical truth. As a consequence, jurists at the Atomic Bombing Trial of 1963 tried to regain autonomy by creating an alternative narrative against a hegemonic, but absent party (the US). This practice has become a standard procedure in East Asia, as can be seen in the Comfort Women decision of 2011 and related cases in Korea and the Philippines. Common to all these cases is their inherently adversarial structure. This juridical form has a number of consequences for understanding the role of the involved parties, the legal and epistemic limitations of the truth they establish and the equally limited function of trials to act as substitute for genuine reconciliation.
历史在东亚政治中仍然显得十分突出。关于如何理解和纪念第二次世界大战的辩论,随着时间的推移,似乎没有达成一点共识,反而变得越来越激烈,越来越情绪化。这一点在关于(后)过渡时期司法的标志性案件的辩论中表现得最为明显,尤其是1946-1948年的东京审判,以及后来更近的审判。本文试图指出法学家和司法形式在塑造审判的历史叙事和增加其争议性方面所起的作用。因此,日本法学家在东京审判中的观点暴露了他们对作为绝对标准的国际法的根深蒂固的怀疑,以及对确定历史真相的任何更高的司法权威的不可知论的拒绝。因此,参加1963年原子弹爆炸审判(Atomic Bombing Trial)的法学家们试图通过创造另一种叙事,来反对一个霸权但缺席的政党(美国),从而重获自主权。从2011年的慰安妇判决和韩国和菲律宾的相关案件中可以看出,这种做法已经成为东亚地区的标准程序。所有这些案例的共同点是它们固有的对抗性结构。这种司法形式对理解有关各方的作用、它们所确立的真理在法律和认识上的局限性以及审判作为真正和解替代品的同样有限的功能有许多后果。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Modern European History
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