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The Confiscation of German Property Between Economic Nationalism and National Security (1918–1930) 经济民族主义与国家安全之间的德国财产没收(1918-1930)
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-09-17 DOI: 10.1177/16118944251377917
Cristiano La Lumia
This article explores the confiscation of private property owned by German nationals in the Allied countries after the end of World War I, focusing on the relationship between expropriation, economic nationalism and national security in the postwar decades. Along with the desire for revenge, economic nationalism became the major driver behind the Allied policies, leading to transfers of property on an unprecedented scale. Through confiscation, policymakers of the ‘victorious powers’ not only intended to punish German civilians but also seized the opportunity to intervene in the economic and financial spheres in order to achieve economic security. Drawing on a broad body of expropriation laws, which concerned assets belonging to about one and a half million civilians, this article retraces how the Allies implemented the right to confiscation afforded by the Treaty of Versailles, providing an overview of policies, diplomatic controversies and figures related to confiscated property worldwide. Furthermore, the social and economic consequences of protracted economic warfare in peacetime are explored with an emphasis on the decline of the German presence in the Allied countries and the ensuing economic transformations. This article also highlights the limits of economic nationalism in reshaping the international economy. While some countries gradually lifted persecutory measures, especially after the mid-1920s, German companies and private citizens responded to economic warfare by devising a wide range of strategies to avoid the loss of property.
本文探讨了第一次世界大战结束后,德国公民在盟国的私有财产被没收的问题,重点研究了战后几十年没收、经济民族主义和国家安全之间的关系。伴随着复仇的欲望,经济民族主义成为盟军政策背后的主要驱动力,导致空前规模的财产转移。通过没收,“战胜国”的决策者不仅打算惩罚德国平民,而且抓住机会干预经济和金融领域,以实现经济安全。本文以涉及约150万平民财产的广泛征收法律为基础,回顾了同盟国如何实施《凡尔赛条约》赋予的没收权,概述了全球范围内与没收财产有关的政策、外交争议和数字。此外,在和平时期旷日持久的经济战的社会和经济后果进行了探讨,重点是德国在盟国的存在和随后的经济转型的下降。本文还强调了经济民族主义在重塑国际经济方面的局限性。虽然一些国家逐渐取消了迫害措施,特别是在20世纪20年代中期之后,德国的公司和私人公民通过制定各种策略来应对经济战,以避免财产损失。
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引用次数: 0
Algérie Française and Threats to the Memory of the Resistance 法国<s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1>”与抵抗运动记忆的威胁
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-09-16 DOI: 10.1177/16118944251377964
Reggie Kramer
During the Algerian War (1954–1962), French actors on all sides of the conflict framed their actions with reference to the memory of the Resistance during World War II. Proponents of Algérie française , the movement devoted to violently preserving Algeria as a French territory no matter the costs, by any means necessary, and despite their government's eventual acceptance of Algerian self-determination, were no exception. This article explores their memories of the Resistance as they expressed them in speeches, tracts and memoirs written in the context of the Algerian War. It contends that many Algérie française militants perceived the prospect of France conceding to Algerian independence as a threat to the causes for which they remembered the Resistance as having fought. They followed this line of thinking to its logical conclusion, perceiving Algerian decolonization as a threat to the memory of the Resistance itself and framing their militancy as a defense thereof. This article contributes to historical understanding of how the memory of the Resistance influenced militant behavior during the Algerian War and demonstrates that it was more divided than collective memory frameworks such as Henry Rousso's acknowledge. Moreover, it suggests that there is room for future theoretical innovation in understanding how individuals perceive and react to threats to memory.
在阿尔及利亚战争(1954-1962)期间,冲突各方的法国演员都参照第二次世界大战期间的抵抗运动来制定他们的行动。尽管他们的政府最终接受了阿尔及利亚的自决,但“阿尔及利亚 - - - - -”运动的支持者们也不例外。该运动致力于不惜一切代价,以任何必要手段,以暴力手段将阿尔及利亚作为法国的领土。本文探讨了他们在阿尔及利亚战争背景下的演讲、小册子和回忆录中对抵抗运动的记忆。它争辩说,许多阿尔及利亚 起义组织”的激进分子认为,法国承认阿尔及利亚独立的前景是对他们记忆中抵抗运动为之奋斗的事业的威胁。他们遵循这一思路,得出了合乎逻辑的结论,将阿尔及利亚的非殖民化视为对抵抗运动本身记忆的威胁,并将其战斗性视为对抵抗运动的捍卫。这篇文章有助于从历史的角度理解抵抗运动的记忆是如何影响阿尔及利亚战争期间的激进行为的,并表明它比亨利·鲁索(Henry Rousso)所承认的集体记忆框架更为分裂。此外,它还表明,在理解个体如何感知和应对记忆威胁方面,未来的理论创新还有空间。
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引用次数: 0
From Anti-Versailles to War Propaganda: The Aufklärungsausschuß Hamburg(-Bremen) and Propaganda in Swedish Newspapers from the Interwar Period to 1941 从反凡尔赛到战争宣传:Aufklärungsausschuß汉堡(-不来梅)和瑞典报纸从两次世界大战期间到1941年的宣传
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-09-16 DOI: 10.1177/16118944251377951
Andreas Åkerlund
This article deals with the Aufklärungsausschuß der Handelskammer Hamburg from 1932 renamed Aufklärungsausschuß Hamburg-Bremen and its work in Sweden. The Aufklärungsausschuß der Handelskammer Hamburg was founded as a reaction to the Treaty of Versailles and the French–Belgian occupation of the Ruhr in 1923, and its mission was to influence foreign opinion through planting articles in foreign press. Using the propaganda definition and approach suggested by Garth Jowett and Victoria O’Donnell, this article analyses the network established and the propaganda method used by the Aufklärungsausschuß Hamburg-Bremen from the interwar period, over the establishment in Sweden in 1932/1933, and a few years during World War II. It also contains an examination of the content in distributed news material, both articles and photos, placed in Swedish outlets from 1933 to 1941.
本文论述1932年更名为Aufklärungsausschuß汉堡-不莱梅的Aufklärungsausschuß汉堡商报及其在瑞典的工作。汉堡商报(Aufklärungsausschuß der Handelskammer Hamburg)的成立是对《凡尔赛条约》(Treaty of Versailles)和1923年法比占领鲁尔区的反应,其使命是通过在外国媒体上刊登文章来影响外国舆论。本文运用Garth Jowett和Victoria O 'Donnell提出的宣传定义和方法,分析了Aufklärungsausschuß汉堡-不来梅在两次世界大战之间建立的网络和使用的宣传方法,以及1932/1933年在瑞典建立的网络和第二次世界大战期间的几年。它还包括对1933年至1941年在瑞典媒体上发布的新闻材料(包括文章和照片)内容的审查。
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引用次数: 0
Pan-Nationalist Influences on Literary Croatian and Norwegian Bokmål: Two Case Studies Showing Contingency in Nationalism 泛民族主义对克罗地亚和挪威博克玛尔文学的影响:民族主义中偶然性的两个个案研究
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-09-15 DOI: 10.1177/16118944251377914
Alexander Maxwell, Tim van Gerven
Language planners espousing pan-nationalism influenced the orthography of standard literary Croatian and Norwegian Bokmål. Specifically, ‘Slovak’ intellectuals Jan Herkel and Jan Kollár influenced the Croatian orthography of Ljudovit Gaj, and ‘Danish’ intellectuals Rasmus Rask and N. M. Petersen influenced Knud Knudsen's Bokmål. Slovaks and Danes influenced Croatian and Norwegian orthography because Croats and Norwegians imagined the ‘national language’ in pan-national terms: Slovaks participated as fellow Slavs, and Danes as fellow Norwegians. The influence of pan-nationalism helps problematize teleological narratives of ‘national awakening’, since the emergence of the ‘Croatian’ and ‘Norwegian’ literary languages cannot be analysed solely in terms of Croatian or Norwegian nationalism.
拥护泛民族主义的语言规划者影响了标准文学克罗地亚语和挪威语的正字法。具体来说,“斯洛伐克”知识分子Jan Herkel和Jan Kollár影响了克罗地亚语的Ljudovit Gaj正字法,“丹麦”知识分子Rasmus Rask和N. M. Petersen影响了Knud Knudsen的bokmasul。斯洛伐克人和丹麦人影响了克罗地亚人和挪威人的正字法,因为克罗地亚人和挪威人以泛民族的方式想象“民族语言”:斯洛伐克人作为斯拉夫人参加,丹麦人作为挪威同胞参加。泛民族主义的影响有助于质疑“民族觉醒”的目的论叙事,因为“克罗地亚”和“挪威”文学语言的出现不能仅仅从克罗地亚或挪威民族主义的角度来分析。
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引用次数: 0
A Conspiracy? The Role of British and American Bankers in the Belgian Monetary Crisis, 1925–1926 一个阴谋?英美银行家在比利时货币危机中的作用,1925-1926
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-09-12 DOI: 10.1177/16118944251377956
Simon Watteyne
This article focuses on the negotiations between a consortium of British and American banks led by the Bank of England to help Belgian authorities stabilise their currency and return to the gold standard. It aims to understand how the involvement of these foreign bankers was essential for the Belgian government and central bank to justify a shift towards strict orthodox monetary and fiscal policies, but led to the spectacular failure of the Belgian left-wing government, the birth of several conspiracy theories, and the rise of the conservative right in the second half of the 1920s, as it happened in many other European countries.
本文关注的是由英格兰银行领导的英美银行财团之间的谈判,以帮助比利时当局稳定其货币并回归金本位。本书旨在了解这些外国银行家的参与是如何对比利时政府和中央银行证明向严格的正统货币和财政政策转变是必要的,但却导致了比利时左翼政府的惊人失败,几个阴谋论的诞生,以及20世纪20年代下半叶保守右翼的崛起,就像许多其他欧洲国家发生的那样。
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引用次数: 0
Leopold II, Kimpa Vita and the Local Decolonisation of the Belgian Public Space 利奥波德二世、金帕生活与比利时公共空间的局部非殖民化
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-06-30 DOI: 10.1177/16118944251348781
Idesbald Goddeeris
Belgium's relationship with its colonial past is a complex one including celebration, forgetting, and recently re-evaluation. This article argues that, unlike what’s often thought, decolonization has not stopped in the past few years, but that especially the public space has gradually developed and reached new dimensions. Rather than at the national level, this development has taken place on a regional, and particularly local, level. This article examines a wide range of municipalities and cities, as well as the three regions within the Belgian federation (Flanders, Wallonia and Brussels). Based on media articles and official documents, it analyses how local councils and regional governments have responded to frequent acts of protest against colonial monuments and street names, to what extent policies have changed, and which factors have contributed to these developments.
比利时与其殖民历史的关系是复杂的,包括庆祝、遗忘和最近的重新评估。本文认为,与人们通常认为的不同,非殖民化在过去几年并没有停止,但特别是公共空间逐渐发展并达到了新的维度。这种发展不是发生在国家一级,而是发生在区域一级,特别是地方一级。本文考察了大量的直辖市和城市,以及比利时联邦内的三个地区(佛兰德斯、瓦隆尼亚和布鲁塞尔)。基于媒体文章和官方文件,它分析了地方议会和地区政府如何应对针对殖民纪念碑和街道名称的频繁抗议行为,政策发生了多大程度的变化,以及哪些因素促成了这些发展。
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引用次数: 0
Toppling Statues: Public Spaces, Heritage and Memory Cultures of European Colonialism. Introduction 倒塌的雕像:欧洲殖民主义的公共空间、遗产和记忆文化。介绍
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-06-24 DOI: 10.1177/16118944251349329
Janne Lahti, José M. Faraldo
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引用次数: 0
Colonial Grandeur, Decolonisation and the Contested Histories of O Padrão dos Descobrimentos in Lisbon 里斯本O padr<s:1> O dos Descobrimentos的宏伟殖民、非殖民化和争议历史
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-06-24 DOI: 10.1177/16118944251348782
Lotte Claerhout
This article examines the complex legacy of colonialism in Lisbon, using the Padrão dos Descobrimentos monument as a focal point for contemporary debates on decolonisation and collective memory. By analysing this monument, which was originally erected during the authoritarian Estado Novo regime (1933–1974) to commemorate the Portuguese ‘Age of Discoveries’, this paper delves into the broader discourse of how colonial history is memorialised and its implications for Portugal's present-day attitude towards its colonial past. By critically examining the monument's narrative, symbols and the public's interaction with it, the study explores the tension between the historical valorisation of colonial achievements and the contemporary efforts to create a more nuanced understanding of the colonial era. It highlights the role of monuments in shaping collective memory, and the efforts to reinterpret and challenge the colonial narrative through activism and artistic interventions. The conclusion posits the Padrão dos Descobrimentos not just as a relic of the past, but as a dynamic site of memory that reflects ongoing debates about history, identity and decolonisation in Portugal. This study contributes to a deeper understanding of how colonial legacies are navigated in public spaces and memory, shaping national identity.
本文考察了里斯本复杂的殖民主义遗产,利用padr o dos Descobrimentos纪念碑作为当代非殖民化和集体记忆辩论的焦点。这座纪念碑最初是在独裁统治时期(1933-1974年)为纪念葡萄牙的“发现时代”而建造的,本文通过分析这座纪念碑,深入探讨了如何纪念殖民历史的更广泛的论述,以及它对葡萄牙当今对其殖民历史的态度的影响。通过批判性地审视纪念碑的叙事、符号和公众与它的互动,该研究探索了殖民成就的历史价值与当代努力之间的紧张关系,以创造对殖民时代更细致的理解。它突出了纪念碑在塑造集体记忆中的作用,以及通过行动主义和艺术干预重新解释和挑战殖民叙事的努力。结论认为,padr dos Descobrimentos不仅是过去的遗迹,而且是一个动态的记忆场所,反映了葡萄牙关于历史、身份和非殖民化的持续辩论。这项研究有助于更深入地了解殖民遗产如何在公共空间和记忆中导航,塑造民族认同。
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引用次数: 0
Putting Women on a Pedestal: Rethinking Female Inclusion in Colonial Monuments 把女性放在基座上:重新思考女性在殖民纪念碑中的地位
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-06-24 DOI: 10.1177/16118944251348776
Emma Dhondt
As with many other types of public sculptures, there is a near-total absence of colonial monuments showing women, demonstrating a public failure to recognise their impact as colonisers and colonised people. When included at all, women are often portrayed as allegorical figures in colonial monuments. Their place is at the side-lines, serving and celebrating male colonial heroes. Indeed, very rarely is a woman at the centre of a colonial monument. But there are such monuments too. Two statues of Hannah Duston, an English colonist in North America, are illustrative examples of this; they have also become contested after the Rhodes Must Fall protests. However, recent attempts to decolonise public spaces have also increasingly tried to feminise them, not only by replacing contested monuments but by adding new female figures. This article examines how women have been included in colonial monuments by addressing both past and recent portrayals in different countries. It addresses questions of and relationships between colonial power, identity and gender, showing parallels and divergences in female inclusion in colonial monuments across different places and times.
与许多其他类型的公共雕塑一样,这里几乎完全没有展示女性的殖民纪念碑,这表明公众未能认识到她们作为殖民者和被殖民者的影响。即使被包括在内,女性也经常被描绘成殖民纪念碑中的寓言人物。她们的位置是站在边线,为男性殖民英雄服务和庆祝。事实上,很少有女性出现在殖民纪念碑的中心。但也有这样的纪念碑。北美的英国殖民者汉娜·达斯顿(Hannah Duston)的两座雕像就是一个很好的例子;在“罗德岛必须沦陷”抗议活动之后,它们也受到了质疑。然而,最近公共空间去殖民化的尝试也越来越多地试图使其女性化,不仅通过取代有争议的纪念碑,还通过增加新的女性形象。本文通过解决不同国家过去和最近的描绘,探讨了妇女是如何被纳入殖民纪念碑的。它解决了殖民权力、身份和性别之间的问题和关系,展示了不同地点和时代殖民纪念碑中女性包容的相似之处和差异。
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引用次数: 0
‘To the Homeland’: Settler Monument, Memory and the Finnish Colony of Petsamo on the Finnish–Russian Borderlands 《致祖国》:芬兰-俄罗斯边境上的定居者纪念碑、记忆和芬兰的佩特萨莫殖民地
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-06-24 DOI: 10.1177/16118944251348777
Janne Lahti
This article examines a set of entanglements between settler memory and a monument in a nation that does not acknowledge that it ever had a colonial history. It looks at the efforts of exiled Finnish settlers to keep alive the memory of Petsamo as ‘their homeland’ through a monument they set up in Ivalo, Northern Finland, in 1985. Before being forced out of Petsamo, a province on the Arctic Ocean, by the Soviet Union in 1944, Finnish settlers tried to reshape Petsamo from a multi-ethnic borderland into a Finnish homeland for over two decades. Their settler memory is inscribed on and funnelled through this Ivalo monument, via claims of belonging and connection to a lost homeland. The monument set up by the settlers is meant to speak to their specific stories, their version of the past and of themselves. It serves settler purposes, declaring settler belonging to the broader public, to the nation and even to the world. It maintains and channels settler memory to future generations and remains uncontested and largely ignored in today's Finland.
这篇文章探讨了在一个不承认自己曾经有过殖民历史的国家里,定居者的记忆和一座纪念碑之间的一系列纠缠。1985年,芬兰流亡定居者在芬兰北部的伊瓦洛建立了一座纪念碑,讲述了他们为保持佩特萨莫作为“家园”的记忆所做的努力。在1944年被苏联赶出北冰洋上的佩特萨莫省之前,芬兰定居者花了20多年的时间试图将佩特萨莫从一个多民族的边境地区改造成芬兰的家园。他们的定居者记忆被铭刻在这个伊瓦洛纪念碑上,通过对失去的家园的归属和联系的要求而汇集在一起。由定居者建立的纪念碑是为了讲述他们的特定故事,他们对过去和他们自己的看法。它服务于定居者的目的,宣布定居者属于更广泛的公众,属于国家,甚至属于世界。它保留了定居者的记忆,并将其传递给后代,在今天的芬兰仍然没有争议,而且基本上被忽视了。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Modern European History
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