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Social Science Data as a Challenge for Contemporary History 社会科学数据对当代历史的挑战
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-10-29 DOI: 10.1177/16118944241290890
Christina von Hodenberg, Kerstin Brückweh, Eva Maria Gajek, Reiko Hayashi, Jon Lawrence, María Francisca Rengifo Streeter, Daria Tisch
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Disability and Family Care in Modern European History 导言:现代欧洲历史中的残疾与家庭护理
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-10-29 DOI: 10.1177/16118944241290903
Christina von Hodenberg, Gabriele Lingelbach, Raphael Rössel
How to organize domestic care for relatives living with a disability and elderly family members is a major challenge for individual households, as it is for all European societies. Taking up current debates on the future of family care work, this special issue offers historical perspectives on family care for people with disabilities. It investigates the relationship between disability welfare and family dynamics in modern European history. By bringing together case studies from the 19th and 20th centuries and from Eastern and Western European states, the special issue offers a panorama of regional processes of negotiating intrafamilial gender roles, relationships between private care and public welfare, and discourses on disabilities.
如何组织对残疾亲属和老年家庭成员的家庭护理,是个人家庭面临的一项重大挑战,也是所有欧洲社会面临的一项重大挑战。本特刊结合当前关于家庭护理工作未来的讨论,从历史角度探讨了残疾人家庭护理问题。它研究了现代欧洲历史上残疾人福利与家庭动态之间的关系。通过汇集 19 世纪和 20 世纪东欧和西欧各国的案例研究,本特刊全景展示了协商家庭内部性别角色、私人护理和公共福利之间的关系以及有关残疾的论述的区域进程。
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引用次数: 0
From Darkness to Sunshine: Blind Babies, Families and the Sunshine Homes, 1918–1939 从黑暗到阳光失明婴儿、家庭和阳光之家,1918-1939 年
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-10-10 DOI: 10.1177/16118944241287721
Julie Anderson
This article examines the contrast between the interwar British state's emphasis on motherhood and the justification for the institutional care of a relatively small group of blind babies. After the First World War, concerns about the state of the nation were addressed in part by legislation and an increase in the number of organisations which purported to help mothers to bring up healthy babies. The interest in mothers who gave birth to blind babies centred on the poor mother's ability to cope with a visually impaired infant. The authorities’ concerns, anxieties about the association between impaired senses and learning difficulties expressed by eugenicists and unease surrounding the long-term social and economic costs of blindness supported early intervention. The narrative of the overwhelmed and neglectful mother was juxtaposed with the benefit of institutionalisation, which justified the removal of some blind infants from their homes. The metaphor of the dark home and unenlightened mother was replaced by one of light and knowledge emanating from the brightly painted environs of the Sunshine Homes for Blind Babies. During the interwar period, positive reports and articles in newspapers, magazines and charitable propaganda, supported by powerful elites including the British royal family, presented the Sunshine Homes for Blind Babies as caring spaces full of the love of dedicated professional nurses, and kind, wealthy benefactors; there were no reports produced to suggest anything but the most positive experience for the infants. Essentially, a blind infant's biological family was metaphorically, and in some cases literally, replaced by a new institutional family of carers and visitors.
本文探讨了战时英国国家对母性的强调与对相对较少的盲婴进行机构照料的理由之间的对比。第一次世界大战后,对国家状况的担忧部分地通过立法和增加旨在帮助母亲抚养健康婴儿的组织数量来解决。人们对生下盲婴的母亲的关注主要集中在可怜的母亲是否有能力照顾视力受损的婴儿。当局的担忧、优生主义者对感官受损与学习困难之间联系的焦虑以及对失明造成的长期社会和经济损失的不安,都支持早期干预。不堪重负、疏于照顾的母亲的说法与机构收容的好处并列,这为将一些失明婴儿从家中带走提供了理由。黑暗的家庭和不开明的母亲被阳光盲婴之家明亮的环境所带来的光明和知识所取代。在战时,报纸、杂志和慈善宣传中的正面报道和文章,在包括英国皇室在内的权贵的支持下,将盲婴阳光之家描绘成一个充满爱的空间,这里有尽职尽责的专业护士,有善良富有的资助者;没有任何报道表明婴儿们只有最积极的体验。从根本上说,盲婴的亲生家庭被一个由护理人员和探访者组成的新机构家庭所取代,在某些情况下甚至是如此。
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引用次数: 0
From Institutions to Families? The Changing Allocation of Responsibility for Cognitively Disabled Children in Dutch Postwar Long-Term Care Policies 从机构到家庭?荷兰战后长期护理政策中对认知障碍儿童责任分配的变化
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-10-07 DOI: 10.1177/16118944241287725
Paul van Trigt
Who is responsible for health care? Neoliberal policies since the 1970s seem to place this responsibility increasingly on the individual, in a process that is called responsibilization. The recent literature on neoliberalism, however, has questioned the preference of free-market liberalism for individual responsibility and shows how neoliberals often made common cause with communitarian conservatives on social policies. Melinda Cooper, for instance, has argued in her book Family Values that free-market liberals and social conservatives in the US both identified the family as a ‘wholesale alternative to the 20-century welfare state’. This article investigates whether this coalition of neoliberals and social conservatives, who agree on the importance of familial solidarity in addition to market freedom, has also played a role in the making of Dutch health care policies. By tracing how responsibility for long-term care has been allocated in the postwar Netherlands in the specific case of children with (cognitive) disabilities, the author will show how ‘the family’ has increasingly been embraced by policymakers as the main responsible party. This is remarkable because the Dutch postwar welfare state sought to loosen family ties in favour of individual arrangements. However, attempts by different stakeholders to deinstitutionalize Dutch health care during the 1990s unintentionally moved the state's responsibility for long-term care not so much onto individuals as onto families.
谁对医疗保健负责?20 世纪 70 年代以来的新自由主义政策似乎越来越多地将这一责任赋予个人,这一过程被称为 "责任化"(responsibilization)。然而,近期有关新自由主义的文献对自由市场自由主义偏好个人责任的观点提出了质疑,并显示了新自由主义者在社会政策上是如何与社群主义保守派达成共识的。例如,梅琳达-库珀(Melinda Cooper)在其著作《家庭价值观》(Family Values)中指出,美国的自由市场自由主义者和社会保守主义者都将家庭视为 "20 世纪福利国家的全面替代选择"。新自由主义者和社会保守主义者一致认为,除了市场自由之外,家庭团结也非常重要,本文将探讨这一联盟是否也在荷兰医疗保健政策的制定过程中发挥了作用。通过追溯战后荷兰是如何分配长期护理责任的,作者将说明在(认知)残疾儿童的具体案例中,"家庭 "是如何越来越多地被政策制定者视为主要责任方的。值得注意的是,荷兰战后福利国家试图放松家庭关系,转而支持个人安排。然而,不同利益相关者在 20 世纪 90 年代试图将荷兰医疗保健非机构化,却无意中将国家对长期护理的责任转移到了家庭,而不是个人身上。
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引用次数: 0
Redefining Family Relationships: The Impact of Disability on Working-Class Families during the Industrial Revolution in Britain 重新定义家庭关系:英国工业革命期间残疾对工人阶级家庭的影响
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-10-07 DOI: 10.1177/16118944241287723
David Turner
The Industrial Revolution traditionally has been seen in Disability Studies as marking a decisive shift in the lives of disabled people. It is argued that the rise of mechanisation, time discipline and standardisation made the industrial workplace a hostile environment for people with non-standard bodies. According to this view, increasing demands to work outside the home also meant that families were less capable of caring for older and disabled members, leading to greater institutionalisation. This view of increasing segregation of disabled people from home and work has dominated understanding of disability in the British Industrial Revolution, but it does not reflect the variability of disabled people's experiences at the time. Drawing on official enquiries, fictional literature, journalism and social commentary from the 1830s and 1840s – a time when the impact of industrialisation on the bodies and family relationships of workers became matters of public, political concern – this article shows the continuing importance of family in the lives of disabled people. The legal duty of families to care for sick and disabled relatives was an enduring social principle throughout this period. Interpersonal relations were tested and sometimes re-drawn by disability, forcing a change in traditional familial roles and expectations. For working people and their families, the potentials for poverty resulting from disability could be great. However, disabled people continued to play significant roles in the lives of their families, and where possible continued to contribute to the domestic economy. Taking a disability perspective on the history of the family highlights the interdependence between family members in industrialising Britain.
传统上,残疾人研究认为工业革命标志着残疾人生活的决定性转变。有观点认为,机械化、时间纪律和标准化的兴起,使得工业工作场所对身体不符合标准的人来说是一个不利的环境。这种观点认为,越来越多的人需要外出工作,这也意味着家庭照顾年长和残疾成员的能力下降,从而导致更多的人被送进养老院。这种认为残疾人与家庭和工作日益隔离的观点主导了人们对英国工业革命时期残疾问题的理解,但它并没有反映出当时残疾人经历的多变性。工业化对工人身体和家庭关系的影响成为公众和政治关注的问题,本文利用 19 世纪 30 年代和 40 年代的官方调查、虚构文学、新闻报道和社会评论,展示了家庭在残疾人生活中的持续重要性。在这一时期,家庭照顾生病和残疾亲属的法律义务是一项持久的社会原则。人际关系经受着考验,有时甚至因残疾而重新划定,迫使传统的家庭角色和期望发生变化。对于工作的人及其家庭来说,因残疾而陷入贫困的可能性很大。然而,残疾人继续在家庭生活中扮演重要角色,并在可能的情况下继续为家庭经济做出贡献。从残疾角度看家庭历史,凸显了工业化英国家庭成员之间的相互依存关系。
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引用次数: 0
The Latvian Lost Cause: Veterans of the Waffen-SS Latvian Legion and Post-war Mythogenesis 拉脱维亚失去的事业:武装党卫军拉脱维亚军团退伍军人与战后神话的形成
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-10-04 DOI: 10.1177/16118944241287727
Harry C Merritt
During World War II, tens of thousands of Latvians served in German-led military formations, primarily in the Waffen-SS Latvian Legion. After the war, around 25,000 former Legionnaires transitioned from prisoner of war camps run by the Western Allies to civilian life in a variety of Western countries. They created veterans’ organisations — such as Daugavas Vanagi (‘Hawks of the Daugava’) — which also functioned as political advocacy groups and heritage organisations for the Latvian diaspora. These post-war organisations and platforms then allowed former Latvian Legionnaires to shape public memory of the war. In writings after 1945, a cohort of veterans crafted a narrative of the war that (1) presents their military service as representing a righteous cause defeated either by forms of betrayal or by the overwhelming might of the Soviet Union, (2) develops a cult of the fallen soldier, and (3) mystifies German war aims and the relationship of Latvian Legionnaires to them. Through analysis of memoirs and periodical publications by veterans along with forms of public commemoration, I argue that these materials and practices collectively constitute a ‘Lost Cause’ narrative, which, similar to the Lost Cause of the Confederacy — developed in the U.S. South after the American Civil War — became predominant among the Latvian diaspora before spreading to Latvia itself. This framework allows for productive comparisons with other European countries that experienced traumatic military defeats, representing a new approach to this controversial subject with potential application to similar cases in Ukraine and Estonia.
二战期间,数以万计的拉脱维亚人在德国领导的军队中服役,主要是在武装党卫军拉脱维亚军团中。战后,约有 2.5 万名前军团成员从西方盟国管理的战俘营转入西方国家的平民生活。他们创建了退伍军人组织,如 "道加瓦之鹰"(Daugavas Vanagi),这些组织也是拉脱维亚侨民的政治倡导团体和遗产组织。这些战后组织和平台使前拉脱维亚退伍军人得以塑造公众对战争的记忆。在 1945 年后的著作中,一批退伍军人精心编写了关于战争的叙事:(1)将他们的军旅生涯描述为代表正义的事业,但却被各种形式的背叛或苏联的压倒性力量所击败;(2)形成了对阵亡士兵的崇拜;(3)将德国的战争目标以及拉脱维亚退伍军人与这些目标的关系神秘化。通过分析退伍军人的回忆录和期刊出版物以及公共纪念活动的形式,我认为这些材料和做法共同构成了 "失去的事业 "叙事,与美国内战后在美国南方发展起来的南方邦联的 "失去的事业 "叙事类似,这种叙事在拉脱维亚侨民中占据主导地位,然后传播到拉脱维亚本土。这一框架允许将拉脱维亚与其他经历过惨痛军事失败的欧洲国家进行富有成效的比较,为这一有争议的主题提供了新的研究方法,并有可能应用于乌克兰和爱沙尼亚的类似案例。
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引用次数: 0
Divided Care: Differences in the Agencies of Family Caregivers for Disabled Children in East and West Germany 分裂的关爱:东西德残疾儿童家庭照顾者机构的差异
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-10-04 DOI: 10.1177/16118944241287724
Raphael Rössel
Parents and their disabled children in both German states faced discrimination and severe challenges in the organisation of family life. In the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), from the 1960s onwards, parents achieved more far-reaching influence over the schooling and overall treatment of their children. The reasons for and avenues of parental empowerment were different on both sides of the border. In West Germany, collective action within a civil society framework was the major factor behind parental empowerment. In the GDR, parental protest tended to be more individualist and was often voiced via the petitioning system ( Eingaben) .
德国两个州的父母及其残疾子女在组织家庭生活方面都面临着歧视和严峻的挑战。在德意志民主共和国(GDR)和德意志联邦共和国(FRG),从 20 世纪 60 年代起,父母对子女的教育和整体待遇产生了更为深远的影响。国境两边的家长赋权的原因和途径各不相同。在西德,公民社会框架内的集体行动是家长赋权的主要因素。而在民主德国,家长的抗议更倾向于个人主义,通常通过请愿制度(Eingaben)来表达。
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引用次数: 0
Legitimising Occupation: The Quest for Popular Consent during the British Occupation of Germany, 1945–1949 占领合法化:1945-1949年英国占领德国期间对民众同意的追求
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-08-09 DOI: 10.1177/16118944241265584
Camilo Erlichman, Christopher Knowles
This article explores the quest for legitimacy and popular consent during the British occupation of north-western Germany between 1945 and 1949. It does so through an analysis of two major propaganda campaigns that sought to publicly legitimise the British occupation at home and in Germany: ‘Germany under Control’, a large-scale exhibition put on display in London in 1946; and ‘Operation Stress’, the largest propaganda campaign in the British Zone, run in 1948 to legitimise food policies. Through an investigation of the internal rationale amongst British policymakers, the objectives behind the campaigns, the popular reception, and the broader outcomes, the article shows that both campaigns ended in failure and did not succeed in convincing the population of the need to maintain British rule in Germany. Propaganda was an ineffective tool to generate popular legitimacy at a time of austerity at home and severe material suffering in the British zone of occupation. As such, the British authorities encountered populations whose ‘moral economy’ and expectations from government were fundamentally opposed to the maintenance of the occupation. Both campaigns, therefore, epitomise the pitfalls of propaganda campaigns when facing bitter social realities and demonstrate the intricacies of the quest for legitimacy during military occupations.
本文探讨了 1945 年至 1949 年英国占领德国西北部期间对合法性和民众同意的追求。文章通过分析英国在国内和德国寻求公开合法化占领的两个主要宣传活动:1946 年在伦敦举办的大型展览 "控制下的德国",以及 1948 年为使粮食政策合法化而在英国区开展的最大规模宣传活动 "压力行动"。通过对英国政策制定者的内部理由、宣传活动背后的目标、民众的接受程度以及更广泛的结果进行调查,文章表明这两次宣传活动均以失败告终,未能成功说服民众相信英国有必要维持对德国的统治。在国内经济拮据、英国占领区物质生活严重匮乏的时期,宣传是一种无法产生民众合法性的无效工具。因此,英国当局遇到的民众的 "道德经济 "和对政府的期望从根本上反对维持占领。因此,这两场宣传活动都体现了宣传活动在面对严峻的社会现实时所存在的缺陷,并展示了军事占领期间寻求合法性的复杂性。
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引用次数: 0
Sceptics, Enthusiasts, or Architects? The British Labour Group, the European Parliament and Workers’ Rights, 1979–1989 怀疑论者、狂热者还是建筑师?英国工党集团、欧洲议会与工人权利,1979-1989 年
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-08-09 DOI: 10.1177/16118944241265585
William King
The European Parliament influenced policy, and was a forum for the airing and sharing of a wide array of views and approaches to forms of European integration. Often conflicted and divided, members of the British Labour Group, comprising of the elected Labour Party representatives to the European Parliament, viewed the European Economic Community as a key platform and means through which workers’ rights could be supported. And many Labour Party Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), including sceptics, enthusiasts and those whose views changed, played a part in shaping the European Economic Community. This was particularly so with workers’ rights, an area which was central to the Labour Party, the European Parliament and the European Economic Community in the 1980s. The European Parliament was an instrumental institution in terms of building ties across borders and shaping and changing perspectives on key policy areas.
欧洲议会对政策产生影响,是就欧洲一体化形式发表和交流各种观点和方法的论坛。由工党在欧洲议会的民选代表组成的英国工党党团的成员经常发生冲突和分裂,他们认为欧洲经济共同体是一个重要的平台和手段,通过它可以支持工人的权利。工党的许多欧洲议会议员(MEPs),包括怀疑论者、热心者和观点改变者,都在欧洲经济共同体的形成过程中发挥了作用。在工人权利方面尤其如此,这是工党、欧洲议会和欧洲经济共同体在 20 世纪 80 年代的核心领域。欧洲议会在建立跨国界联系、形成和改变对关键政策领域的看法方面发挥了重要作用。
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引用次数: 0
Mediterranean Farmers and Alternative Europes: Resistance, Europeanisation and CAP Reforms in Italy and France (mid-1970s to mid-1980s) 地中海农民与另类欧洲:意大利和法国的抵制、欧洲化和 CAP 改革(20 世纪 70 年代中期至 80 年代中期)
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-08-09 DOI: 10.1177/16118944241265576
Antonio Carbone
This article explores the active participation and, in some cases, resistance of farmers’ associations in Italy and France to European integration from the mid-1970s to the mid-1980s. The article examines, firstly, how Italian associations became active, due to their faltering relationship with the Christian Democrats, in searching new forms of political influence through more radical methods of mobilisation. Secondly, through the case of the so-called wine war between France and Italy, the article reveals how resistance to European Economic Community (EEC) reform and even other EEC member states could lead to forms of Europeanisation: exchanges between European organisations reflected shared resistance to specific policies, creating new arenas for collaboration. The analysis of the French–Italian case also offers an opportunity to explore the contrast between agriculture in the Mediterranean and northern countries in the EEC, showing complex Europeanisation dynamics in which both solidarity and competition become evident. Challenging the notion of a ‘permissive consensus’, this article aims to dismantle the notion of a conflict-free past in the history of European integration. In this regard, it underscores the multifaceted nature of European integration, marked by continual clashes and compromises, and provides a critical lens for interpreting the present state of the Brussels institutions.
本文探讨了意大利和法国的农民协会在 20 世纪 70 年代中期至 80 年代中期积极参与并在某些情况下抵制欧洲一体化的情况。文章首先探讨了意大利协会如何因与基督教民主党的关系不和而积极通过更激进的动员方式寻求新的政治影响。其次,文章通过法国和意大利之间所谓的葡萄酒战争案例,揭示了对欧洲经济共同体(欧共体)改革甚至其他欧共体成员国的抵制如何导致欧洲化的形式:欧洲组织之间的交流反映了对特定政策的共同抵制,创造了新的合作舞台。对法国-意大利案例的分析还为探讨地中海地区农业与欧共体北方国家农业之间的对比提供了机会,显示了团结与竞争并存的复杂欧化动态。本文对 "放任共识 "的概念提出了质疑,旨在打破欧洲一体化历史上没有冲突的概念。在这方面,文章强调了欧洲一体化的多面性,其特点是持续的冲突和妥协,并为解读布鲁塞尔机构的现状提供了一个批判性视角。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Modern European History
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