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Measuring quality of life: A system of indicators 衡量生活质量:一个指标体系
IF 2.4 4区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-11-22 DOI: 10.1080/20954816.2021.1996939
Aygun Guliyeva
Abstract In this day and age, improving quality of life (QOL) remains a necessary prerequisite for social progress and the central goal of state policy in many countries worldwide, regardless of their economic development. The aim of this work is to propose a system of indicators able to describe the QOL of the population to the fullest extent possible. The research methodology includes an analysis of modern approaches to explaining the QOL concept and describing its main measurement criteria, as well as a matrix comparison of the fundamental characteristics of well-being. These methods’ application and the subsequently obtained results allow developing the model for the QOL measurement. The system of indicators proposed within this model implies the consideration of both objective and subjective indicators distributed into two blocks for convenience: the Accepted Living Standard (material and environmental indicators) and the Quality of Life Opportunities (individual, cultural, and social indicators). The QOL level is determined by the balance or imbalance between the mean values of these blocks. In such a manner, the study advocates that the modern QOL measurement should consider both objective well-being indicators, collected from the reports of the analysed country’s national statistics service, and subjective indicators characterising the citizens’ perceptions of well-being at the individual level.
摘要在当今时代,无论经济发展如何,提高生活质量仍然是社会进步的必要前提,也是世界上许多国家国家政策的中心目标。这项工作的目的是提出一个能够尽可能充分地描述人口生活质量的指标体系。研究方法包括对现代方法的分析,以解释生活质量概念并描述其主要衡量标准,以及对幸福感基本特征的矩阵比较。这些方法的应用和随后获得的结果允许开发用于QOL测量的模型。该模型中提出的指标体系意味着为了方便起见,考虑将客观和主观指标分为两个部分:接受的生活水平(物质和环境指标)和生活质量机会(个人、文化和社会指标)。QOL水平由这些块的平均值之间的平衡或不平衡来确定。通过这种方式,该研究主张,现代生活质量测量应考虑从被分析国家国家统计局的报告中收集的客观幸福感指标,以及在个人层面表征公民幸福感的主观指标。
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引用次数: 4
Politics and banking: A survey of the recent literature 政治与银行:近期文献综述
IF 2.4 4区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-10-18 DOI: 10.1080/20954816.2021.1976903
L. Weill
Abstract This survey aims at briefly summarising key findings of the recent literature dealing with politics and banking. The interplay between banks and politics has received increasing interest in recent years following Dinc (2005) on the influence of elections on bank lending. It focusses on two questions: the influence of elections on bank behaviour, and the interconnections between democracy and banking. Two key findings emerge from the literature. First, elections exert an influence on the banking industry. They affect bank lending and bank failures, with electoral cycles leading to economic costs. Second, democracy has a beneficial impact on the credit conditions of firms. This work provides a roadmap for future research to investigate the political interference in private banks’ behaviour and in developed countries.
摘要本调查旨在简要总结最近有关政治和银行业的文献的主要发现。近年来,在Dinc(2005)关于选举对银行贷款的影响之后,银行和政治之间的相互作用越来越受到关注。它关注两个问题:选举对银行行为的影响,以及民主与银行业之间的相互联系。文献中出现了两个关键发现。首先,选举对银行业产生了影响。它们影响银行贷款和银行倒闭,选举周期导致经济成本。其次,民主对企业的信贷条件有着有益的影响。这项工作为未来研究提供了路线图,以调查发达国家和私人银行行为中的政治干预。
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引用次数: 1
Do governments and banks see eye to eye about the environment? Maybe not yet, but can they? 政府和银行在环境问题上意见一致吗?也许现在还不行,但他们可以吗?
IF 2.4 4区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/20954816.2021.1976905
S. Ongena
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引用次数: 0
China macroeconomic report 2021: China’s macroeconomy marches towards normalisation 2021年中国宏观经济报告:中国宏观经济走向正常化
IF 2.4 4区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/20954816.2021.2005281
Xiaoguang Liu, Yuan-Chi Liu, Yan Yan
Abstract In the year 2021, China’s economy continues to recover and moves towards policy normalisation. This report identifies features indicating the beginning of China’s macroeconomic normalisation, the internal and external pressure it faces, and the supporting policies. Due to the economic recovery and the base effect, China’s real GDP growth rate is projected to reach above 8.0% in 2021, and the quarterly growth rate will drop from 18.3% in Q1 to 5.0% in Q4, showing a declining trend. Based on qualitative assessments and statistical forecasts, this report puts forward some policy suggestions.
摘要2021年,中国经济持续复苏,政策走向正常化。这份报告确定了中国宏观经济正常化开始的特征、面临的内外部压力以及支持政策。由于经济复苏和基数效应,2021年中国实际GDP增长率预计将达到8.0%以上,季度增长率将从第一季度的18.3%降至第四季度的5.0%,呈下降趋势。基于定性评估和统计预测,本报告提出了一些政策建议。
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引用次数: 2
Climate policy and cross-border lending: evidence from the syndicated loan market 气候政策与跨境贷款:来自银团贷款市场的证据
IF 2.4 4区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/20954816.2021.1976904
Emanuela Benincasa
Abstract Do cross-country differences in climate policy influence bank lending? This paper focusses on the period 2007–2017 and uses syndicated loan-level data to examine if the stringency of home-country climate policies increases cross-border bank lending. Loan fixed effects allow us to disentangle loan demand from supply and to control for unobserved and observed loan and firm characteristics. I find evidence that a strict home-country climate policy is associated with an increase in banks’ cross-border loan shares. This suggests that the transition to a low-carbon economy might be threatened if global coordination between governments is not enforced.
气候政策的跨国差异会影响银行贷款吗?本文关注2007-2017年期间,并使用银团贷款水平数据来检验母国气候政策的严格程度是否会增加跨境银行贷款。贷款固定效应使我们能够将贷款需求与供应分开,并控制未观察到的和观察到的贷款和企业特征。我发现有证据表明,严格的母国气候政策与银行跨境贷款份额的增加有关。这表明,如果各国政府之间不加强全球协调,向低碳经济的转型可能会受到威胁。
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引用次数: 3
The impact of globalisation on the skill wage gap in Turkey: A quantile regression approach 全球化对土耳其技能工资差距的影响:分位数回归方法
IF 2.4 4区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-09-29 DOI: 10.1080/20954816.2021.1976901
Hayriye Özgül Özkan-Değirmenci
Abstract This study examines how increasing international trade affects the skill wage gap in Turkey. There has been a rapid increase in international trade in Turkey after 2000. As international trade increases, goods produced with higher technologies have a higher share in overall exported products. All these developments raise a question: how does the improvement of technology levels in the Turkish manufacturing industry, together with the increasing demand for skilled workers, change the skill wage gap? To explore this issue, this study utilises the Structure of Earnings Survey Data by the Turkish Statistical Institute. To have more robust results, the quantile regression model is applied to estimate the skill wage gap. One of the most prominent findings of this study is a continuous increase in the skill wage gap even though specific information about firms and workers is controlled.
摘要本研究探讨了日益增长的国际贸易如何影响土耳其的技能工资差距。2000年以后,土耳其的国际贸易迅速增长。随着国际贸易的增长,技术含量较高的产品在整体出口产品中所占的份额更高。所有这些发展都提出了一个问题:土耳其制造业技术水平的提高,以及对熟练工人需求的增加,如何改变技能工资差距?为了探讨这一问题,本研究利用了土耳其统计研究所的收入调查数据结构。为了得到更稳健的结果,我们采用分位数回归模型来估计技能工资差距。这项研究最突出的发现之一是,即使有关公司和工人的具体信息受到控制,技能工资差距仍在持续扩大。
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引用次数: 0
The potential of energy cooperation between China and Australia under the Belt and Road Initiative “一带一路”倡议下中澳能源合作潜力
IF 2.4 4区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-08-12 DOI: 10.1080/20954816.2021.1951482
Qinwen Xu, Jishuang Yu, Xunpeng Shi, Elena Collinson
Abstract While there is a proliferation of studies on China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), there is a gap in the literature in terms of an exploration of the costs and benefits from the perspective of the energy sector, in both the areas of sectoral development and energy transition. This paper uses Australia as a case study. The paper is the first to quantify the impact of the BRI in the energy sector, and the analysis informs the current debates on the BRI in Australia. We find that energy cooperation under the BRI enhances the performance of energy companies, but the Chinese energy investment in Australia faces mounting challenges. We suggest some areas for cooperation and such cooperation could be extended to third countries. Amid the increasing trade and political tensions, the two countries need continued, level-headed discussions and debates about the potential cooperation areas at all levels.
摘要尽管对中国“一带一路”倡议倡议(BRI)的研究激增,但在从能源部门的角度探索部门发展和能源转型领域的成本和收益方面,文献中存在空白。本文以澳大利亚为例进行研究。该论文首次量化了“一带一路”倡议对能源部门的影响,该分析为澳大利亚当前关于“一带一步”倡议的辩论提供了信息。我们发现,“一带一路”倡议下的能源合作提高了能源公司的业绩,但中国在澳大利亚的能源投资面临着越来越大的挑战。我们提出了一些合作领域,这种合作可以扩大到第三国。在贸易和政治紧张局势日益加剧的情况下,两国需要继续就潜在的各级合作领域进行冷静的讨论和辩论。
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引用次数: 4
The emergence of the United Arab Emirates as a global soft power: current strategies and future challenges 阿拉伯联合酋长国作为全球软实力的崛起:当前战略和未来挑战
IF 2.4 4区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-08-12 DOI: 10.1080/20954816.2021.1951481
Osman Antwi‐Boateng, Amira Ali Alhashmi
Abstract Using the Soft Power 30 Index, this research focusses on assessing the soft power status of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) by examining the elements of its soft power and potential challenges it may face in the future. This study conducts in-depth interviews with foreign diplomats and academics based in the UAE and Emirati diplomats and academics. These data are supplemented with primary and secondary data from governmental and international agencies as well as media sources. The UAE’s case demonstrates that soft power can be consciously developed by any country regardless of its regime type, size, location, and religious or racial background by getting its domestic affairs in order. A country’s domestic success in governance, enterprise, culture, education and digital infrastructure leads to global attraction, which ultimately enhances the image of a country such as the UAE. It eventually creates opportunities for more global partnerships and engagements in the areas of multilateralism, philanthropy, peacebuilding, conflict resolution and event hosting. However, these efforts face the following challenges: the threat of widely diffused actions among public and private actors, the financial cost of soft power engagement and projections, the UAE’s lack of a global media platform for shaping global agendas and its increasing use of hard power in response to geopolitical threats which can negatively affect its image.
摘要本研究采用软实力30指数,通过考察阿联酋软实力的要素及其未来可能面临的潜在挑战,重点评估阿联酋的软实力状况。本研究对驻阿联酋的外国外交官和学者以及阿联酋外交官和学者进行了深入采访。这些数据由政府和国际机构以及媒体来源的主要和次要数据补充。阿联酋的案例表明,任何国家,无论其政权类型、规模、地点、宗教或种族背景如何,都可以有意识地通过整顿国内事务来发展软实力。一个国家在治理、企业、文化、教育和数字基础设施方面的国内成功会带来全球吸引力,最终提升阿联酋等国家的形象。它最终为多边主义、慈善事业、建设和平、解决冲突和举办活动等领域的更多全球伙伴关系和参与创造了机会。然而,这些努力面临着以下挑战:公共和私人行为者广泛分散行动的威胁,软实力参与和预测的财务成本,阿联酋缺乏制定全球议程的全球媒体平台,以及在应对可能对其形象产生负面影响的地缘政治威胁时越来越多地使用硬实力。
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引用次数: 2
Let’s play tic-tac-toe: Confucius Institutes versus American Cultural Centres 让我们来玩一字棋:孔子学院vs美国文化中心
IF 2.4 4区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-07-19 DOI: 10.1080/20954816.2021.1920194
D. Lien, Peilan Tang
Abstract China and the United States (US) have established respective cultural institutions in each other, namely the Confucius Institute and the American Cultural Centre. While they differ in the establishment background and management model, in their counterpart countries’ view, both Confucius Institutes and American Cultural Centres serve the function of public diplomacy as a ‘quasi-diplomatic agency’, attracting extensive political attention. When comparing the history of their developments in the US and China, a similar trend of ‘rise-to-fall’ and ‘positivity-to-negativity’ can be observed. The stagnation of American Cultural Centres in China and the crisis of Confucius Institutes in the US both originate from the same source — political pressure. The development paths of both institutions are closely related to the development and transformation of Sino–US political relations. In this process, China’s attitude is relatively moderate in an attempt to maintain the continuous development of a friendly bilateral relation, while the US is anxious about China’s rising status as its economic and strategic competitor, thereby adjusting its China policy and imposing rigid political controls over Confucius Institutes. Affected by the Sino–US trade dispute and the COVID-19 pandemic, Sino–US relations deteriorate further; accordingly, the future outlook of Confucius Institutes in the US is worrying. However, with abundant uncertainties, the future of the Confucius Institute remains to be further studied.
摘要中美两国互有文化机构,即孔子学院和美国文化中心。尽管孔子学院和美国文化中心在建立背景和管理模式上有所不同,但在它们的同行看来,它们都作为“准外交机构”发挥着公共外交的功能,引起了广泛的政治关注。当比较它们在美国和中国的发展历史时,可以观察到类似的“上升到下降”和“积极到消极”的趋势。美国文化中心在中国的停滞和孔子学院在美国的危机都源于同一个来源——政治压力。这两个机构的发展路径都与中美政治关系的发展和转型密切相关。在这一过程中,中国的态度相对温和,试图保持双边友好关系的持续发展,而美国则担心中国作为其经济和战略竞争对手的地位不断上升,从而调整其对华政策,对孔子学院实施严格的政治控制。受中美贸易争端和新冠肺炎疫情影响,中美关系进一步恶化;因此,美国孔子学院的未来前景令人担忧。然而,由于存在大量的不确定性,孔子学院的未来还有待进一步研究。
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引用次数: 2
Missing the China factor: evidence from Brazil and Mexico 忽略了中国因素:来自巴西和墨西哥的证据
IF 2.4 4区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/20954816.2021.1933767
Marco Cepik, Fabrício H. Chagas-Bastos, Rafael R. Ioris
Abstract China’s rapid economic growth created new challenges and opportunities for Latin America over the 2000s. Much ink has been spilt analysing how countries in the region surfed the Chinese wave of commodity-based prosperity. However, there is fertile and quite unexplored territory to analyse how these regional powers in the Global South, from a comparative perspective, have interacted with China as they tried to improve their international position over the 2000s. We analyse in this article how Brazil and Mexico dealt with China’s presence and strategic goals in Latin America and assess the outcomes they extracted from this relationship. We draw evidence from and offer comparisons across different presidencies in each country (Lula and Rousseff in Brazil, and Fox, Calderón, and Peña Nieto in Mexico) over the 2000s, which allows us to grasp the variation in ideology, governance style, and electoral legitimacy. We ground our theoretical framework in the concept of international insertion, a Southern-based framework that opens space to understand and explain how countries in the South behave in international politics from a different point of view. We claim that the efforts made by the national governments in both countries to improve their positions achieved limited or transitory results, if considering China as a strategic factor.
2000年代以来,中国经济的快速增长为拉丁美洲带来了新的挑战和机遇。人们花了很多笔墨来分析亚洲各国是如何在中国掀起的大宗商品繁荣浪潮中乘风破浪的。然而,从比较的角度来看,全球南方的这些地区大国在本世纪头十年试图改善其国际地位的过程中,是如何与中国互动的,这是一个丰富而尚未开发的领域。本文分析了巴西和墨西哥如何应对中国在拉丁美洲的存在和战略目标,并评估了他们从这种关系中提取的结果。我们从2000年代以来每个国家的不同总统(巴西的卢拉和罗塞夫,墨西哥的福克斯、Calderón和Peña涅托)中提取证据并进行比较,这使我们能够掌握意识形态、治理风格和选举合法性的变化。我们的理论框架以国际插入的概念为基础,这是一个以南方为基础的框架,为从不同的角度理解和解释南方国家在国际政治中的行为开辟了空间。我们认为,如果把中国作为一个战略因素来考虑的话,两国政府为改善自身地位所做的努力取得了有限的或暂时的成果。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
Economic and Political Studies-EPS
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