Pub Date : 2022-05-01DOI: 10.1177/00094455221082526
A. Seth
Sushila Narsimhan, ed., India-Japan Narratives: Lesser Known Historical and Cultural Interactions (New Delhi: Mombusho Scholars’ Association of India, 2021), pp. 367, Hardbound: ₹2500 Paperback: ₹2300, ISBN: 978-8195255603.
{"title":"Book review: Sushila Narsimhan, ed., India-Japan Narratives: Lesser Known Historical and Cultural Interactions","authors":"A. Seth","doi":"10.1177/00094455221082526","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00094455221082526","url":null,"abstract":"Sushila Narsimhan, ed., India-Japan Narratives: Lesser Known Historical and Cultural Interactions (New Delhi: Mombusho Scholars’ Association of India, 2021), pp. 367, Hardbound: ₹2500 Paperback: ₹2300, ISBN: 978-8195255603.","PeriodicalId":44314,"journal":{"name":"China Report","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48395727","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Book review: Amish Raj Mulmi, All Roads Lead North: Nepal’s Turn to China","authors":"Jelvin Jose","doi":"10.1177/00094455221082527","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00094455221082527","url":null,"abstract":"Amish Raj Mulmi, All Roads Lead North: Nepal’s Turn to China (Context/Hurst, 2021), p. 320, ISBN: 939-0679095, ISBN13: 978-9390679096 Hardcover.","PeriodicalId":44314,"journal":{"name":"China Report","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49216554","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-08DOI: 10.1177/00094455221082513
U. Chandran
Increasing pursuit of education, employment and financial independence among women, which is undoubtedly an impact of early inception of women’s liberation movement in China, has nevertheless resulted in more and more women becoming uncompromising, when it comes to a marriage partner. Moreover, even though men are always in search for good looking and professionally successful women, but they are invariably unwilling to wed women with as much or more education or income than themselves. As a result, a new category of women, the ‘leftover women’ has emerged. This article explores the reasons behind their emergence and role played by women’s liberation movement therein. It also studies the actions taken by governing bodies in creating and propagating the term itself and the stigma around it, especially pinpointing the approach taken by them towards ‘leftover women’ visa-vie ‘leftover men’. It reveals the underlying patriarchal agenda of gendered governance, behind twisting and practically stalling the women’s liberation movement in China in the recent years. As the official narrative of women’s liberation and development is increasingly catering to more traditional and patriarchal values, the article argues, Chinese government is taking a complete U-turn in women’s liberation movement in the 21st century.
{"title":"Gendered Governance: Is China Taking a U-Turn on Its Women’s Liberation Movement to Solve the Problem Left Over by It: ‘The Leftover Women’?","authors":"U. Chandran","doi":"10.1177/00094455221082513","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00094455221082513","url":null,"abstract":"Increasing pursuit of education, employment and financial independence among women, which is undoubtedly an impact of early inception of women’s liberation movement in China, has nevertheless resulted in more and more women becoming uncompromising, when it comes to a marriage partner. Moreover, even though men are always in search for good looking and professionally successful women, but they are invariably unwilling to wed women with as much or more education or income than themselves. As a result, a new category of women, the ‘leftover women’ has emerged. This article explores the reasons behind their emergence and role played by women’s liberation movement therein. It also studies the actions taken by governing bodies in creating and propagating the term itself and the stigma around it, especially pinpointing the approach taken by them towards ‘leftover women’ visa-vie ‘leftover men’. It reveals the underlying patriarchal agenda of gendered governance, behind twisting and practically stalling the women’s liberation movement in China in the recent years. As the official narrative of women’s liberation and development is increasingly catering to more traditional and patriarchal values, the article argues, Chinese government is taking a complete U-turn in women’s liberation movement in the 21st century.","PeriodicalId":44314,"journal":{"name":"China Report","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44303573","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-30DOI: 10.1177/00094455221082503
Tariq Sheikh
Suzuki Bokushi (1770–1842) was a peasant-entrepreneur, essayist and amateur haikai poet who lived in the Echigo province of Tokugawa period Japan, a region which gets the highest amount of snowfall in the world. Bokushi wrote about the people of his region, their customs, their lifestyle, their relationship with the natural world and the folklores of the region in a book entitled Hokuetsu Seppu (1837). This essay will examine the ways this book interrogated the dominant cultural discourse and offered new ways of thinking about centre and periphery, urban and rural. An analysis of the text and context of the book will show how ‘provinciality’ was deployed to question and de-centre prevailing cultural norms, and how a new aesthetic sense was developed that contrasted and questioned the urban sensibilities prevailing in the political centre. This essay will argue that Bokushi’s book articulates a significant critique of the urban-centric discourse of classical Japanese literature, while also offering an alternative rural aesthetic, thereby countering the hegemonic tendency to read the Japanese past through the lens of urban-centric literature. His writings are what Fredric Jameson would call a ‘nonhegemonic cultural voice’.
{"title":"Can the Periphery Speak: The Self-Representation of Tokugawa Japan’s Periphery in Suzuki Bokushi’s Hokuetsu Seppu","authors":"Tariq Sheikh","doi":"10.1177/00094455221082503","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00094455221082503","url":null,"abstract":"Suzuki Bokushi (1770–1842) was a peasant-entrepreneur, essayist and amateur haikai poet who lived in the Echigo province of Tokugawa period Japan, a region which gets the highest amount of snowfall in the world. Bokushi wrote about the people of his region, their customs, their lifestyle, their relationship with the natural world and the folklores of the region in a book entitled Hokuetsu Seppu (1837). This essay will examine the ways this book interrogated the dominant cultural discourse and offered new ways of thinking about centre and periphery, urban and rural. An analysis of the text and context of the book will show how ‘provinciality’ was deployed to question and de-centre prevailing cultural norms, and how a new aesthetic sense was developed that contrasted and questioned the urban sensibilities prevailing in the political centre. This essay will argue that Bokushi’s book articulates a significant critique of the urban-centric discourse of classical Japanese literature, while also offering an alternative rural aesthetic, thereby countering the hegemonic tendency to read the Japanese past through the lens of urban-centric literature. His writings are what Fredric Jameson would call a ‘nonhegemonic cultural voice’.","PeriodicalId":44314,"journal":{"name":"China Report","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49003628","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-28DOI: 10.1177/00094455221080313
Tolga Demiryol
What drives China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)? While some claim that the BRI is primarily about economic development, others see it as a grand strategy of a rising power with hegemonic aspirations. Is the BRI about development or geopolitics? This article adopts a political economy approach to bridge the developmental and geopolitical perspectives on the BRI. The primary argument is that the BRI signifies an attempt by the Chinese state to manage internal problems of capital accumulation by externalising development. In this sense, this is a typical crisis of capitalist development which generates a drive for geographic expansion and restructuring. The distinguishing feature of the BRI, apart from its sheer scale, is its emphasis on connectivity. Rather than simply exporting excess capital and capacity onto others, the BRI seeks to re-territorialise developmental spaces by connecting them via economic corridors consisting of hard and soft infrastructure networks. It is also contended here that in the process of constructing new infrastructures of capital, the BRI creates space for new forms of asymmetric interdependence between China and its partners. To the extent that such asymmetric relations generate costs of exiting China-centred networks, the initiative serves a geopolitical as well as a developmental function. Asymmetric interdependencies, whether they are by design or by-products of enhanced connectivity, thus facilitate China’s pursuit for a more prominent role in the international order.
{"title":"Between Geopolitics and Development: The Belt and Road Initiative and the Limits of Capital Accumulation in China","authors":"Tolga Demiryol","doi":"10.1177/00094455221080313","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00094455221080313","url":null,"abstract":"What drives China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)? While some claim that the BRI is primarily about economic development, others see it as a grand strategy of a rising power with hegemonic aspirations. Is the BRI about development or geopolitics? This article adopts a political economy approach to bridge the developmental and geopolitical perspectives on the BRI. The primary argument is that the BRI signifies an attempt by the Chinese state to manage internal problems of capital accumulation by externalising development. In this sense, this is a typical crisis of capitalist development which generates a drive for geographic expansion and restructuring. The distinguishing feature of the BRI, apart from its sheer scale, is its emphasis on connectivity. Rather than simply exporting excess capital and capacity onto others, the BRI seeks to re-territorialise developmental spaces by connecting them via economic corridors consisting of hard and soft infrastructure networks. It is also contended here that in the process of constructing new infrastructures of capital, the BRI creates space for new forms of asymmetric interdependence between China and its partners. To the extent that such asymmetric relations generate costs of exiting China-centred networks, the initiative serves a geopolitical as well as a developmental function. Asymmetric interdependencies, whether they are by design or by-products of enhanced connectivity, thus facilitate China’s pursuit for a more prominent role in the international order.","PeriodicalId":44314,"journal":{"name":"China Report","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43742449","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-25DOI: 10.1177/00094455221080320
J. Joseph, Joe Thomas Karackattu
The environmental sector is an interesting realm in Chinese politics to observe factors such as the contributions of new media activism in bottom-up communication and decision-making processes, especially during the 40 years of reform and opening up. Top-down efforts to curb environmental issues are primarily to address increasing pubic discomfort due to pollution and related problems. However, environmental movements are increasingly visible in China despite their application of stability maintenance mechanisms such as Environmental Police. It is therefore noteworthy to deeply analyse the factors that contribute to the increasing scale of movements in the country. This study examines the role of new media activism (occurring due to the public’s interactions through WeChat, Weibo, QQ, etc.) in shaping the trajectory of environmental movements in China. How are these avenues supporting alternative communication channels outside the mainstream policy making apparatus? Is the government willing to incorporate the interests developed in these channels to policymaking realms? How these behavioural changes are influencing the state–society relations in contemporary China in the context of increasing environmental concerns. The study employs agency-structure framework to analyse the interactions between new media activism and the single party ruling political structure with the support fieldwork data from China. The study examines policy documents, official declarations of the communist party, public attitude towards new media activism, and so on, in order to present a comprehensive understanding on the politics of ecology in the PRC.
{"title":"New Media Activism and Politics of Ecology in the People’s Republic of China","authors":"J. Joseph, Joe Thomas Karackattu","doi":"10.1177/00094455221080320","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00094455221080320","url":null,"abstract":"The environmental sector is an interesting realm in Chinese politics to observe factors such as the contributions of new media activism in bottom-up communication and decision-making processes, especially during the 40 years of reform and opening up. Top-down efforts to curb environmental issues are primarily to address increasing pubic discomfort due to pollution and related problems. However, environmental movements are increasingly visible in China despite their application of stability maintenance mechanisms such as Environmental Police. It is therefore noteworthy to deeply analyse the factors that contribute to the increasing scale of movements in the country. This study examines the role of new media activism (occurring due to the public’s interactions through WeChat, Weibo, QQ, etc.) in shaping the trajectory of environmental movements in China. How are these avenues supporting alternative communication channels outside the mainstream policy making apparatus? Is the government willing to incorporate the interests developed in these channels to policymaking realms? How these behavioural changes are influencing the state–society relations in contemporary China in the context of increasing environmental concerns. The study employs agency-structure framework to analyse the interactions between new media activism and the single party ruling political structure with the support fieldwork data from China. The study examines policy documents, official declarations of the communist party, public attitude towards new media activism, and so on, in order to present a comprehensive understanding on the politics of ecology in the PRC.","PeriodicalId":44314,"journal":{"name":"China Report","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43714837","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-01DOI: 10.1177/00094455221074288
Ayushman Baruah
Tonio Andrade, The Last Embassy: The Dutch Mission of 1795 and the Forgotten History of Western Encounters with China (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2021). pp. 424, US$35.00, ISBN: 978-0-691-17711-3 (Hardcover).
{"title":"Book review: Tonio Andrade, The Last Embassy: The Dutch Mission of 1795 and the Forgotten History of Western Encounters with China","authors":"Ayushman Baruah","doi":"10.1177/00094455221074288","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00094455221074288","url":null,"abstract":"Tonio Andrade, The Last Embassy: The Dutch Mission of 1795 and the Forgotten History of Western Encounters with China (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2021). pp. 424, US$35.00, ISBN: 978-0-691-17711-3 (Hardcover).","PeriodicalId":44314,"journal":{"name":"China Report","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47791125","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-01DOI: 10.1177/00094455221074199
N. C. Bing
This article reviews the origins, development and current trends of what is known as ‘party literature work’ and the principal organisation that carries out this work—the Central Party Literature Office (CPLO). Party literature work plays a crucial role for each generation of Chinese communist leadership to assert its ideological ‘line’ and build its canon. It is an integral part of the ideological apparatus of the Communist Party of China. Under Xi Jinping, CPLO was merged into a new organisation, but party literature work remains and continues to play a key role, supporting his ideological line.
{"title":"Party Literature Work, Ideology, and the Central Party Literature Office of the Communist Party of China","authors":"N. C. Bing","doi":"10.1177/00094455221074199","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00094455221074199","url":null,"abstract":"This article reviews the origins, development and current trends of what is known as ‘party literature work’ and the principal organisation that carries out this work—the Central Party Literature Office (CPLO). Party literature work plays a crucial role for each generation of Chinese communist leadership to assert its ideological ‘line’ and build its canon. It is an integral part of the ideological apparatus of the Communist Party of China. Under Xi Jinping, CPLO was merged into a new organisation, but party literature work remains and continues to play a key role, supporting his ideological line.","PeriodicalId":44314,"journal":{"name":"China Report","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48631312","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-01DOI: 10.1177/00094455221074247
Anand P. Krishnan
With the ideological undergirding of Marxism–Leninism, the Communist Party of China (CPC) has claimed representation of peasants and workers in its vanguard role in actualising the socialist revolution. However, as China has developed economically over the past four decades, there has been an erosion in the status of workers and peasants as legitimate stakeholders in governance and ruling practices. This article attempts to map how labour, once a critical component of the CPC’s political–ideological invocation, has become peripheral as China transitioned to a market economy with an emphasis on economic rationale for growth and reforms. It examines the changing contours of the CPC’s discourse and practice over the past 100 years on the labour question, sandwiched as it is between the need for continued economic growth as a legitimating tool and the continued reiteration of being representative of the working class.
{"title":"Vanguard to Periphery: The CPC’s Changing Narrative on the Labour Question","authors":"Anand P. Krishnan","doi":"10.1177/00094455221074247","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00094455221074247","url":null,"abstract":"With the ideological undergirding of Marxism–Leninism, the Communist Party of China (CPC) has claimed representation of peasants and workers in its vanguard role in actualising the socialist revolution. However, as China has developed economically over the past four decades, there has been an erosion in the status of workers and peasants as legitimate stakeholders in governance and ruling practices. This article attempts to map how labour, once a critical component of the CPC’s political–ideological invocation, has become peripheral as China transitioned to a market economy with an emphasis on economic rationale for growth and reforms. It examines the changing contours of the CPC’s discourse and practice over the past 100 years on the labour question, sandwiched as it is between the need for continued economic growth as a legitimating tool and the continued reiteration of being representative of the working class.","PeriodicalId":44314,"journal":{"name":"China Report","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43901229","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-01DOI: 10.1177/00094455221074298
V. Nambiar
A S Bhasin, Nehru Tibet and China (Penguin Viking India, 2021), pp. 403, ₹699, ISBN 9780670094134.
A S Bhasin, Nehru西藏和中国(企鹅维京印度，2021)，第403页，₹699,ISBN 9780670094134。
{"title":"Book review: A S Bhasin, Nehru Tibet and China","authors":"V. Nambiar","doi":"10.1177/00094455221074298","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00094455221074298","url":null,"abstract":"A S Bhasin, Nehru Tibet and China (Penguin Viking India, 2021), pp. 403, ₹699, ISBN 9780670094134.","PeriodicalId":44314,"journal":{"name":"China Report","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42350550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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