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Book review: Tony Saich, From Rebel to Ruler: One Hundred Years of the Chinese Communist Party 书评:托尼·赛奇,《从反叛者到统治者:中国共产党的一百年》
IF 0.9 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455231183222
Hemant Adlakha
Tony Saich, From Rebel to Ruler: One Hundred Years of the Chinese Communist Party (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2021), pp. 560, US $39.95. ISBN 9780674988118.
托尼·赛奇,《从反叛者到统治者:中国共产党的一百年》(马萨诸塞州剑桥:哈佛大学出版社,2021),第560页,39.95美元。是9780674988118。
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引用次数: 0
Cross-Strait Relations Between Taiwan and Mainland China: The Economic Imbalance and its Implications 台湾与大陆的两岸关系:经济失衡及其影响
IF 0.9 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455231183239
Kerry Liu
The cross-strait relations between Taiwan and China are critical in the Asia Pacific and the world. This study focuses on economic relations and their implications. The main conclusions include: First, the economic gap in output is increasingly larger, thus favouring China. Based on a time series robust least squares model, this study finds that this economic strength will significantly reduce the number of Taiwan’s foreign allies. At the same time, this economic strength also brings military imbalance. Second, by employing the Granger causality tests to examine the causality relations between the stock markets of Taiwan and China, which reflect the economic integrations in areas such as the trade of goods and services and capital flow, this study finds that China is in a dominant position. At the same time, Taiwan is in a dominated position. However, except for tourism, the effects of China’s dominant position as leverage seem limited.
台湾与中国的两岸关系在亚太地区和世界上至关重要。这项研究的重点是经济关系及其影响。主要结论包括:第一,经济产出差距越来越大,从而有利于中国。基于时间序列稳健最小二乘模型,本研究发现,这种经济实力将显著减少台湾的外国盟友数量。与此同时,这种经济实力也带来了军事上的不平衡。其次,通过格兰杰因果检验检验台湾股市与中国股市之间的因果关系,发现中国处于主导地位。同时,台湾处于主导地位。然而,除了旅游业,中国作为杠杆的主导地位的影响似乎有限。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Kevin Rudd, The Avoidable War: The Dangers of a Catastrophic Conflict Between the US and Xi Jinping’s China
IF 0.9 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455231183238
Shivshankar Menon
Kevin Rudd, The Avoidable War: The Dangers of a Catastrophic Conflict Between the US and Xi Jinping’s China (New York: Public Affairs, 2022), pp. 420, $32.00. ISBN 139781541701298.
139781541701298英镑。
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引用次数: 0
Changing Contours of Chinese Queer Perceptions and the Taiwanese Model 中国酷儿观念的变迁与台湾模式
IF 0.9 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455231181572
Amina Reem, John S. Moolakkattu
This study explores the transitions of queer understandings in China, which are considerably shaped by social, political, cultural and historical factors. While the Mao era silenced homosexuality, the reform era created new avenues for public discussions on sexuality, though they were confined to urban China. The representation of queerness in Chinese media like television, films, pop music, and so on, signifies the role of cultural identities having larger implications in a local and global context. However, queer voices in China have been subject to ambiguous yet persistent censorship. In this context, placing queer politics at the cross-strait tensions between China and Taiwan gives a better understanding of its soft power potential. Taiwan is the first Asian country to legalise same-sex marriage, and queer politics has become an important soft power tool to enhance its democratic credentials in the international community. Strategic promulgation of a progressive queer policy in China will have potential benefits in enhancing its legitimacy in the international arena. The study assesses the state of LGBTQ rights in China and how the country traverses between the grey areas of allowance and disallowance in its approach to the queer question. It also explores the potential benefits of granting LGBTQ rights as a soft power strategy, taking a cue from the Taiwan experience and the constraints to attaining such status.
本研究探讨了中国酷儿认知的转变,这一转变在很大程度上受到社会、政治、文化和历史因素的影响。虽然毛时代压制了同性恋,但改革时代为公众讨论性问题创造了新的途径,尽管这些讨论仅限于中国的城市。酷儿在电视、电影、流行音乐等中国媒体中的表现,表明文化身份在当地和全球背景下具有更大的影响。然而,在中国,酷儿的声音一直受到模糊而持久的审查。在此背景下,将酷儿政治置于两岸紧张关系中,可以更好地理解其软实力潜力。台湾是亚洲第一个将同性婚姻合法化的国家,而酷儿政治已成为增强其在国际社会民主信誉的重要软实力工具。在中国战略性地颁布一项进步的酷儿政策,将对提高其在国际舞台上的合法性有潜在的好处。该研究评估了中国LGBTQ的权利状况,以及中国在处理酷儿问题时如何在允许和不允许的灰色地带之间穿梭。本文还从台湾的经验和获得这种地位的制约因素出发,探讨了给予LGBTQ权利作为一种软实力战略的潜在好处。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Yifei Li and Judith Shapiro, China Goes Green: Coercive Environmentalism for a Troubled Planet 书评:李一菲和朱迪斯·夏皮罗,《中国走向绿色:一个麻烦星球的强制性环保主义》
IF 0.9 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455231183223
M. Monica
Yifei Li and Judith Shapiro, China Goes Green: Coercive Environmentalism for a Troubled Planet (Polity Press UK, 2020), pp. 245, €56.50. ISBN(13) 9781509543113.
李亦菲,朱迪斯·夏皮罗,《中国走向绿色:一个陷入困境的星球的强制性环境保护主义》(英国政治出版社,2020),第245页,56.50欧元。ISBN(13) 9781509543113。
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引用次数: 0
Trap of Race to the Bottom? Evidence from Pollution Intensive Products Trade in India and China 竞争到底的陷阱?来自印度和中国污染密集型产品贸易的证据
IF 0.9 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455231181522
Malini L. Tantri, Varadurga Bhat
This article compares China and India, the two biggest emerging market economies in the world, with respect to their trade in pollution-intensive industries and tries to discuss the policy environment supporting such growth. The analysis is carried out for 13 categories of pollution-intensive products based on the Standard International Trade Classification Revision 3 classification. Our analysis reveals significant growth in trade in these products in both countries, with a higher intra-industry trade and a significant correlation with environmental stringency. Between the two, India seems to be enjoying a better comparative advantage. Findings suggest a need for adopting cleaner production processes and a cautious approach towards industrial promotion.
本文比较了中国和印度这两个世界上最大的新兴市场经济体在污染密集型行业的贸易,并试图讨论支持这种增长的政策环境。根据《标准国际贸易分类修订3》的分类,对13类污染密集型产品进行了分析。我们的分析显示,两国这些产品的贸易都有显著增长,产业内贸易更高,与环境严格程度有显著相关性。在这两者之间,印度似乎享有更好的比较优势。调查结果表明,需要采用更清洁的生产过程和对工业促进采取谨慎的态度。
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引用次数: 0
The Non-interference Principle and the BRI Grand Strategy in the GCC 海湾合作委员会的不干涉原则与“一带一路”大战略
IF 0.9 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455231155344
Mordechai Chaziza
There are already signs that the PRC is backing out of the non-interference policy. Perhaps this is the right time to ask if China’s policy of non-interference in other countries internal affairs is ending, especially in light of the BRI grand strategy. The study examines whether China’s policy of non-interference is sustainable in the age of the BRI. Will the PRC be able to maintain its non-interference and neutrality policy, especially if its commercial interests, investments, and citizens living in the GCC countries are threatened? China must moderate its non-interference policy and increasingly intervene to secure overseas economic interests by framing its engagement in a way that eases the perceived breadth and depth of its interference.
已经有迹象表明,中国正在退出不干涉政策。也许现在是时候问一问中国不干涉别国内政的政策是否正在结束,特别是在“一带一路”大战略的背景下。该研究考察了中国的不干涉政策在“一带一路”倡议时代是否可持续。中华人民共和国能否维持其不干涉和中立政策,特别是在其商业利益、投资和居住在海湾合作委员会国家的公民受到威胁的情况下?中国必须缓和其不干涉政策,并通过缓和其干预的广度和深度来加强干预,以确保海外经济利益。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond the Bipartisan System in the Taipei Mayoral Elections—Rise of Market-Oriented Strategies in Electoral Campaigns? 台北市长选举中的两党制之外——市场策略在选举活动中的兴起?
IF 0.9 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455231155329
Tayden Fung Chan, Lunan Zhao
Current literature on political marketing seldom investigates elections in non-Western regions or countries. The analysis of the Taipei mayoral elections (TMEs) can fill this academic vacuum. This article studies the election campaigns for the TMEs between 1994 and 2018 to understand and analyse the political marketing strategies used by candidates and political parties in Taiwan, an East Asian democracy. While the New Party (NP) stuck to a product-oriented strategy, the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) employed sales-oriented strategies in most TMEs. This article argues that political parties with strong ideologies find it hard to use the market-oriented electoral strategy. The victory of Ko Wen-je in 2014 and 2018 TMEs can be analysed in terms of the successful employment of a market-oriented strategy. However, given the changing environment of local politics, Ko and his party, the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), may not follow market-oriented strategies in future TMEs.
目前关于政治营销的文献很少调查非西方地区或国家的选举。台北市长选举的分析可以填补这一学术真空。本文以台湾为研究对象,通过对1994年至2018年台湾选举活动的研究,了解和分析东亚民主国家候选人和政党的政治营销策略。虽然新党坚持以产品为导向的战略,但国民党和民进党在大多数TME中都采用了以销售为导向的策略。本文认为,意识形态强大的政党很难使用以市场为导向的选举策略。Ko Wen-je在2014年和2018年TME的胜利可以从市场化战略的成功运用来分析。然而,鉴于地方政治环境的变化,柯和他的政党台湾人民党(TPP)可能不会在未来的TME中遵循市场化战略。
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引用次数: 1
The Dualistic Trends of Sinophobia and Sinophilia: Impact on Foreign Policy Towards China 恐华和恐华的二元趋势:对中国外交政策的影响
IF 0.9 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455231155212
Shree Jain, S. Chakrabarti
The People’s Republic of China has invited both fascination and fear, admiration and contempt in the last few years. Various public opinion surveys’ data findings reveal a nuanced and conflicted phenomenon of ‘Sinophobia’ and ‘Sinophillia’ across the world nations. One view of China is that of an ‘autocratic,’ ‘anti-democratic’ regime provoking anxiety and suspicion reflected in a trending wave of anti-China sentiments evolving into ‘Sinophobia,’ with its prevalence and intensity highlighted in increasing cases of racism and violence towards immigrant Chinese after the novel coronavirus outbreak. The growing intensity of Sinophobia is noticed in countries witnessing a barging influx of Chinese investment with Chinese land grabs and the loss of native jobs. However, another view is of a nation that inspires vast admiration for its economic ascent and traditional culture. Today, China has an increasing appeal and attraction not just for its economic engagement but also for its culture, language and tourism.  Public perceptions and opinions are critical factors in determining a state’s foreign policy preferences and choices. This qualitative study utilises various global surveys and public opinion polls to gauge the dualistic trends of public opinion on China and examines the salience of public opinion in foreign relations, underlining a pluralist approach. The article illustrates multiple cases highlighting how negative or positive public opinion of China is correlated with an aggressive or friendly foreign policy posture towards China.
过去几年里,中华人民共和国让人既着迷又恐惧,既钦佩又蔑视。各种民意调查的数据发现揭示了世界各国“恐华”和“亲华”的微妙而矛盾的现象。对中国的一种看法是,中国是一个“专制”、“反民主”的政权,引发了焦虑和怀疑,反华情绪的趋势演变为“恐华症”,在新型冠状病毒爆发后,针对中国移民的种族主义和暴力案件不断增加,突显了这种情绪的普遍性和强度。在一些国家,人们注意到中国恐惧症的加剧,这些国家见证了中国投资的大量涌入,中国抢占了土地,导致当地就业岗位流失。然而,另一种观点是,这个国家因其经济崛起和传统文化而受到广泛钦佩。今天,中国的吸引力和吸引力越来越大,不仅因为它的经济往来,还因为它的文化、语言和旅游。公众的看法和意见是决定一个国家外交政策偏好和选择的关键因素。这一定性研究利用各种全球调查和民意调查来衡量中国公众舆论的二元趋势,并考察了公众舆论在外交关系中的突出地位,强调了多元化的方法。这篇文章列举了多个案例,突出了对中国的负面或正面的公众舆论是如何与对中国的侵略或友好的外交政策姿态相关联的。
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引用次数: 0
China’s Interests in Afghanistan: An Assessment Post US Withdrawal 中国在阿富汗的利益:美国撤军后的评估
IF 0.9 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455231152902
Manish, P. Kaushik
Though long in the offing, US withdrawal from Afghanistan became a reality with the signing of the Doha Agreement on 29 February 2020, ultimately leading to the establishment of Taliban 2.0 in Kabul. The unravelling of the two-decade-old US-led war and reconstruction effort in Afghanistan led to a long-predicted scramble among the regional powers to fill the vacuum created by US withdrawal and threw up a plethora of intriguing questions, particularly regarding China’s role and interests in the region. This article seeks to understand and analyze China’s ever-growing engagement in Afghanistan through the paradigm of Realism, arguing that China has long-term geo-strategic and geo-economic interests in the region which requires it to coordinate more closely with Pakistan and Iran and innovate diplomatically. This article is divided into two sections. The first section focuses on China’s interests in Afghanistan viz. BRI-CPEC extension in Afghanistan, rare earth, and the need to ensure peace and stability. The second section assesses China’s response to the emerging situation by focusing on China’s engagement with the Taliban 2.0 and co-opting of Pakistan and Iran for safeguarding its long-term interests. This article concludes while looking at the position of India in the gamut.
尽管酝酿已久,但随着2020年2月29日《多哈协议》的签署,美国从阿富汗撤军成为现实,最终导致塔利班2.0在喀布尔成立。美国领导的长达20年的阿富汗战争和重建努力的破裂,导致了地区大国之间长期预测的争夺,以填补美国撤军造成的真空,并引发了大量有趣的问题,特别是关于中国在该地区的角色和利益。本文试图通过现实主义范式来理解和分析中国在阿富汗日益增长的参与,认为中国在该地区有着长期的地缘战略和地缘经济利益,需要与巴基斯坦和伊朗更密切地协调,并在外交上进行创新。本文分为两部分。第一节重点讨论中国在阿富汗的利益,即“一带一路”倡议在阿富汗的延伸、稀土以及确保和平与稳定的必要性。第二部分评估了中国对新形势的反应,重点关注中国与塔利班2.0的接触,以及选择巴基斯坦和伊朗来维护其长期利益。这篇文章的结论是印度在各个领域的地位。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
中国报道
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