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Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs: A Framework for Understanding China’s SOEs, SMEs and Decentralisation 马斯洛的需求层次:理解中国国有企业、中小企业和分权的框架
IF 0.9 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-23 DOI: 10.1177/00094455231187692
Brice Tseen Fu Lee, Juan Pablo Sims
This study delves into the intricate interplay between state-owned enterprises (SOEs), disposable income and economic decentralisation within China’s economic landscape, all underpinned by the principles of Maslow’s hierarchy of needs. It highlights the unique roles of SOEs and small and medium enterprises (SMEs), while assessing disposable income’s effect in bolstering support for decentralisation. Emphasis is placed on whether a higher disposable income often a product of SOEs’ control over vital industries and utility prices can catalyse public enthusiasm for decentralisation. Utilising a spectrum of analytical techniques on secondary data, the study uncovers vital patterns that suggest a symbiotic relationship between SOEs and SMEs in advancing economic growth and decentralisation. The findings offer valuable insights for policy development and further understanding of the nexus between SOEs, disposable income and decentralisation, as contextualised within Maslow’s hierarchy of needs.
这项研究深入探讨了中国经济格局中国有企业、可支配收入和经济分权之间的复杂相互作用,所有这些都以马斯洛的需求层次原则为基础。它强调了国有企业和中小企业的独特作用,同时评估了可支配收入在支持权力下放方面的作用。重点是,更高的可支配收入(通常是国有企业对重要行业和公用事业价格的控制)是否能激发公众对权力下放的热情。该研究利用一系列二次数据分析技术,揭示了一些重要模式,这些模式表明国有企业和中小企业在促进经济增长和权力下放方面存在共生关系。这些发现为政策制定和进一步理解国有企业、可支配收入和权力下放之间的关系提供了宝贵的见解,这是马斯洛需求层次中的背景。
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引用次数: 0
Status Competition: The BRICS’ Quest for Influence in Global Governance 地位竞争:金砖国家对全球治理影响力的追求
IF 0.9 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-20 DOI: 10.1177/00094455231187054
Haans J. Freddy, C. J. Thomas
The 14th Brazil Russia India China South Africa (BRICS) Summit hosted by China on the 23rd and 24th of June 2022 has significance for world politics and global governance. Emerging powers or rising powers have in recent times had significance in terms of global governance. The emergence of rising powers and the subsequent shift in power from the Global North to the Global South can be seen as the new transformations that are occurring in the international order. New groupings such as the G7, G20, BRICS, Malaysia, Indonesia, Republic of Korea, Turkiye, Australia (MIKTA) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organizations have now become significant players in the realm of global governance. They can also be seen as catalysers for the shifting of influence in terms of global governance. In this article, the shifting influence of power from the North to the South will be analysed in the context of status competition. The article would subsequently assess the BRICS grouping in terms of its quest for influence in global governance. Additionally, the article would also assess if this choice to achieve influence in global governance could result in the emergence of conflict between established powers and rising powers.
中国将于2022年6月23日至24日主办第十四届巴西、俄罗斯、印度、中国、南非领导人会晤,对世界政治和全球治理具有重要意义。新兴大国或崛起大国近年来在全球治理方面具有重要意义。新兴大国的出现以及随之而来的权力从全球北方向全球南方的转移可以被视为国际秩序中正在发生的新转变。七国集团、二十国集团、金砖国家、马来西亚、印尼、韩国、土耳其、澳大利亚、上海合作组织等新兴集团已成为全球治理领域的重要参与者。它们也可以被视为全球治理影响力转移的催化剂。本文将在地位竞争的背景下分析权力从北方向南方转移的影响。这篇文章随后将评估金砖国家集团在全球治理中寻求影响力的情况。此外,本文还将评估这种在全球治理中获得影响力的选择是否会导致老牌大国与新兴大国之间出现冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Trends in the Development of US–China Relations After the 2020 Presidential Election in the Context of the Information and Political Discourse of American Elites 2020年总统大选后美国精英信息与政治话语背景下的中美关系发展趋势
IF 0.9 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-17 DOI: 10.1177/00094455231187930
V. Kozlov, A. Bocharova
In a short period, from 2016 to 2020, China has transformed from the main trade and economic partner of the United States, during the years of Barack Obama’s presidency, to one of the leading opponents of the US administration. This article analyses the reasons for the growing tension in US–China relations and the trade war as the apogee of this confrontation considers the discourse of American political elites in the media regarding China’s participation and role in the demarcation between states and assesses the prospects of relations between the two countries under the Democratic administration of Joe Biden, with a focus on the information agenda in the United States. The quantitative results of the topic modelling analysis show that the ongoing ideological shift of discourse from the Democrats and lack of any discussion of trade negotiations resulted in 2022 demonstrate that the shift from the economic sphere to ideology has been completed. The tensions between China and the United States have transferred to the political-diplomatic stage with a new danger for the United States and NATO interests coming to the surface—Russia and its policy in Eastern Europe.
从2016年到2020年,在很短的时间内,中国已经从奥巴马执政期间美国的主要贸易和经济伙伴,转变为美国政府的主要反对者之一。本文分析了中美关系日益紧张和贸易战的原因,作为这种对抗的高潮,考虑了美国政治精英在媒体上关于中国参与国与国之间划界的话语,并评估了拜登民主党政府下两国关系的前景,重点是美国的信息议程。主题建模分析的定量结果表明,民主党正在进行的话语意识形态转变以及对2022年贸易谈判缺乏任何讨论表明,从经济领域到意识形态的转变已经完成。中美之间的紧张关系已经转移到政治外交舞台,美国和北约的利益面临着新的危险——俄罗斯及其在东欧的政策。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Anshuman Narang, PLA’s Tactical Transformation with Chinese Characteristics 书评:《安舒曼·纳朗:中国特色的解放军战术转型》
IF 0.9 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455231188104
qiang bing
Anshuman Narang, PLA’s Tactical Transformation with Chinese Characteristics (New Delhi: GB Books, 2023), 504 pp. ₹1,795.00, ISBN-13978-93839308901 (Hardbound).
安舒曼·纳朗,《中国特色的解放军战术转型》(新德里:国家图书出版社,2023年),504页。₹1795.00,ISBN-13978-93839308901(精装本)。
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引用次数: 0
Explaining Anti-Asian Xenophobia to Chinese Audience: Coverage of Hate Incidents During the COVID-19 Pandemic in the PRC Press 向中国观众解释反亚洲仇外心理:中国媒体在COVID-19大流行期间对仇恨事件的报道
IF 0.9 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455231187768
E. Soboleva, S. Krivokhizh, Karina Mavliashina
This article explores the Chinese media coverage of anti-Asian hate incidents in the USA during the COVID-19 pandemic. It sheds light on how xenophobia against Asians has been presented and discussed in the PRC press. Qualitative thematic analysis is used to identify key themes in the coverage of anti-Asian hate incidents in the two CCP-controlled newspapers: People’s Daily and Global Times. This article demonstrates that hate crimes against Asian Americans, an undoubtedly severe and complex problem for US society and politics, provide CCP-controlled media with a convenient opportunity to criticise the Other and focus on issues important to China’s identity. While blaming the discriminatory attitude in the USA towards Asians, the Chinese newspapers also use racialised stereotyping of Asian Americans as a ‘model minority’ and support the idea of Asians being alien to the USA. Remarkably, the Chinese media rarely devote special attention to victims of Chinese origin. Our observations contradict some earlier findings about discursive and reporting practices used in Chinese newspapers, that is, framing of violence and protests and selection of news sources, and showcase that these practices are pretty flexible and can adapt to better fit the particular context.
本文探讨了新冠肺炎大流行期间中国媒体对美国反亚裔仇恨事件的报道。它揭示了中国媒体是如何报道和讨论针对亚洲人的仇外心理的。定性主题分析用于确定中共控制的两家报纸《人民日报》和《环球时报》报道反亚裔仇恨事件的关键主题。这篇文章表明,针对亚裔美国人的仇恨犯罪无疑是美国社会和政治的一个严重而复杂的问题,它为中共控制的媒体提供了一个批评他人和关注对中国身份重要问题的方便机会。中国报纸在指责美国对亚裔的歧视态度的同时,也将亚裔美国人视为“模范少数族裔”,并支持亚裔与美国格格不入的观点。值得注意的是,中国媒体很少特别关注华裔受害者。我们的观察结果与早期关于中国报纸使用的话语和报道做法的一些发现相矛盾,即暴力和抗议的框架以及新闻来源的选择,并表明这些做法非常灵活,可以更好地适应特定的背景。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Joshua Kurlantzick, Beijing’s Global Media Offensive: China’s Uneven Campaign to Influence Asia and the World 书评:Joshua Kurlantzick,《北京的全球媒体攻势:中国影响亚洲和世界的不均衡运动》
IF 0.9 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455231188281
M. Kewalramani
Joshua Kurlantzick, Beijing’s Global Media Offensive: China’s Uneven Campaign to Influence Asia and the World (Oxford University Press, 2023), 272 pp. ₹2,486, ISBN: 13-978-0197515761.
Joshua Kurlantzick,《北京的全球媒体攻势:中国影响亚洲和世界的不均衡运动》(牛津大学出版社,2023年),272页。₹2486,ISBN:13-978-0197515761。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Cho-yun Hsu, The Transcendental and the Mundane: Chinese Cultural Values in Everyday Life 书评:徐卓云:《超验与世俗:日常生活中的中国文化价值》
IF 0.9 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455231188280
Gal Gvili
Cho-yun Hsu, The Transcendental and the Mundane: Chinese Cultural Values in Everyday Life (Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong Press, 2021), 330 pp. $55, ISBN: 978-9882372122 (Hardcover).
Cho-yun Hsu,《超验与世俗:日常生活中的中国文化价值》(The Transcendental and The Mundane:Chinese Cultural Values in Everyday Life)(香港:香港中文大学出版社,2021),330页,55美元,国际书号:978823-9872122(硬封面)。
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引用次数: 0
‘Involution’ or Alienation?: Visiting the Issue through Jia Zhangke’s ‘Hometown Trilogy’ “内卷”还是异化?:从贾樟柯的“故乡三部曲”看问题
IF 0.9 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455231187053
M. Jha
‘Nei Juan (内卷)’, translated as ‘involution’, was the ‘buzzword’ in Chinese social media in the year 2020. With ‘involution’, two more phenomena widely known as the ‘Sang Wenhua (丧文化)’, loosely translated as the ‘culture of dispiritedness’ and ‘Tangping Zhuyi (躺平主义)’, loosely translated as ‘lying flat-ism’, gained currency. If ‘involution’ is the issue the urban youth of China is facing in a commercialised and competitive China of today, then ‘dispiritedness’ seems to be its symptom, and ‘lying flat-ism’ its cure being adopted by the ‘dispirited’ youth. As a result, a few questions naturally arise. Is ‘involution’ a new issue that the Chinese urban youth is encountering today? Or is ‘involution’ in itself yet another symptom of a larger issue, ‘alienation’? My inquiry into these questions makes me turn towards films. To find the answers, I take up the works of Jia Zhangke, the central theme of whose works I describe as ‘the desultory wanderings of the alienated souls’. I argue that a critical and close reading of his ‘Hometown Trilogy’, will present us with such youth, who in the face of the rapid changes brought by the post-1979 economic reforms, were filled with a sense of powerlessness, meaninglessness, normlessness, isolation and self-estrangement, all forms of alienation as proposed by Melvin Seeman. I also look into the genesis of ‘involution’ and its manifestation to argue that the Chinese urban youth experiencing ‘involution’ and thereby ‘dispiritedness’, are experiencing the same subjective feelings of alienation as experienced by the youth in the Jia’a ‘Hometown Trilogy’.
“内敛”,翻译过来就是“内敛”,是2020年中国社交媒体的热词。随着“对合”一词的出现,另外两种被广泛称为“桑文华”(大致翻译为“颓废文化”)和“唐平住义”(大致翻译为“平躺主义”)的现象开始流行起来。如果说“堕落”是中国城市青年在当今商业化和竞争激烈的中国所面临的问题,那么“沮丧”似乎就是它的症状,而“沮丧”的年轻人则采用了“说谎扁平主义”作为治疗方法。因此,一些问题自然产生了。“内化”是当今中国城市青年面临的新问题吗?或者“内化”本身是一个更大问题“异化”的另一个症状?我对这些问题的探究使我转向了电影。为了找到答案,我选择了贾樟柯的作品,我把他作品的中心主题描述为“被异化的灵魂的散漫流浪”。我认为,通过对他的“故乡三部曲”的批判性和细读,我们可以看到这样的年轻人,面对1979年后经济改革带来的快速变化,他们充满了无力感、无意义感、无规范感、孤立感和自我疏离感,这些都是梅尔文·西曼所提出的异化形式。我还探讨了“对合”的起源及其表现,认为中国城市青年正在经历“对合”,从而“沮丧”,经历着与贾阿“家乡三部曲”中青年所经历的相同的主观异化感。
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引用次数: 0
Evaluation and Comparison of Trade Relations Between Ethiopia–China and Ethiopia–India: Gravity Model 埃塞俄比亚-中国与埃塞俄比亚-印度贸易关系的评估与比较:引力模型
IF 0.9 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455231187695
Amsalu K. Addis, Yang Yu, Zuping Zhu
This study evaluates the trade relations between Ethiopia and China as well as Ethiopia and India, and then compares the bilateral trade volume between them. It also examines the nexus between international trade and economic growth. Panel data were adopted to estimate the impact of China’s and India’s bilateral trade with Ethiopia for the 25 years duration (1990–2015). The gravity model has been employed in order to evaluate and compare the bilateral trade between Ethiopia–China and Ethiopia–India. To examine the collected data SPSS has been employed. The study also outlined three different hypotheses and examined them based on the consistency of the statistical empirical result of the study as well as the positive unconditional coherence with previous academic literature. The result demonstrates the bilateral trade between Ethiopia–China, 0.321, was found to be higher than Ethiopia–India, 0.136. The study’s empirical result also highlights that the influence of geographical proximity alone cannot be a determinant effect on bilateral trade, and discovers a significant linear relationship between a bilateral trade agreement (BTA) and a partner country’s economic size.
本研究评估了埃塞俄比亚和中国以及埃塞俄比亚和印度之间的贸易关系,然后比较了它们之间的双边贸易额。它还审查了国际贸易与经济增长之间的关系。采用面板数据来估计25年期间(1990-2015年)中国和印度与埃塞俄比亚双边贸易的影响。重力模型用于评估和比较埃塞俄比亚-中国和埃塞俄比亚-印度之间的双边贸易。为了检验所收集的数据,使用了SPSS。该研究还概述了三种不同的假设,并根据研究的统计实证结果的一致性以及与以往学术文献的积极无条件一致性对其进行了检验。结果表明,埃塞俄比亚与中国的双边贸易为0.321,高于埃塞俄比亚与印度的0.136。该研究的实证结果还强调,仅凭地理邻近性的影响并不能成为双边贸易的决定性影响,并发现双边贸易协定与伙伴国经济规模之间存在显著的线性关系。
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引用次数: 0
New Measures for Governing Religions in Xi’s China 新措施治理在中国的宗教
IF 0.9 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455231187046
Martin Lavička, Julie Yu-Wen Chen
With the incorporation of the State Administration for Religious Affairs (SARA) into the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) United Front Work Department in 2018, religious affairs have been brought back into the direct control of the Party. While SARA has retained its name, it is no longer an independent state agency. Five further legal measures were introduced from 2019 to 2021. This review essay examines these legal changes in order to update the dominant understanding of Xi Jinping’s attempt to reshape religious order in the hands of the CCP. The specific creation of regulations on Islamic affairs and the Internet also responds to Xi’s perceived problems regarding religious affairs in the contemporary era. Under the new measures, the state has demanded clear administration of religious groups, creating functions and positions like those in the Party’s branches. Beijing has further increased its control over religious personnel by establishing files on each of them, including details of any misconduct, in order to assess their trustworthiness. This essay concludes that the CCP continues to work toward the final eradication of religions in a Marxist manner and that China’s practices differ from existing international legal norms to which, at least nominally, China adheres as a signatory.
2018年,随着国家宗教事务局并入中国共产党统战部,宗教事务重新回到了党的直接控制之下。虽然SARA保留了其名称,但它不再是一个独立的国家机构。2019年至2021年,又出台了五项法律措施。 伊斯兰事务和互联网法规的具体制定也回应了Xi对当代宗教事务的认识问题。根据新的措施,国家要求对宗教团体进行明确的管理,创造与党的分支机构类似的职能和职位。北京进一步加强了对宗教人员的控制,建立了每个宗教人员的档案,包括任何不当行为的细节,以评估他们的可信度。本文的结论是,中国共产党继续以马克思主义的方式致力于最终根除宗教,中国的做法与现有的国际法律规范不同,至少在名义上,中国是签署国。
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引用次数: 0
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中国报道
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