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Book review: Clive Hamilton and Mareike Ohlberg, Hidden Hand: Exposing How the Chinese Communist Party is Reshaping the World 书评:克莱夫·汉密尔顿和Mareike Ohlberg,《隐藏的手:揭露中国共产党如何重塑世界》
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455211047050
R. Smith
Clive Hamilton and Mareike Ohlberg, Hidden Hand: Exposing How the Chinese Communist Party is Reshaping the World (Hardie Grant Books, 2020), pp. xiii+418, $22.26. ISBN 9780861540167.
克莱夫·汉密尔顿和马瑞克·奥尔伯格,《隐藏的手:揭露中国共产党如何重塑世界》(哈迪格兰特出版社,2020),第13页,第418页,22.26美元。ISBN 9780861540167。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Pradumna B. Rana and Xianbai Ji, China’s Belt and Road Initiative: Impacts on Asia and Policy Agenda 书评:Pradumna B.Rana和Xianbai Ji,中国的“一带一路”倡议倡议:对亚洲的影响和政策议程
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455211047049
S. Shahriar
Pradumna B. Rana and Xianbai Ji, China’s Belt and Road Initiative: Impacts on Asia and Policy Agenda. Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020, xx + 186 pp., 51, €99 (Hardcover).
Pradumna B.Rana和Xianbai Ji,中国“一带一路”倡议倡议:对亚洲的影响和政策议程。新加坡:Palgrave Macmillan,2020,xx+186页,51,99欧元(精装本)。
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引用次数: 8
Book review: Melissa Macauley, Distant Shores: Colonial Encounters on China’s Maritime Frontier 书评:梅利莎·麦考利,《遥远的海岸:中国海上边境的殖民遭遇》
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455211047040
Madhavi Thampi
Melissa Macauley, Distant Shores: Colonial Encounters on China’s Maritime Frontier (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2021), pp. 378, $39.95. ISBN: 9780691213484.
梅利莎·麦考利:《遥远的海岸:中国海上边境的殖民遭遇》(普林斯顿,新泽西州:普林斯顿大学出版社,2021年),第378页,39.95美元。ISBN: 9780691213484。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Jingyan Fu and Artie W. Ng, Sustainable Energy and Green Finance for a Low Carbon Economy: Perspectives from Greater Bay Area of China 书评:傅和吴,《低碳经济的可持续能源和绿色金融:来自中国大湾区的视角》
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455211047048
Ang Zhao
Jingyan Fu and Artie W. Ng, Sustainable Energy and Green Finance for a Low Carbon Economy: Perspectives from Greater Bay Area of China (Springer, 2020), pp. 285. ISBN 978-3-030-35410-7.
傅景彦,吴亚伟,《低碳经济下的可持续能源与绿色金融:基于大湾区的视角》,《经济研究》,2020,pp。ISBN 978-3-030-35410-7。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Kanti Bajpai, India Versus China: Why They Are Not Friends 书评:Kanti Bajpai,《印度vs中国:为什么他们不是朋友
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/00094455211047038
Shivshankar Menon
Kanti Bajpai, India Versus China: Why They Are Not Friends (New Delhi, India: Juggernaut, 2021), pp. 284, ₹599, ISBN 9391165087.
Kanti Bajpai,《印度与中国:为什么他们不是朋友》(印度新德里:Juggernaut,2021),第284页,₹599,即9391165087。
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引用次数: 0
Cultivating the Art of Anxiety: Securitising Culture in China 培育焦虑艺术:中国的证券化文化
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-19 DOI: 10.1177/00094455211047079
Rudolf Fürst
Deepening globalisation and worldwide availability of free information and ideas raise concerns of the communist China’s political leadership about the stability of the regime and the sustainability of the state ideological orthodoxy. Therefore, the state’s tightening control of the public communication to curtail the domestic criticism and occasional public discontent is becoming framed and legitimised in terms of cultural security as a non-traditional security concern. This study argues that the restrictive impacts of the politicisation of culture in the centralised agenda of President Xi Jinping reinvigorate China’s anti-Western narratives and attitudes. The research focuses on the state’s cultural security-related and applicable strategy in the political and institutional agenda and media. Moreover, the study also traces the state cultural security policy in the field of the civic and non-governmental sector, religious and ethnic minorities policy, literature, film and audiovisual sectors. The findings assess the concern that the intellectually anachronistic, self-restraining and internationally hostile policy devaluates China’s cultural potential and complexity.
全球化的深化以及自由信息和思想在世界范围内的普及,引起了共产主义中国政治领导层对政权稳定和国家意识形态正统性可持续性的担忧。因此,国家加强对公共传播的控制,以减少国内批评和偶尔的公众不满,在文化安全作为一种非传统安全问题方面,这种做法正在被框定和合法化。 该研究的重点是国家在政治和体制议程以及媒体中的文化安全相关和适用的战略。此外,该研究还追溯了国家在公民和非政府部门、宗教和少数民族政策、文学、电影和视听部门领域的文化安全政策。研究结果评估了人们的担忧,即智力上不合时宜、自我约束和国际敌对的政策贬低了中国的文化潜力和复杂性。
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引用次数: 0
The Making of China’s Climate Diplomacy: Analysis from the Perspective of Two-Level Games 中国气候外交的形成——基于两级博弈的分析
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-19 DOI: 10.1177/00094455211047067
Renjie Feng
This study illustrates the interaction of international and domestic factors that influenced China’s stance in the climate negotiations from 1992 to 2015. After providing a historical overview of China’s climate diplomacy, it elaborates on the external and internal factors that have shaped China’s climate diplomacy. At the international level, it examines the pressures that China has faced from both developed and developing countries at the United Nations climate change conferences. At the domestic level, it analyses three factors—China’s political system, its energy scenario and its environmental non-governmental organisations—that pushed China to soften its traditional positions. It ends with an elaboration of the interface of the international and domestic factors that have driven China’s shift away from blunt rejection of mitigation responsibility.
本研究说明了影响中国在1992-2015年气候谈判中立场的国际和国内因素的相互作用。在对中国气候外交进行历史考察的基础上,阐述了影响中国气候外交的内外部因素。在国际层面,它考察了中国在联合国气候变化大会上面临的来自发达国家和发展中国家的压力。在国内层面,它分析了促使中国软化传统立场的三个因素——中国的政治制度、能源形势和环保非政府组织。文章最后详细阐述了国际和国内因素的相互作用,这些因素促使中国不再直言不讳地拒绝承担缓解责任。
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引用次数: 0
The Sikkim–Tibet Convention of 1890 and the Younghusband Mission of 1904 1890年的锡金-西藏协约和1904年的扬夫宣教团
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-14 DOI: 10.1177/00094455211047078
Thejalhoukho
The controversy surrounding the Simla Conference of 1913–1914 and the legality of the McMahon line, which was produced by the Conference, has been at the centre of the boundary dispute between India and China. Amidst the diverging opinions amongst scholars and political commentators, the main issue rest on the unresolved question of Tibet’s political status. Was Lhasa authorised to sign treaties for Tibet? Was China the sovereign over Tibet? The answers to such questions are murky and complicated, made more so by the politics and conflicts in the post colonial period. This study attempts to highlight the complicated nature of political authority in Tibet through a study of British policy in Tibet towards the end of 19th and early 20th centuries. The signing of the 1890 Convention with China and the 1904 Convention with Tibet represents two extremes in British foreign policy which attest to the confounding situation presented before the British and the diverging opinions within the British official circles. The period between these two conventions provides a glimpse of the historical background in which the relations between British India, China and Tibet developed subsequently.
围绕1913-1914年西姆拉会议和会议产生的麦克马洪线合法性的争议一直是印度和中国边界争端的中心。在学者和政治评论家的意见分歧中,主要的问题在于尚未解决的西藏政治地位问题。拉萨有权为西藏签订条约吗?中国是西藏的主权国吗?这些问题的答案是模糊而复杂的,后殖民时期的政治和冲突更是如此。本研究试图通过对19世纪末20世纪初英国在西藏政策的研究,突显西藏政治权威的复杂性。1890年与中国签订的公约和1904年与西藏签订的公约代表了英国外交政策的两个极端,这证明了英国面临的混乱局面和英国官方内部的分歧。这两个公约之间的时期让我们得以一窥英属印度、中国和西藏关系随后发展的历史背景。
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引用次数: 0
Biden’s China Policy: Old Wine in New Bottles? 拜登的对华政策:新瓶装旧酒?
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-09 DOI: 10.1177/00094455211047069
Andrew J. Nathan
The Biden Administration has accepted the Trump Administration’s definition of China as a ‘strategic competitor’, and has retained Trump’s tariffs, the ‘Quad’, and the upgrade in Taiwan’s protocol status. But Biden’s China policy is different from Trump’s in being truly strategic. The key elements of that strategy are focused on improving the United States’ competitiveness domestically and in international affairs; cooperation with allies and partners; an emphasis on human rights; partial decoupling of economic and technology relationships; and a search for some areas of cooperation with China. Success for the Biden strategy would consist neither of bottling up China in its current global power position nor in achieving a negotiated condominium in Asia. The Biden Administration would succeed if the United States can maintain its alliance system, keep a robust military presence in East Asia and prevent the forcible integration of Taiwan into China while avoiding major war. Several features of the China challenge make it reasonable to hope that such success is possible.
拜登政府接受了特朗普政府将中国定义为“战略竞争对手”的定义,并保留了特朗普的关税、“四方对话”以及台湾礼宾地位的提升。但拜登的对华政策不同于特朗普的真正战略。该战略的关键要素集中在提高美国在国内和国际事务中的竞争力;与盟国和伙伴的合作;强调人权;经济与技术关系的部分脱钩;寻找与中国合作的领域。拜登战略的成功既不在于遏制中国目前的全球大国地位,也不在于通过谈判在亚洲达成共识。如果美国能够维持其联盟体系,在东亚保持强大的军事存在,并在避免重大战争的同时防止台湾强行并入中国,拜登的计划就会成功。中国挑战的几个特点使我们有理由希望这种成功是可能的。
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引用次数: 1
Economic Interdependence Since COVID-19: China and South Asia 新冠肺炎以来的经济相互依存:中国和南亚
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-17 DOI: 10.1177/00094455211039106
K. Das
In the backdrop of COVID-19-induced geo-political backlash against China, the article makes an assessment of the nature of economic interdependence of South Asian nations with China. Though COVID-19-induced lockdown led to a decline in trade with China, it recovered quickly in subsequent months. In the case of India, even after imposing restrictive measures, trade with China was found to bounce back indicating to a greater dependence on China. Further, asymmetry in economic engagement with China could be observed for several of the South Asian nations. Chinese investment in the region remained muted during the pandemic. However, strategic involvement in South Asia by China, and other powers, increased considerably which has been manifested by her provisioning of economic incentives and COVID-19-related aid. In the light of increasing strategic influence, South Asian countries desirous of benefitting from foreign trade and investment in their respective economies will need to encourage free and fair competition rather than towing geo-political lines so that sustainable economic gains can be made, which will require strengthening of various market supporting institutions in the respective economies. India’s economic strategy will also assume significance in boosting confidence and increasing the level of integration within South Asia.
在新冠疫情引发的针对中国的地缘政治反弹的背景下,本文对南亚国家与中国经济相互依存的性质进行了评估。尽管新冠疫情引发的封锁导致与中国的贸易下降,但在随后的几个月里迅速恢复。就印度而言,即使在实施限制性措施后,与中国的贸易也出现了反弹,这表明对中国的依赖性更强。此外,在几个南亚国家,可以观察到与中国经济接触的不对称性。在疫情期间,中国在该地区的投资依然疲软。然而,中国和其他大国在南亚的战略参与大幅增加,这体现在她提供的经济激励和与新冠肺炎相关的援助上。鉴于战略影响力不断增强,希望从各自经济体的对外贸易和投资中受益的南亚国家将需要鼓励自由和公平竞争,而不是拖泥带水,以实现可持续的经济收益,这将需要加强各自经济体中的各种市场支持机构。印度的经济战略也将在提振信心和提高南亚一体化水平方面发挥重要作用。
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引用次数: 2
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China Report
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