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Construing the transformed property paradigm of South Africa’s water law: new opportunities presented by legal pluralism? 解构南非水法产权范式的转型:法律多元化带来的新机遇?
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-16 DOI: 10.1080/07329113.2021.2004718
Germarie Viljoen
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引用次数: 1
Wait, what are we fighting about? – Kelsen, Ehrlich and the reconciliation of normative jurisprudence and sociology of law 等等,我们在吵什么?——Kelsen, Ehrlich以及规范法学与法律社会学的调和
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-09 DOI: 10.1080/07329113.2021.1973204
M. Hopman
The 1915-1917 debate between Ehrlich and Kelsen is a fundamental debate in legal theory, between normative jurisprudence and sociology of law. Although both professors see themselves as being on op...
1915年至1917年埃利希与凯尔森之间的争论是法律理论中规范法学与法律社会学之间的一场根本性争论。尽管两位教授都认为自己处于领先地位……
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引用次数: 1
Scientific versus folk legal pluralism 科学与民间法律多元主义
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/07329113.2021.2004843
B. Tamanaha
Three decades ago I published “The folly of the ‘social scientific’ concept of legal pluralism” (1993) (hereinafter “Folly”). Reading this essay today brings me a rush of embarrassment. The article is obnoxious in tone, overconfident, and less than fully informed. At the time, I had recently entered academia, and launched an attack against what I thought was the orthodoxy of legal pluralism. Today, if it were possible to re-write the piece and remove its vitriol, I would. Mea culpa. Moreover, my unrestrained critical blast misled many readers to think that I flatly rejected legal pluralism and opposed the very notion of non-state law. But that was not my position. In the conclusion, I stated: “Clearly there is a compelling intuitive impulse to describe as law or law-like certain dispute resolution institutions and norms found in pre-state societies and in post-colonial societies where the power of the state is weak and indigenous institutions are dominant [....]. [T]hese norms and institutions can and should be called law or law-like” (211; emphasis added). In my previous work as an Assistant Attorney General in Yap, Micronesia, I witnessed first-hand a thriving system of customary law that handled a range of legal matters, often more efficaciously than the state legal system (Tamanaha 1989). What “Folly” criticized was the social scientific concept of legal pluralism. This essay elaborates the contrast between scientific legal pluralism and folk legal pluralism. This is a fitting topic to mark the fortieth anniversary of the Journal of Legal Pluralism because it addresses core issues taken up by seminal pieces published in the journal over several decades (Galanter 1981; Griffiths 1986; Woodman 1998; von Benda-Beckmann 2002). The scientific versus folk distinction was drawn by John Griffiths in an 1984 essay that articulated ideas which informed his enormously influential article, “What is legal pluralism?” (1986).
三十年前,我发表了《法律多元主义的“社会科学”概念的愚蠢》(1993)(以下简称“愚蠢”)。今天读到这篇文章,我感到一阵尴尬。这篇文章的语气令人讨厌,过于自信,而且信息不充分。当时,我刚刚进入学术界,并对我认为是正统的法律多元主义发起了攻击。今天,如果有可能重写这篇文章,去掉它的尖酸刻薄,我会这么做。认错。此外,我毫无节制的批评使许多读者误以为我断然拒绝法律多元主义,反对非国家法律的概念。但那不是我的立场。在结论中,我指出:“显然,有一种令人信服的直觉冲动,将某些争议解决机构和规范描述为法律或法律,这些机构和规范存在于国家前社会和后殖民社会,在这些社会中,国家权力薄弱,本土机构占主导地位[....]。[T]这些规范和制度可以而且应该被称为法律或类似法律”(211;重点补充道)。我在密克罗尼西亚雅普担任助理司法部长期间,亲眼目睹了一个蓬勃发展的习惯法体系,它处理一系列法律事务,往往比国家法律体系更有效(Tamanaha 1989)。《愚蠢》批判的是法律多元主义的社会科学观念。本文阐述了科学法律多元主义与民间法律多元主义的对比。这是纪念《法律多元主义杂志》创刊四十周年的合适主题,因为它探讨了几十年来该杂志发表的开创性文章所涉及的核心问题(Galanter 1981;格里菲思1986;樵夫1998;von Benda-Beckmann 2002)。科学与民间的区别是由约翰·格里菲斯(John Griffiths)在1984年的一篇文章中提出的,这篇文章阐述了他的观点,这些观点影响了他那篇极具影响力的文章,“什么是法律多元化?””(1986)。
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引用次数: 0
River lives, River movements. Fisher communities mobilizing local and official rules in defense of the Magdalena River 河流生活,河流运动。渔民社区动员地方和官方法规来保护马格达莱纳河
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/07329113.2021.2012376
R. Boelens, Juliana Forigua-Sandoval, Bibiana Duarte-Abadía, Juan Carlos Gutiérrez-Camargo
Abstract The Magdalena River, Colombia’s main river backbone, features multiple tensions and socio-environmental conflicts. They manifest themselves in the river’s ecological degradation and negatively impact the riparian communities and artisanal fishermen, whose productive activities and rights of access to water are restricted. For these communities, the river is a means of passing down and exchanging knowledge between generations. However, their knowledge and practices are not recognized in the dominant governance processes over the Magdalena River. In an interview with Juan Carlos Gutiérrez-Camargo, environmental activist, researcher and companion of artisanal fishermen, we illustrate the universe of epistemologies and worldviews of these communities. We discuss, from a legal-pluralism perspective, the contradictions between state norms and authorities, parastatal powers, and the customary rights of fishing communities. We analyze how the simultaneous presence of various authorities and the complex, unequal arena of legal, extra-legal and illegal forces, hinders enforcement of fishermen’s customary socio-legal repertoires and also of the Colombian Constitution to protect riverside communities’ human rights. The interview reflects on the great complexity of exercising community leadership, environmental protection and defense of artisanal fishing in the midst of a socio-normative political arena permeated by state abandonment and paramilitary violence. For this reason, the interview stresses the importance of recognizing artisanal fisher collectives as political subjects in river co-governance. It also highlights the ambivalent implications of granting rights to nature and rivers: their meaning, functions and impact depend on their political trajectory and mobilization by grassrooted collectives. Finally, Gutiérrez proposes strengthening knowledge networks to bolster river co-governance where the political-cultural and socio-normative frameworks of riverside communities play a preponderant role.
马格达莱纳河是哥伦比亚的主要河流主干,具有多种紧张局势和社会环境冲突。它们表现为河流的生态退化,并对河岸社区和个体渔民产生负面影响,他们的生产活动和用水权利受到限制。对这些社区来说,这条河是代代相传和交流知识的途径。然而,他们的知识和实践并没有在马格达莱纳河的主要治理过程中得到认可。在对Juan Carlos gutisamurez - camargo的采访中,Juan Carlos gutisamurez - camargo是环境活动家、研究员和手工渔民的同伴,我们阐述了这些社区的认识论和世界观。我们从法律多元主义的角度讨论了国家规范和权威、半国有权力和渔业社区习惯权利之间的矛盾。我们分析了各种当局的同时存在以及法律,法外和非法力量的复杂,不平等的舞台,如何阻碍渔民习惯的社会法律技能的执行以及哥伦比亚宪法保护河边社区的人权。这次采访反映了在一个充斥着国家遗弃和准军事暴力的社会规范政治舞台中,行使社区领导、环境保护和捍卫手工捕鱼的巨大复杂性。出于这个原因,访谈强调了将个体渔民集体视为河流共同治理的政治主体的重要性。它还强调了赋予自然和河流权利的矛盾含义:它们的意义、功能和影响取决于它们的政治轨迹和基层集体的动员。最后,gutisamurez建议加强知识网络,以支持河流的共同治理,其中河边社区的政治文化和社会规范框架发挥主导作用。
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引用次数: 1
The enduring utility of customary justice in fragile and post-conflict states: why development actors need to stop searching for magic bullets and solve the political economy and human rights challenges associated with justice programming 习惯司法在脆弱和冲突后国家的持久效用:为什么发展行为体需要停止寻找灵丹妙药,并解决与司法规划相关的政治经济和人权挑战
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/07329113.2021.2004845
E. Harper
ABSTRACT Although programming with them has lost the appeal and expectancy it enjoyed two decades ago, customary systems continue to play important roles, including in some of today’s most challenging and predatory environments. This ongoing utility raises important questions about how such systems could be better leveraged, and why programming dilemmas, including around human rights and state-non-state relations, remain unresolved. Crafting solutions to these dilemmas, it is argued, will require changes in practice, none of which will be easy or necessarily welcomed by the development community. In this process, past programming experience can offer rich lessons that should be drawn upon.
虽然习惯系统的编程已经失去了20年前的吸引力和期望,但习惯系统仍然发挥着重要作用,包括在当今一些最具挑战性和掠夺性的环境中。这种持续的效用提出了一些重要的问题:如何更好地利用这些系统,以及为什么编程困境,包括围绕人权和国家与非国家关系的问题,仍然没有得到解决。有人认为,为这些困境制定解决方案需要在实践中做出改变,而这些改变都不容易,也不一定会受到发展界的欢迎。在这个过程中,过去的编程经验可以提供丰富的经验教训。
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引用次数: 3
Redressing legal pluralism in South Africa’s water law 纠正南非水法中的法律多元主义
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/07329113.2021.2016266
B. van Koppen, B. Schreiner, Patience Mukuyu
ABSTRACT During apartheid, South Africa formalized legal pluralism as territorial and institutional segregation that legitimized the white minority’s grab of most land, water and mineral resources. In the homelands on the remaining 13% of the country, allied tribal chiefs controlled second-class customary land and water rights. Under the democratic dispensation, the new Constitution (1996) and National Water Act (1998) aim at redressing this racial discrimination. However, these goals have not been achieved. Building on literature, field research and ongoing policy and legal debates, this paper traces causes for this failure and examines whether and how a different interpretation of statutory law can decolonize past legal pluralism. A main cause of this failure is the continued power by white large-scale water users and their consultants and lawyers. Monopolizing technical and legal knowledge, they fiercely defend apartheid era’s Existing Lawful Uses by 1998 and relatively easily obtain administrative licences for post-1998 water uptake, while claiming excessive monetary values of entitlements to water resources that the state, with tax payers, as custodian holds. In contrast, black water users’ pre-1998 Existing Lawful Uses have not been defined as yet and burdensome licences processes for new water uptake are inaccessible to the many smaller-scale black water users. The paper concludes that, in former homelands, the legal status of living customary water tenure should be elevated and protected. Inclusive facilitated processes can further clarify the “sharing in” of water resources flowing over or under the communities’ territories inside the boundaries of former homelands, also to enable gradual alignment with constitutional rights. However, in “sharing out” these water resources with powerful third parties, including foreign investors, customary water tenure should be fully protected. As a core minimum of highest priority water resource rights across the country, the current Basic Human Needs Reserve should include all water-related constitutional rights, so also water for sufficient food, and be implemented.
在种族隔离时期,南非将法律多元主义形式化为领土和制度隔离,使白人少数民族对大部分土地、水和矿产资源的攫取合法化。在剩下13%的国土上,结盟的部落首领控制着次等的传统土地和水权。在民主体制下,新《宪法》(1996年)和《国家水法》(1998年)旨在纠正这种种族歧视。然而,这些目标尚未实现。在文献、实地研究和正在进行的政策和法律辩论的基础上,本文追溯了这种失败的原因,并探讨了对成文法的不同解释是否以及如何能够使过去的法律多元主义非殖民化。造成这种失败的一个主要原因是大规模用水的白人及其顾问和律师的持续权力。由于垄断了技术和法律知识,他们极力捍卫种族隔离时代到1998年的现有合法用水,并相对容易地获得1998年后用水的行政许可,同时对国家(纳税人)作为保管人持有的水资源权利提出过高的货币价值要求。相比之下,1998年以前黑水使用者的现有合法用途尚未得到界定,许多小规模的黑水使用者无法办理繁重的新用水许可证程序。本文的结论是,在原家园中,应提高和保护生活习惯水权的法律地位。包容性的促进进程可以进一步澄清在前家园边界内流经社区领土或在其领土下流动的水资源的“共享”,也可以使其逐步与宪法权利保持一致。然而,在与包括外国投资者在内的强大第三方“分享”这些水资源时,应充分保护惯常的水权。作为全国最优先的水资源权利的核心最低限度,现行的人类基本需求储备应包括所有与水有关的宪法权利,也包括充足食物的水,并得到实施。
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引用次数: 2
The early years: African Law Studies (numbers 12–16, 1975–78) 早期:非洲法律研究(1975-78年12-16期)
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/07329113.2021.1996100
Richard L. Abel
ABSTRACT African Law Studies was the predecessor of the Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law, published from 1969 to 1980. In a short overview of these early years of the journal, Richard Abel, one of the former editors-in-chief, shares his experiences with the journal in a period when it was still Africa-focused but when the foundations were laid for both the wider geographical scope and the conceptual-theoretical focus on legal pluralism.
《非洲法律研究》是1969年至1980年出版的《法律多元化与非正式法》杂志的前身。在对该杂志早年的简短概述中,前主编之一理查德·阿贝尔(Richard Abel)分享了他在该杂志的经历,当时该杂志仍以非洲为重点,但为更广泛的地理范围和对法律多元化的概念理论关注奠定了基础。
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引用次数: 0
Forum shopping and shopping forums: another 40-year anniversary 论坛购物和购物论坛:又一个40周年纪念
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/07329113.2021.1996075
C. Lund
ABSTRACT In the first year of the journal of Legal Pluralism’s existence, Keebet von Benda-Beckmann’s article Forum shopping and shopping forums. Dispute processing in a Minangkabau village in West Sumatra was published. Christian Lund reflects on the continued theoretical and methodological relevance of the article for the social scientific study of law and legal pluralism, property and conflict, institutions and authorities, and the role of claimants.
在《法律多元主义》杂志创刊的第一年,基贝特·冯·本达-贝克曼的文章《论坛购物》和《购物论坛》。西苏门答腊岛米南卡保村的争端处理发表。克里斯蒂安·隆德(Christian Lund)反思了这篇文章在法律和法律多元化、财产和冲突、机构和当局以及索赔人的角色等社会科学研究中的持续理论和方法相关性。
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引用次数: 0
The consequences of legal pluralism for an interdisciplinary researcher 法律多元主义对跨学科研究者的影响
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/07329113.2021.2000161
S. Larcom
it is less often practiced or appreciated. In part, this is understandable, as different disciplines have their own terminology, methods, implicit assumptions, conventions and measures of worth and importance. Despite these hurdles, the study of legal pluralism provides a continuing opportunity for truly interdisciplinary research. Many legally plural circumstances are highly complex, contested and beyond the grasp of existing analytical tools. However, importantly, analytical messiness does not necessarily mean that normative judgements cannot be made in assessing their effectiveness in delivering justice, dignity, redress and personal security. For instance, legal pluralism may allow for checks and balances that are simply not possible within a unitary legal system (Berman 1983). Conversely, legal pluralism may lead to legal dissonance, where different legal orders undermine each other, leading to a low-enforcement-high-crime situation that may be most detrimental to the weakest and most marginalised in society (Larcom and Swanson 2015). While the economic analysis of law has many limitations, it is particularly useful for focusing the essence of the legal circumstance and the consequences. Perhaps legal pluralism scholars could benefit from more interaction with the law and economics, empirical legal studies and institutions literatures, where the focus of enquiry is often centred on the consequences of legal arrangements – and how they can be improved. It is also hoped that authors from these literatures will engage more with the rich legal pluralism literature. There is much to learn from all sides. Finally, it is worth reflecting on the fact that, even if after 40 years, the illusion of legal centralism has been destroyed. For some it certainly has, and there is no doubt that the term has grown in prominence over this period. For instance, according to Google Books Ngram Viewer (2021) that aims to measure the frequency of use of words and phrases, the term “legal pluralism” overtook “socio-legal” in the mid-1980s, “law and society” in the mid-2000s, and “law and economics” in the early-2010s.2 However, despite having grown in prominence, the term means different things to different people, disciplines and generations. I hope that at the heart of its meaning remains the idea that law can derive legitimacy from sources other than the state. For it is this key insight, as destructive as it is and as antically messy as it can make things, that allows us to better see reality as it is, and to therefore make descriptive, analytical and normative advances.
它很少被实践或欣赏。在某种程度上,这是可以理解的,因为不同的学科有自己的术语、方法、隐含的假设、惯例和价值和重要性的衡量标准。尽管存在这些障碍,对法律多元主义的研究为真正的跨学科研究提供了持续的机会。许多法律上的多重情况非常复杂,有争议,超出了现有分析工具的掌握范围。然而,重要的是,分析上的混乱并不一定意味着在评估它们在提供正义、尊严、补救和个人安全方面的有效性时不能作出规范性判断。例如,法律多元化可能允许在单一法律体系中根本不可能实现的制衡(Berman 1983)。相反,法律多元化可能导致法律不和谐,不同的法律秩序相互破坏,导致低执行率高犯罪率的情况,这可能对社会中最弱势和最边缘化的人最不利(Larcom和Swanson 2015)。虽然法律的经济分析有许多局限性,但它在集中法律环境的本质和后果方面特别有用。也许法律多元主义学者可以从与法律和经济学、实证法律研究和机构文献的更多互动中受益,这些文献的调查重点往往集中在法律安排的后果上- -以及如何改进这些安排。同时也希望来自这些文献的作者能够更多地接触到丰富的法律多元主义文献。从各个方面都可以学到很多东西。最后,值得反思的是,即使在40年后,法律集中制的幻觉已经被摧毁。对某些人来说,确实如此,毫无疑问,这个词在这段时间里变得越来越重要。例如,根据谷歌Books Ngram Viewer(2021)旨在测量单词和短语使用频率的研究,“法律多元主义”一词在20世纪80年代中期取代了“社会-法律”,在21世纪初取代了“法律与社会”,在21世纪初取代了“法律与经济”然而,尽管这个词越来越受欢迎,但对于不同的人、不同的学科和不同的时代,它的含义却有所不同。我希望它的核心意义仍然是,法律可以从国家以外的来源获得合法性。因为正是这种关键的洞察力,尽管它具有破坏性,也可能使事物变得混乱不堪,但它使我们能够更好地看到现实的本来面目,从而取得描述性、分析性和规范性的进步。
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引用次数: 0
An exploration of legal pluralism, power and custom in South Africa. A conversation with Aninka Claassens 南非法律多元化、权力和习俗的探索。与安妮卡·克拉森斯的对话
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/07329113.2021.2013547
J. Ubink, A. Claassens, A. Jonker
Aninka Claassens is an academic and practitioner who has worked since 1982 as a land activist and academic in the field of legal pluralism in South Africa. During the apartheid era she worked for the women’s anti-apartheid organization the Black Sash, supporting rural communities who resisted forced removals from their land and homes. In 1990 she moved to the Law Faculty at the University of the Witwatersrand where she became involved in land policy work alongside her ongoing role in supporting rural communities involved in anti-bantusan resistance and land re-occupations. She joined the ANC land desk and participated in the drafting of the early land reform laws that were introduced between 1994 and 1999. However, as the ANC policy direction began to shift in favour of supporting traditional leaders rather than the land rights of vulnerable groups, she became involved in litigation, challenging laws such as the 2003 Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Act of 2003 and the Communal Land Rights Act (CLRA) of 2004. The CLRA was ultimately struck down by the Constitutional Court in 2010. She also supported litigation upholding participatory and inclusive versions of “living” customary law in the face of discrimination derived from distorted versions of “official” customary law. In 2009 she joined the University of Cape Town and later founded the Land and Accountability Research Centre (LARC), which she directed until 2019. LARC forms part of a collaborative network, constituted as the Alliance for Rural Democracy, which provides strategic support to struggles for the recognition and protection of rights and living customary law in the former homeland areas of South Africa. Aninka’s research is mainly focused on the nature and content of customary law in South Africa, particularly regarding the tensions between the jurisprudence of unwritten “living” customary law emanating from judgments of the Constitutional Court, and the autocratic versions of custom inherited from colonialism and apartheid that have been reinforced by traditional leadership laws enacted since 2003. These laws have sought to transfer freehold ownership of the “communal” land in the former homelands to traditional leaders at the expense of pre-existing customary law ownership rights that have vested in families over generations. The laws have also sought to centralize decision-making power and authority in the hands of
阿宁卡·克拉森斯是一名学者和实践者,自1982年以来一直在南非法律多元化领域担任土地活动家和学者。在种族隔离时代,她为妇女反种族隔离组织“黑腰带”工作,支持那些抵制被迫离开土地和家园的农村社区。1990年,她转到威特沃特斯兰德大学法律系,在那里她参与了土地政策工作,同时她还在支持农村社区参与反班图桑抵抗和土地再占领中发挥了持续的作用。她加入了非国大土地部门,并参与起草了1994年至1999年间出台的早期土地改革法。然而,随着非国大的政策方向开始转向支持传统领袖,而不是弱势群体的土地权利,她开始参与诉讼,挑战2003年《传统领导与治理框架法》和2004年《公共土地权利法》等法律。CLRA最终在2010年被宪法法院驳回。面对扭曲的“官方”习惯法所产生的歧视,她还支持在诉讼中维护参与性和包容性的“现行”习惯法。2009年,她加入开普敦大学,随后成立了土地与责任研究中心(LARC),并一直担任该中心的主任,直到2019年。农村民主联盟是农村民主联盟组成的一个协作网络的一部分,该网络为承认和保护南非前家园地区的权利和生活习惯法的斗争提供战略支助。阿宁卡的研究主要集中在南非习惯法的性质和内容,特别是关于源自宪法法院判决的不成文的“活的”习惯法的判例与自2003年以来颁布的传统领导法所加强的殖民主义和种族隔离的专制版本的习俗之间的紧张关系。这些法律试图将前家园“公共”土地的永久所有权转让给传统领导人,而牺牲了过去世代归属于家庭的习惯法所有权。这些法律还试图将决策权和权威集中在人民手中
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law
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