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Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law最新文献

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From the editors: celebrating the 40th anniversary of journal of legal pluralism and unofficial law 来自编辑:庆祝《法律多元化与非正式法》杂志创刊40周年
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/07329113.2021.2018158
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引用次数: 0
Affective Justice: The International Criminal Court and the Pan-Africanist Pushback 情感正义:国际刑事法院和泛非主义者的反击
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/07329113.2021.1953231
M. Constable
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引用次数: 2
Legal mobilisation, legal scepticism and the limits of ‘lawfare’: between law and politics in union activism in Botswana 法律动员、法律怀疑和“法律战”的限制:博茨瓦纳工会激进主义的法律与政治之间
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-30 DOI: 10.1080/07329113.2021.1949898
P. Werbner
ABSTRACT Against legal scepticism which constructs litigations as negative or useless ‘lawfare’, this article argues for the need to recognise that taking government to court is part of a wider strategy of social mobilisation and campaigns for social justice, as others have also claimed. Legal mobilisation during a public sector strike in Botswana in 2011 was, the paper argues, only one strategic part of a more comprehensive campaign to call on government to pay its workers a living wage. The paper calls for anthropology to re-examine some of its assumptions about the role of the law in postcolonial nations. Despite the possibility that judges may be biased or vulnerable to political influence, and despite the courts’ restricted ability to implement their judgements - it is nevertheless the case that ethics, morality and the law, when mobilised alongside concerted political and civic activism, may play a critical role in advancing the cause of citizens’ rights against an apparently all-powerful government.
反对将诉讼构建为消极或无用的“法律战”的法律怀疑主义,本文认为有必要认识到,将政府告上法庭是社会动员和社会正义运动的更广泛战略的一部分,正如其他人也声称的那样。该论文认为,2011年博茨瓦纳公共部门罢工期间的合法动员,只是呼吁政府向工人支付最低生活工资的更全面运动的一个战略部分。本文呼吁人类学重新审视其关于法律在后殖民国家中的作用的一些假设。尽管法官可能有偏见或容易受到政治影响,尽管法院执行判决的能力有限——然而,伦理、道德和法律,如果与协调一致的政治和公民行动主义一起动员起来,可能在推进公民权利事业方面发挥关键作用,反对一个看似无所不能的政府。
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引用次数: 2
Water rights, indigenous legal mobilization and the hybridization of legal pluralism in Southern Chile 水权,土著法律动员和法律多元主义在智利南部的杂交
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-24 DOI: 10.1080/07329113.2021.1951483
João Vitor Cardoso, Millaray Rayen Pacheco-Pizarro
Experiences in Andean countries reveal that constitutional recognition of plural rights systems is not enough to reduce the detrimental impacts of hydropower on Indigenous communities. In this arti...
安第斯国家的经验表明,宪法承认多元权利制度不足以减少水电对土著社区的有害影响。在这篇文章中……
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引用次数: 5
From the editors: research in times of COVID 编辑:新冠疫情时期的研究
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/07329113.2021.1957432
D. Roth
For almost one and a half year, the world has been in the grip of the COVID pandemic, confronting people worldwide with a wide variety of unexpected health, social, economic, legal, political and other impacts on their daily lives and lifeworlds. COVID took the world by surprise and totally unprepared; the rich parts of the world more interested in business-as-usual and economic growth than in disaster-preparedness, despite earlier wake-up calls like ebola, SARS, Q-fever and many others. Those who read David Quammen’s Spillover, published in 2013, could have known. Sociologically COVID can be seen as a life-changing “event,” a rupture that creates a “before” and an “after.” However, it does so differently for various people in different parts of the world and positioned differently socially, economically and otherwise. The outbreak and spread of the COVID pandemic does not only reveal the human vulnerability to and unpreparedness for pandemics, but also lays bare the deeper social, political and other fault lines, sensitivities and conflicts that tend to remain hidden under “normal” conditions. While in most countries COVID was acknowledged to be a serious threat, in some it was disregarded for political-ideological reasons (e.g. the United States during the Trump administration; Bolsonaro’s Brazil) or it was even forbidden to mention it (Tanzania under John Magufuli). Governing the COVID crisis is a matter of trial and error. While it took time to find out what works in combatting the pandemic, the three cases mentioned above have clearly shown what does not work, what bad governance of the pandemic looks like, and what the consequences of denial and disregard are in terms of human suffering. Many COVID-related measures have raised important constitutional, legal and justice issues. COVID has become the legitimizing argument for forms of securitization, centralization of powers and the creation of “states of exception,” expressed through emergency laws, policies and interventions. In Hongkong, for instance, COVID created a window of opportunity for those in power to forbid demonstrations against Beijing’s growing influence and thus to eliminate political opposition. In a world preoccupied with combatting the pandemic, authoritarian regimes more generally seem to have benefited from fear of contamination, reduced social interaction, and the ban on mass meetings and demonstrations. But the pandemic has raised many other political, legal and justice issues. Globally, the huge inequalities in access to pharmaceutical production infrastructure and the markets for vaccines dominated by rich countries have created unacceptable distributional inequalities and massive vulnerabilities. While rich countries bought up the lions’ share of global vaccine production, many poor countries, especially in Africa, stand by and remain dependent on gifts by other countries. Moreover, COVID
近一年半以来,世界一直处于COVID大流行的控制之下,全世界人民的日常生活和生活世界面临着各种意想不到的健康、社会、经济、法律、政治和其他影响。COVID让世界措手不及,完全没有准备;世界上的富裕地区更关心的是一切照旧和经济增长,而不是备灾,尽管埃博拉、SARS、q热和许多其他疾病早前就敲响了警钟。读过大卫•奎曼2013年出版的《溢出效应》(Spillover)的人应该知道。从社会学角度来看,COVID可以被视为一个改变生活的“事件”,一个创造“之前”和“之后”的断裂。然而,它对世界不同地区的不同人的作用是不同的,对社会、经济和其他方面的定位也是不同的。COVID - 19大流行的爆发和传播不仅揭示了人类对大流行的脆弱性和准备不足,而且暴露了在“正常”条件下往往仍然隐藏的更深层次的社会、政治和其他断层线、敏感性和冲突。虽然在大多数国家,COVID被认为是一个严重的威胁,但在一些国家,出于政治和意识形态的原因,它被忽视了(例如,特朗普政府时期的美国;博尔索纳罗领导的巴西),或者甚至被禁止提及(约翰·马古富力领导的坦桑尼亚)。治理COVID危机是一个反复试验的问题。虽然需要时间才能找出有效的防治这一流行病的方法,但上述三个案例清楚地表明,什么方法不起作用,对这一流行病的不良治理是什么样子,以及否认和无视对人类痛苦的后果。许多与疫情有关的措施引发了重要的宪法、法律和司法问题。COVID已成为通过紧急法律、政策和干预措施表达的证券化、权力集中化和创建“例外状态”形式的合法化论据。例如,在香港,新冠疫情为当权者提供了一个机会窗口,可以禁止反对北京日益增长的影响力的示威活动,从而消除政治反对派。在一个专注于抗击疫情的世界上,专制政权似乎更普遍地受益于对污染的恐惧、社会互动的减少以及对大规模集会和示威的禁止。但疫情也引发了许多其他政治、法律和司法问题。在全球范围内,在获得药品生产基础设施和由富裕国家主导的疫苗市场方面的巨大不平等造成了不可接受的分配不平等和巨大的脆弱性。虽然富裕国家买下了全球疫苗生产的大部分份额,但许多贫穷国家,尤其是非洲国家,却袖手旁观,继续依赖其他国家的馈赠。此外,COVID
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引用次数: 1
Legal pluralism across the global South: colonial origins and contemporary consequences 全球南方的法律多元主义:殖民起源和当代后果
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/07329113.2021.1942606
B. Tamanaha
Abstract This essay conveys past and present legally plural situations across the Global South, highlighting critical issues. It provide readers a deep sense of legal pluralism and an appreciation of its complexity and the consequences that follow. A brief overview of colonization sets the stage, followed by an extended discussion of colonial indirect rule, which formed the basis for political and legal pluralism. Thereafter, I discuss in order, the transformation-invention of customary law, socially embedded village courts, the enhancement of the power of traditional elites, uncertainty and conflict over land, clashes between customary and religious law and women’s right and human rights, the recent turn to non-state law by development agencies, and the entrenched structure of legal pluralism. Notwithstanding innumerable variations and changes across locations and over time, the essay shows that legal pluralism across the Global South constitutes a distinct, enduring social-historical formation with shared structural features that must be understood on its own terms. The essay is written for scholars, government officials, international development agencies, and law and development theorists and practitioners interested in law in postcolonial societies.
这篇文章传达了过去和现在在全球南方的法律多元情况,突出了关键问题。它为读者提供了一种深刻的法律多元化感,并对其复杂性和随之而来的后果有所了解。对殖民的简要概述奠定了基础,然后是对殖民间接统治的广泛讨论,后者构成了政治和法律多元化的基础。此后,我将按顺序讨论习惯法的转型-发明、嵌入社会的乡村法院、传统精英权力的增强、土地的不确定性和冲突、习惯法和宗教法与妇女权利和人权之间的冲突、最近发展机构转向非国家法,以及法律多元主义根深蒂固的结构。尽管在不同的地点和时间里有无数的变化和变化,但本文表明,全球南方的法律多元化构成了一种独特的、持久的社会历史形态,具有共同的结构特征,必须按照自己的条件来理解。本文面向后殖民社会中对法律感兴趣的学者、政府官员、国际发展机构、法律与发展理论家和实践者。
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引用次数: 2
Between adat law and living law: an illusion of customary law incorporation into Indonesia penal system 习惯法与习惯法之间:习惯法融入印尼刑罚体系的幻觉
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/07329113.2021.1945222
Tody Sasmitha Jiwa Utama
Abstract The initiative to recognize and incorporate customary law into the state system is now a ubiquitous phenomenon. However, how and for what purposes such incorporation has to be performed is still a heated debate. Using the case of the Indonesian Bill of Criminal Code (BCC), this article examines how the government uses its law-making power to utilize customary law (adat law) and the legal and political benefits the state could earn from such utilization. I argue that, by constructing adat law as ‘living law’ and using it as the basis for criminal conviction, the BCC has continued its romantic, but legalistic, approach in managing legal pluralism. This article envisions that such incorporation will freeze the dynamic character of adat law, allowing the state to entrench its domination and create a false sense of security in responding to Indonesia’s legal pluralism challenges. Therefore, the state recognition of adat law can distort and undermined adat law as an empirical phenomenon.
主动承认习惯法并将其纳入国家制度是当今普遍存在的现象。然而,如何以及出于什么目的进行这种合并仍然是一个激烈的争论。本文以印尼刑法法案(BCC)为例,检视政府如何运用其立法权来运用习惯法(adat law),以及国家可从中获得的法律与政治利益。我认为,通过将adat法构建为“活法”并将其作为刑事定罪的基础,BCC在管理法律多元化方面延续了其浪漫主义,但却是法律主义的方法。本文设想,这种合并将冻结adat法律的动态特征,使国家能够巩固其统治地位,并在应对印度尼西亚法律多元化挑战时制造一种虚假的安全感。因此,国家对习惯法的承认会扭曲和破坏习惯法这一经验现象。
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引用次数: 2
Aimar ventsel 2020 punks and skins: identity, class & the economics of an Eastern german subculture 2020朋克和皮肤:身份,阶级和东德亚文化的经济
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/07329113.2021.1890429
Keebet von Benda-Beckmann
What have punks and skins to do with legal pluralism? This is one of the issues that Aimar Ventsel addresses in his remarkable study of punks and skins, situated in the medium-sized town of Halle i...
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引用次数: 0
Diversity in sulha practices among Arab-Palestinians in Israel and its implications for state–minority relations: a pluri-legal perspective 以色列阿拉伯-巴勒斯坦人sulha实践的多样性及其对国家-少数民族关系的影响:多元法律视角
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/07329113.2021.1925459
I. Shahar
Abstract Based on semi-structured, in-depth interviews with Arab-Palestinian sulha mediators in the Galilee, the article explores different forms of dispute resolution used for resolving matrimonial and familial disputes in this community. The “customary” sulha mechanism is shown to be highly heterogeneous in nature. Furthermore, it is argued that different modes of sulha reflect and embody different models of relationship between the Israeli state and the Arab-Palestinian minority. These modes are presented and discussed in the article.
本文通过对加利利地区阿拉伯-巴勒斯坦人sulha调解员的半结构化深度访谈,探讨了该社区用于解决婚姻和家庭纠纷的不同纠纷解决形式。“习惯的”sulha机制在本质上是高度异质的。此外,本文还认为,不同的sulha模式反映和体现了以色列国家与阿拉伯-巴勒斯坦少数民族之间不同的关系模式。本文对这些模式进行了介绍和讨论。
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引用次数: 3
The second wife: Ambivalences towards state regulation of polygamy in Indonesia 第二个妻子:对印尼一夫多妻制国家法规的矛盾态度
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/07329113.2021.1912579
T. D. Wirastri, S. V. van Huis
Abstract This paper explores how legal and value pluralism creates or constrains space for second wives to express ambivalences towards negative aspects of their unregistered polygamous marriages. It analyses two types of ambivalence toward dominant Muslim family law norms: first, ambivalence toward dominant norms pertaining to the second wives’ status and roles within a polygamous marriage; and, second, ambivalence toward state regulation of Muslim marriage as exhibited within the Indonesian Islamic courts and Offices of Religious Affairs. The three case studies will show how second wives express ambivalence towards their inequal social position to the first wife, lack of support by their husband, social stigma, and lacking marital status. In expressing these ambivalences, they do not engage in oppositional discourses, or “hidden transcripts”, yet show their discontent towards certain aspects of their polygamous marriage while referring to alternative norms. This paper links this ambivalence toward social practice of polygamy to ambivalence on the state level, as exhibited through lenience, accommodation, and facilitation of unregistered polygamous marriage. We believe that an investigation of ambivalence from these two different perspectives is an apt way to uncover the loci where the clash of norm in the context of unregistered polygamy are the most profound.
摘要:本文探讨了法律和价值多元主义如何为二房妻子对未登记的一夫多妻婚姻的负面影响表达矛盾心理创造或限制了空间。它分析了两种对主流穆斯林家庭法规范的矛盾心理:第一,对与一夫多妻制婚姻中第二个妻子的地位和角色有关的主流规范的矛盾心理;其次,印尼伊斯兰法院和宗教事务办公室对国家对穆斯林婚姻的监管表现出矛盾的态度。这三个案例研究将展示第二个妻子如何表达对他们与第一个妻子不平等的社会地位,缺乏丈夫的支持,社会耻辱和缺乏婚姻状况的矛盾心理。在表达这些矛盾心理时,他们没有参与对立的话语或“隐藏的文本”,而是在参考替代规范的同时,表达他们对一夫多妻婚姻某些方面的不满。本文将这种对一夫多妻制社会实践的矛盾心理与国家层面的矛盾心理联系起来,这种矛盾心理表现在对未登记的一夫多妻婚姻的宽容、包容和便利上。我们认为,从这两种不同的角度对矛盾心理进行调查是一种恰当的方式,可以揭示在未登记的一夫多妻制背景下,规范冲突最深刻的地方。
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引用次数: 5
期刊
Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law
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