Pub Date : 2023-11-13DOI: 10.5406/21638195.95.4.02
Anna-Elena Pääkkölä
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Pub Date : 2023-11-13DOI: 10.5406/21638195.95.4.01
Natalie M. Van Deusen
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Pub Date : 2023-10-01DOI: 10.5406/21638195.95.3.08
Julie K. Allen
As Peter Thaler points out in his preface to the edited volume Like Snow in the Sun? The German Minority in Denmark in Historical Perspective, the EU border region of Sønderjylland (Southern Jutland/Schleswig-Holstein) is often held up today as a model for the harmonious co-existence of different linguistic and ethnic groups, but it is important to remember that this positive state of affairs did not come about easily or quickly. The Danish- and German-oriented groups that form the majority of the region's population (alongside Frisian and plattdüütsch speakers) spent the better part of two centuries jockeying for political and military dominance of the area, with varying degrees of support or pressure from the Danish and German governments and their allies. The overarching story of nationalistic tensions in the border region has been skillfully and evocatively told in several recent publications, including seminal works by Peter Thaler, an associate professor of history at the University of Southern Denmark whose 2009 book Of Mind and Matter: The Duality of National Identity in the German-Danish Borderlands (Purdue University Press) has been foundational for the field. While much of the scholarly focus in such works has been on the challenges faced by the Danish minority living in the duchies occupied or annexed by Germany in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Thaler's new book looks instead at the German-oriented communities that existed within the Danish unified state (helstat) prior to the Second Schleswig War in 1864 and after the 1920 plebiscites that integrated northern Slesvig into the Danish kingdom, offering a much-needed and thoughtful correlative to the better-known stories about the Danish minority.Like Snow in the Sun, which grew out of an international conference held in the UK in 2019, brings together a welcome array of established and emerging scholars’ complementary perspectives on this complex topic, ranging from Thaler's framing narratives about the underlying issues of nationalist activism to PhD candidate Ryan J. Gesme's careful case study of how the plebiscites engaged with Wilsonian rhetoric of self-determination. The chapter authors include Danes, Germans, Brits, Schleswigians, and an American, exemplifying the transnational reach of the topic and its relevance to contemporary political discourses. Eight of the ten chapters focus exclusively on the twentieth century and beyond, from the Great War through the present, in order to explore how the question of cultural identity in this disputed region has continued to be entangled with transnational geopolitical trends and currents. Although the period-specific case studies are primarily historiographic, some of them also contain helpful discussions of intersecting linguistic, propagandistic, ethnographic, and pedagogical aspects of the politically charged situation in the border region.Thaler's introduction both provides a useful chronological framework for the la
从第4章开始，每一章都提供了另一个谜题，即以德国为导向的社会是如何驾驭20世纪德国发生的爆炸性变化的。亨里克·贝克尔-克里斯滕森在第四章中考察了20世纪20年代和30年代，特别是在德国国家社会主义党崛起并承诺再次修改丹麦-德国边界之后，民族主义动力和政治野心在社区协会结构中的相互作用，但在1940年4月纳粹入侵丹麦之前，他的叙述有些悬念。幸运的是，安妮卡·西曼在第五章的贡献无缝地抓住了叙事线索，并将其贯穿到第二次世界大战，以及随之而来的对社区与丹麦和占领的德国军队的关系的影响，以及考虑到战后立即试图实现政治解决破碎的信任和紧张的社区关系。第六章包含弗兰克·卢博维茨(Frank Lubowitz)对战后几十年德国少数民族社区重组努力的描述，因为它接受了在丹麦人占多数的国家中作为语言少数民族永久生活的现实。他将逐渐融合的过程分为三个阶段——重建、巩固和平等——这三个阶段与社区成员之间的代际变化密切相关。这本书最大的优势之一，特别是在书的后半部分，是它直接接触到现有的德国少数民族社区。借鉴几十年前的研究，迈克尔·拜拉姆(Michael Byram)在第7章中对20世纪80年代该地区教育机构在形成民族认同和社区成员社会化方面的作用的考察，对学校对少数民族认同的中心地位提出了重要观点，但从其狭隘的时间角度来看，感觉有些过时;如果能提供目前的数据来比较和评价他的结论是如何得到证实的，那将是有帮助的。相比之下，接下来的两章更侧重于结束对现在的循环:石勒苏wig的a . p. m . øller丹麦高中的前校长Jørgen k<e:2>在第8章中以专家的视角描述了在过去的25年里，由于外部和内部因素，德国少数民族演变成“被认可的、自信的、完整的、活跃的丹麦社会的一部分”(第9页)，而在第9章中，苏格兰斯堪的纳维亚主义者Ruairidh Tarvet评估了少数民族社区目前的混合语言身份。利用最近关于代码转换和双语的调查数据，并探讨了“它如何挑战少数民族作为流离失所的国民的先入之见”(第9页)。塞勒在第10章的结论不仅总结了前几章所追踪的历史轨迹，而且重申了他在早期出版物中提出的许多观点。特别是关于该地区与石勒苏益格历史概念的矛盾关系，以及民族主义运动如何在不同欧洲边境地区发展的文化特殊性。这本紧凑但信息丰富的书令人钦佩地完成了编辑的目标，填补了关于丹麦-德国边境地区复杂历史的学术空白。如果要完全解决两百年来的紧张关系，以丹麦和德国为导向的少数民族社区都需要讲述他们的故事，这将需要多种声音和观点，正如这本书所描述的那样，来公正地讲述这些故事。这本书组织严密，思想上连贯，而文章都是统一的，写得很好，可以接触到广泛的受众，使它们非常适合课堂使用，并为未来的研究提供了坚实的基础，更多的人文和社会学调查政治分裂和文化混杂的影响，因为边境地区的居民已经经历和表达了他们。
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Pub Date : 2023-10-01DOI: 10.5406/21638195.95.3.04
Gisella Brouwer-Turci, Henk A. van der Liet
Writing about the Modern Breakthrough (MB) means opening a vantage point on a remarkably dynamic phase in the history of Scandinavian literature during the last three decades of the nineteenth century until the beginning of the First World War.1 During this period, Denmark, Sweden, and Norway were closely tight to each other in the literary marketplace, in which the Danish literary critic Georg Brandes (1842–1927) played a central role. Brandes proclaimed a new paradigm in modern Scandinavian literature in late 1871, advocating a literature that should engage with social issues and societal problems. In practice, he functioned as a European “literary intermediary,” both introducing new developments in contemporary French, German, and English literature to a Scandinavian readership and, at the same time, being recognized as “one of the main advocates of Scandinavian literature throughout Europe” (Van der Liet 2004, 93–5).Among the social issues that literature was called to discuss, many regarded women's rights, including gender inequality and women's role in the patriarchal society, of key importance. Also delicate questions, such as the role of the Church, arranged marriages, and women's economic independence, were at the heart of Scandinavian art in this era (Ahlström 1947; Bredsdorff 1973; Hjordt-Vetlesen 1993; Garton 1993). Last but not least, femininity, female sexuality, and—within this discourse—the social phenomenon of prostitution were central and widely debated themes in Scandinavian society and culture during the MB. The double moral standards and the existing regulatory system allowed men to satisfy their sexual desires without disturbing “respectable” (young) women—from both the upper and middle class—whose sexuality was considered, and expected to be, dormant (Lundquist 1982; Smith 1989; Blom 2006; Jansdotter and Svanström 2007). In this regard, Garton (2002) speaks about “et splittet syn på seksualiteten” (32) [a split perspective on sexuality], highlighting the idea that, unlike lower-class women, middle- and upper-class women should remain untouched until marriage and were not supposed to enjoy sexual life. This dichotomy, and the biblical connotation of lust as sinful, classified women who, for one reason or another, could or would not meet that strict norm, as moral outcasts (Engelstad 1984; Hjordt-Vetlesen 1993; Forsås-Scott 1997; Logan 1998). All this was within a context in which notions such as women's intellectual inferiority as a consequence of their reproductive role, the absence of female sexual desire, and prostitution as a manifestation of an innate criminal nature were firmly anchored in the scientific discourse of that time (Bredsdorff 1973; Brantly 1991; 2004).During the MB, prostitution was one of the most important societal issues that needed to be discussed. As demonstrated in our previous paper (Brouwer-Turci and Van der Liet 2018), different forms of prostitution and women engaging in sexual transactions were
为此，本研究分析比较了以下几组作品:Elfride Fibiger的《Nutidens Ansvar og Forpligtelser overfor Døtrene at Arbejderklassen og anden ubemidlet Stand》(1889);《今天对工人阶级和其他贫穷阶级的女儿的责任和义务》(以下简称《Nutidens Ansvar og Forpligtelser》)和她的书信体小说《抹大拉的历史》(1877;抹大拉的故事，一个真实的事件);Amalie Skram的小册子《Om Albertine》(1887年);《关于阿尔贝蒂娜》，以及她1885年的小说《康斯坦斯戒指》(1905);以及弗里达·斯特恩霍夫的论文《Penningen och Kärleken》(1908;《金钱与爱情》和她的中篇小说《爱与金钱》(1902;神圣遗产)。本研究之所以关注这些作品，是因为它们与卖淫作为一种复杂的社会现象有着密切的关系，其不同的形式和层次得到了许多历史学家和学者的认可，包括Dahlerup (1983)， Garton (1993)， Hjordt-Vetlesen (1993)， Nordin Hennel (1993)， Carlsson Wetterberg (2001);哈姆(2005;2006)。本研究的分析包括对上述文本对的专题仔细阅读，在相关的情况下，辅以一些风格上的考虑，例如每位作者用来强化她的观点、形象或与卖淫表现有关的感觉的修辞。因此，尽管上述三本社会政治著作处于中心地位，但这篇文章显然不是关于斯堪的纳维亚女性写作的社会学或政治研究。这三个非虚构的文本将被用作一个额外的镜头，以便更全面地理解mb期间的卖淫主题。本文的其余部分组织如下。下一部分简要介绍了卖淫作为一种管制制度和废奴主义的历史背景，并解释了MB期间已婚妇女的经济/法律地位。第三、第四和第五部分是本研究的核心，包括对上述六部作品的分析。这些分析都伴随着作者生活和作品的简明语境化，并以非虚构和文学文本之间的比较结束。在本文的最后部分，我们将对这对作品进行交叉比较，以确定这些历史作品对卖淫/性交易现象及其表现的共同点、模式和差异。19世纪最后几十年的特点是发生了许多经济和社会变化，包括关于男女平等必要性的新观念。这种转变，除其他外，与工业革命有关。Sjögren(2010)指出:“伴随着工业化、城市化和移民的巨大经济结构变化导致了家庭结构的改变”(20-1)。获得适当(高等)教育的需要和权利也发挥了重要作用，不仅关系到单身工人阶级妇女的生活，而且关系到中上层阶级妇女的生活。已婚妇女的法律和经济地位也需要改变，例如离婚的权利和拥有财产的权利。正是为了响应这一呼吁，女性活动家们通过广泛的妇女协会、协会和期刊进行了密切的合作，推动立法当局向新的方向发展，以加强法律上的性别平等(Hjordt-Vetlesen 1993)。尽管已婚妇女的经济地位和角色发生了变化，即使在1874年至1889年之间通过了相应的法律，但夫妻之间的完全平等并没有立即确立。例如，已婚妇女仍然没有子女的法定监护权，尽管她们确实有权处置自己的收入，但她们在经济事务中的权力仍然有限(Melby等人，2001年;干燥2010)。此外，在MB期间，18岁以下的女孩为了获得经济稳定而嫁给年龄更大、通常更有经验的男子仍然相当普遍(Garton 1993)。由于1909年至1929年间通过的斯堪的纳维亚改革法案，有了重大的改进，例如终止了丈夫对妻子的法定权力。此外，从现在起，婚姻被视为两个独立实体之间的纽带，男女的最低结婚年龄都提高了。最后但并非最不重要的是，丈夫和妻子现在都可以处置他们带入婚姻的财产(Melby et al. 2001;2006)。这些社会和法律变化也反映在有关卖淫的条例中。
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Pub Date : 2023-10-01DOI: 10.5406/21638195.95.3.05
Thomas A. DuBois
The edited volume The Sámi World is available in hard copy through Routledge Press and through the Taylor & Francis eBooks platform. The anthology's main editor Sanna Valkonen (Vilgon Biret-Ánne Inger-Ánne Sanna), professor of Sámi research at the University of Lapland, is joined by co-editors Saara Alakorva (Piera-Jovnna-Leena Saara) and Áile Aikio (Luobbal-Sámmol-Aimo Áile), both doctoral students at the University of Lapland, as well as Sigga-Marja Magga, a researcher of Sámi cultural studies and an authority on Sámi duodji handicraft. The forty-two authors and editors are situated at more than fifteen different universities within and outside of the Nordic region, but with particularly strong representation from the University of Lapland, Arctic University of Norway, and Sámi University of Applied Sciences. They include both Sámi and non-Sámi people, and comprise a variety of different career stages, from doctoral students to independent scholars to university professors and researchers, to emeriti faculty members.The editors use lyrics from Sámi rap artist and philosopher Ailu Valle's Viidon sieiddit/Widened Sacred Rocks album to organize their anthology into three parts. Part I, “Guođohit [to herd]—Living with/in Nature” includes twelve articles exploring the “interdependence and interaction of the Sámi and their surroundings, both mental and physical, in different contexts” (p. 19). Articles in the section explore concrete ways in which Sámi have interacted with natural resources, be it the snow and ice that affects Sámi herding (Inger Marie Gaup Eira, chap. 11), eggs and cloudberries (Solveig Joks, chap. 9), or other food resources (Lena Maria Nilsson, chap. 10). Päivi Magga (chap. 8) examines the Sámi cultural environment in relation to contrasting Finnish regimes of landscape and heritage management. Part I also includes more abstract senses of networks of care and interdependence, including care regimens (Annikki Herranen-Tabibi, chap. 7), narrative genres (Hanna Helander and Veli-Pekka Lehtola, chap. 4), musical traditions (Marko Jouste, chap. 3), and gákti (Sigga-Marja Magga, chap. 2). Women's experiences in particular are highlighted in an examination of Sámi feminism (Saara Alakorva, Ritva Kylli, and Jarno Valkonen, chap. 6) and the experience of Sámi women within Laestadianism (Torjer A. Olsen, chap. 5). The section is opened and closed by examinations of representation: Áile Aikio's (chap. 1) analysis of museum exhibitions of Sámi culture and Nuccio Mazzullo's (chap. 12) exploration of images of Sámi culture in Finnish tourist communications.Part II, “Gierdat [to endure, to bear]—Living through/in Societal Ruptures” contains twelve articles examining Sápmi as “a battlefield of different competing claims, strategies, and interests, both economic and geopolitical” (p. 19). The section includes examinations of historical situations like boarding schools (Anna Andersen, chap. 14), social malaise in Soviet-controlled Sápmi (Lukas Alle
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Pub Date : 2023-10-01DOI: 10.5406/21638195.95.3.03
William Sayers
Among the accounts of cosmic beginnings in the eddic poem Vǫluspá and in Snorri Sturluson's Gylfaginning is the quickening to life of the first humans, named Askr and Embla, generally understood as “ash tree” and “elm” (or “vine”), from logs encountered by the gods along the seashore. The poetic and prose recensions are in broad agreement as to events and to the endowment of what may be understood as quintessentially human properties. The myth is contained in two stanzas in Vǫluspá (at least one introductory or transitional stanza may be missing):Unz þrír kvómu ór því liðiǫflgir ok ástkir æsir at húsi,fundu á landi lítt megandi,Ask ok Emblu ørlǫglausa.Ǫnd þau né áttu, óð þau né hǫfðu,lá né læti né litu góða;ǫnd gaf Óðinn, óð gaf Hœnir,lá gaf Lóðurr oc litu góða.1Carolyne Larrington translates:Until three gods, strong and loving,came out of that company;they found on land, capable of little,Ash and Embla, lacking in fate.Breath they had not, spirit they had not,blood nor bearing nor fresh complexions;breath gave Odin, spirit gave Hœnir,blood gave Lodur, and fresh complexions.(Poetic Edda 2014, 6)Snorri's version of the beginning of human life under divine aegis employs parallelism to a lesser extent, although the vital properties are mostly more neatly captured in individual monosyllables rather than in phrases.From his own edition, Anthony Faulkes translates: Then spoke Gangleri: “A great deal it seems to me they had achieved when earth and heaven were made and sun and stars were put in position and days were separated—and where did the people come from who inhabit the world?”Then High replied: “As Bor's sons walked along the sea shore, they came across two logs and created people out of them. The first gave breath and life, the second consciousness and movement, the third a face, speech and hearing and sight; they gave them clothes and names. The man was called Ask, the woman Embla, and from them were produced the mankind to whom the dwelling place under Midgard was given.” (Snorri Sturluson 1987, 13)The most recent examination of the story of Askr and Embla is by Anatoly Liberman in the context of a lengthy study of the name of Óðinn, the methodology of which is based in etymology (Liberman 2016, 48–9). He recalls generally accepted identifications of the key vocabulary of the Vǫluspá version but shows less concern for what superficially appears a transparent myth. In his summary of prior scholarship, “litt megandi” is rendered as “of little power” and “ørlǫglausa” as “unfated” (however this is to be understood). Of the bequeathed properties, ǫnd is “breath” or “life,” litr is “color,” and óðr is “voice.” It is immediately apparent how divergent this set is from Larrington's translations (breath, spirit, bearing, and fresh complexions). Liberman questions the relevance of mainstream interpretations of the event of becoming human. His own equivalences are considerably bolder and, he would surely judge, more essentialist. He accepts “breath” for
虽然词源学不能决定语义的命运，但有必要回顾一下，该形式的重建原始印欧语词根是*u æ āt-， Pokorny认为它表示“占有”(Pokorny 1959, s.v.“u æ āt-”[1]，“精神上唤起，占有”;根据Kroonen 2010， < Proto-Gmc *wōda-，尽管他的注释“谵妄”过于狭隘)。从这个PIE词根(古印欧语)衍生而来的反射，表明了各种各样的精神和情绪状态，似乎是来自一个不明来源的占有的结果:英语单词，“mad”;古爱尔兰语，“预言家，预言家”;可能是拉丁语vates，“ib.”(可能是从高卢语借来的);在古斯堪的纳维亚语中，óðr惊人地同时包含“(战斗)愤怒，愤怒”和“诗歌创作”，因此，“诗歌”和“诗”。Óðinn是这些高度精神状态的主神。Óðr可能在临床上被定义为“对精神刺激和唤醒的接受能力”，但显然需要一个更方便的术语。在这种情况下，“灵感”可能有用，但与简单的身体“呼吸”竞争。在精神意义上的“精神”是另一种选择，但不应该暗示任何自我或灵魂的概念。暂时提出了一个激进的解决方案:“心灵”的旧含义。在译者对l<s:1>和læti的处理中，很少关注重复或语义重叠(Larrington有“血”和“承”;果园有“温”和“动”;Kure有“脉搏”;hultg<s:2>有“血”)。lae是laae的变体，意为“手艺”或“技能”(de Vries 1959, s.v. laae，“benehmen, behavior”);这里用“天资”来表示这种潜在的状态。由于læti与l<s:1> / laae在动画前的缺陷中配对，但在人类属性转移时没有再次提及，因此它似乎是对“技能”的补充，可以暂时呈现为“传统行为，社交能力”(参见Cleasby, Vigfusson, and Craigie 1957;“方式”)。学者对litu go & a的解释也存在分歧:Larrington:“新鲜的肤色”;果园:“健康面貌”;Kure:“健康的外表”;hultg<s:1> rd:“外表好”;Liberman:“生殖器”。大多数学者把这个词定义为“肤色、肤色、外表”。Liberman看到li & r，并将其解释为“阴茎”。但这里的主要含义是“关节”或“身体的一部分”(< Proto-Gmc *liþu-“成员，身体”，Kroonen 2010 s.v.)。亲属关系被认为是一组铰接的关节，如古斯堪的纳维亚语knaught，“膝盖”，但也有“亲属程度”(参见拉丁语genu/genus)。有人认为，Vǫluspá的意思是一个功能性的、铰接的身体，带有繁殖和血统的暗示，因此在空间和时间上都是运动的。这样一来，人们所期望的就不是性大会的能力，而是其结果。让我们继续用“铰接体”来代表这种丰富的联系。与Snorri一样，诗中的运动是从内在的——内在的——到外在的——对外部世界的感知以及与他人(未来)的互动。在这一点上，应该强调的是，在这里寻求的不仅仅是一个实用和可读的翻译，而是对古挪威思想世界的更深入的了解。不可避免地，关于识别的争论“拉”向我们现代人所熟悉的概念方向，同时也试图纠正在早期翻译中看到的对天赋的不经意的轻视，这些翻译通常衍生于大部分与上下文无关的词典条目。总而言之，Vǫluspá中给出的Askr和Embla的人类属性是呼吸、心理、才能、社会行为和良好的体格(包括性能力)与Snorri(生命，智力，目的，形式，语言，听觉和视觉)的匹配在基本方面是好的，但在互补属性方面就不那么精确了，尽管如此，Snorri仍然倾向于缺乏社会维度。必须对这些仍然是试探性的鉴定和可能从中得出的任何结论作出一些限定。那些看起来令人费解的民间分类法，现在可能被解读为一套整洁的院系，从现代的角度来看，是连贯和可理解的。显然，这些基本天赋包括情感、记忆、好奇心、忠诚、爱、慈善等能力，甚至包括宗教信仰或敬畏神的能力。值得注意的是，在这个开始的时刻，除了性别名称所暗示的区别之外，男女之间没有根本的区别。就像提到人类是Askr和Embla的后代一样，这个清单是前瞻性的。在分配了命运之后，下一步是创建一个地位结构。这是在诗歌Rígsþula (Schjødt 2021)中完成的，在名字和衣服的赋予中预见到，前者回顾了最初的物质自然，后者回顾了社会习俗。 一想到要离开她的第二任丈夫Þorkell tinteinn，去Kormákr，她就质疑自己(把自己看作是鞘)为什么要用另一把刀来代替一把刀:“Steingerðr kvazk ekki skyldu kaupa um knífa”(Kormáks saga1939, 298)，这一形象与库尔的性别推测并没有太大的距离。Kure的解决方案——剑鞘和剑——很有吸引力，也很适合Egill在冰岛面对他的社会地位时的常规战斗模式。但现在的叙事模式不同了:冰岛人在国外。当我们考虑到中世纪早期战争的实际情况时，无论是在激战中还是在单个战士与一大群对手之间的遭遇中，使用剑和盾的战斗也会带来困难。Egill这首纪念诗的历史背景是他遇到了一群8人或11人的人，他把他们都杀了。这在只有盾牌和剑或斧头的情况下是不太可能的，因为他无法保护自己的背部免受敌人的攻击，也无法在与敌人交战时保持一定距离。很有可能是另一种武器。人们经常观察到，在传奇中保存的诗歌，而不仅仅是对事件的一种艺术评论，实际上可能是散文中虚构事件的文学来源和动力。关于lausavísa的话题，Egill面对的对手数量多，是在传说中与他的朋友Arinbjǫrn一起袭击弗里西亚的维京人的故事中介绍的。他们登陆后，住在沼泽地定居点的农民纷纷逃窜，埃吉尔和他的部队在后面追赶。弗里斯兰人从简单的木桥上撤退，跨过无数的堤防，这些堤防排干沼泽，标记着田野的边界，然后撤回原木。只有埃吉尔有力量和技巧跳过水道。但随后逃亡的弗里斯兰人转而反对他。他杀死了所有11人，尽管没有给出细节。当他返回搁浅的船只时，他发现他的路被一群武装的农民挡住了。故事还在继续:Ok er Egill kom ofan Ok hann s<e:1>， hvat títt var， þ <e:1> rann hann at sem snarast， þar sem múginn stóð;hasta - i hann kesjuna fyrir ssamr ok tók hana tveimr hǫndum, en kasta - i skildinum <e:1> bak ssamr。Hann lagi fram kesjunni, ok stǫkk frallt， þat er fyrir stóð， ok gafsk honum sv<e:1> rúm fram í gegnum fylkingina;Sótti hann svna <e:1>;þóttust þeir hafa hann ór helju heimtan。(埃吉尔斯的传奇Skallgrímssonar1933, 218)(当埃吉尔下来看到情况后，他全速向人群跑去;他把戟放在身前
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Pub Date : 2023-10-01DOI: 10.5406/21638195.95.3.09
Gunnar Iversen
On September 22, 1941, a disastrous explosive fire took place at Vinterviken outside of Stockholm. In the devastating explosion, two people were killed, and many negatives of feature films produced by the Swedish film company Svensk Filmindustri were destroyed. The highly flammable nitrate films that the company stored in one of their facilities were consumed when a film-scrap business next door caught fire. Most of the films the company produced in its earliest years, as AB Svenska Biografteatern (Swedish Biograph), disappeared in the fire. This was the most disastrous of several accidents that befell Svensk Filmindustri and Swedish cinema in these years. A few years earlier, in 1935, another explosion happened, but that time, very little footage was destroyed, and in 1948, yet another fire destroyed a sizeable number of the paper documents held by Svensk Filmindustri.Especially, the 1941 explosion and fire had important repercussions for the afterlife of early film production in Sweden. The loss of original materials, and first and foremost, film negatives, made it hard to discuss and evaluate Sweden's early film production. This also impacted the so-called Golden Age of Swedish cinema between 1916 and 1924. Some of the most important films made in Sweden in these years, like Mauritz Stiller's Vingarne (1916; The Wings), today regarded as the first explicit love story between two men in cinema, were lost for many decades. Many other films remain lost and may never resurface.Some of the surviving films have been canonized as “masterpieces” of early cinema, especially a small number of feature films by the directors Victor Sjöström and Mauritz Stiller, but early film production in Sweden has often been overshadowed by Danish, French, Italian, and US cinema. Despite the recognition of the importance of films like Ingeborg Holm (dir. Sjöström 1913) and Erotikon (dir. Stiller 1920), the lack of international critical and academic attention to Swedish cinema before and during the Golden Age is striking. And the explosion at Vinterviken is one of the causes of this lack of attention.A book that may change this situation of neglect is Jan Olsson's The Life and Afterlife of Swedish Biograph: From Commercial Circulation to Archival Practices. Professor emeritus Olsson is the perfect man for the job of illuminating the many lives of the films produced by Svenska Bio in the early 1910s, and putting early Swedish cinema back on the map of early film history internationally. Since the mid-1980s, Olsson has published a large number of books and articles about early Swedish cinema, as well as on other topics like Hitchcock and cinematic culture in Los Angeles, and in his new book, he brings together ideas and discourses he has spent many years researching. A meticulously researched and sometimes overwhelmingly detailed book, The Life and Afterlife of Swedish Biograph is rich and rewarding. It is more than just a complex case study of early Swedish cinema, and
1941年9月22日，斯德哥尔摩郊外的温特维肯发生了一场灾难性的爆炸性火灾。在这次毁灭性的爆炸中，两人丧生，瑞典电影公司Svensk filmindustrii制作的许多故事片的底片被毁。该公司储存在其中一个设施中的高度易燃的硝酸盐薄膜在隔壁一家废膜企业起火时被消耗掉了。该公司早年制作的大部分电影，如AB Svenska Biografteatern(瑞典传记)，都在大火中消失了。这是这些年来发生在斯文斯克电影工业和瑞典电影行业的几起事故中最具灾难性的一次。几年前，在1935年，又发生了一次爆炸，但那一次，很少有录像被毁，1948年，另一场大火烧毁了斯文斯克电影工业公司持有的大量纸质文件。特别是，1941年的爆炸和火灾对瑞典早期电影制作的后世产生了重要影响。原始材料的丢失，首先是底片的丢失，使得讨论和评价瑞典早期的电影制作变得困难。这也影响了1916年至1924年间瑞典电影的黄金时代。这些年来，瑞典制作了一些最重要的电影，比如莫里茨·斯蒂勒的《温加恩》(1916;《翅膀》，今天被认为是电影中第一个明确的两个男人之间的爱情故事，已经消失了几十年。许多其他电影仍然失传，可能永远不会重新出现。一些幸存下来的电影被奉为早期电影的“杰作”，尤其是导演维克多Sjöström和莫里茨斯蒂勒的少数故事片，但瑞典早期的电影制作往往被丹麦、法国、意大利和美国电影所掩盖。尽管人们认识到《英格博格·霍尔姆》(Ingeborg Holm，导演)等电影的重要性。Sjöström 1913)和Erotikon(导演。Stiller, 1920)，在黄金时代之前和黄金时代期间，国际评论界和学术界对瑞典电影缺乏关注是惊人的。文特维肯的爆炸是这种缺乏关注的原因之一。有一本书可能会改变这种被忽视的状况，那就是Jan Olsson的《瑞典传记的生活与来世:从商业流通到档案实践》。名誉教授奥尔森是一个完美的人，他照亮了瑞典生物公司在20世纪10年代早期制作的电影的许多生活，并将早期瑞典电影重新置于早期国际电影史的地图上。自20世纪80年代中期以来，奥尔森出版了大量关于早期瑞典电影的书籍和文章，以及希区柯克和洛杉矶电影文化等其他主题，在他的新书中，他汇集了他多年来研究的思想和话语。这本书研究细致，有时极其详细，《瑞典传记的生活和来世》内容丰富，值得一读。它不仅仅是早期瑞典电影的一个复杂的案例研究，而且还解决了关于佳能形成、档案实践和更普遍的历史研究的问题。尽管这本书会吸引对瑞典电影或早期电影感兴趣的读者，但这本书也是一段迷人的旅程，通过书面记录、审查记录、报纸文章、公司账簿和轶事回忆录。任何对历史学家如何处理资料感兴趣的人也会欣赏这本书。在一个层面上，奥尔森概述了瑞典早期电影的故事，在Svenska Bio和Skandia公司于1919年合并为Svensk film industries之前。奥尔森主要讲述了从1912年到1917年，Svenska Bio聘请Sjöström和Stiller并开始在斯德哥尔摩郊外的Lidingö制作电影，到Sjöström的《Terje Vigen》获得成功后，公司改变了他们的制作方式。通常，当讲述早期瑞典电影的故事时，作者会从《泰耶·维根》开始，但奥尔森给了我们非常详细的背景和背景故事。在另一个层面上，奥尔森描述并讨论了早期瑞典电影的来世。尽管他主要关注的是1917年以前的电影，但他也详细讨论了许多所谓的瑞典黄金时代电影。在报道早期瑞典电影时，奥尔森的重点主要放在电影风格的发展上。他以优美的笔法和丰富的资料，讨论了1917年前后风格、商业策略和生产实践的变化。《Terje Vigen》在国际上的成功见证了后来被称为瑞典电影黄金时代的开始，奥尔森仔细讨论了瑞典电影的风格转变，导致了这个时代的到来。利用著名的文学文本，如亨里克·易卜生在Sjöström的《Terje Vigen》中的诗，以及采用美国风格的电影制作手段，如特写镜头和分析剪辑，瑞典电影在国际市场上取得了新的成功。 Olsson追溯了早期瑞典电影的电影风格的历史，并以此来告诉我们一些关于历史和审美的变化，而且还将这些变化与电影接受、经典建筑和品味形成联系起来。尤其是采用更“美国”的风格，以及从“农民电影”到更现代的主题的转变，是20世纪10年代和20年代瑞典许多讨论的核心。通过片名中的“来世”一词，奥尔森的意思不仅仅是20世纪10年代和20世纪20年代的某些瑞典电影被奉为圣典。这本书还细致地讨论了材料痕迹(电影副本、电影剧本、商业信函、审查卡)如何给我们提供不同的信息，并导致对这些电影和Svenska Bio公司的新解释。许多早期的电影都以严重删节的版本幸存下来，比如Sjöström的《英格博格·霍尔姆》(Ingeborg Holm)，关注其他来源可能会改变我们对某些经典电影的解读，或者至少可能提醒我们，历史只会以一种改变的、往往是支离破碎的形式出现在我们面前。从奥尔森的许多讨论和仔细阅读中可以明显看出，在讨论早期电影时，这一点应该引起谨慎。奥尔森书中的一个核心概念是他所谓的“电影生态”，他指的是电影构思和制作的整个环境。奥尔森首先指出，不仅仅是市场的功能和审查制度，更重要的是更基本的物质元素，如卷轴长度和镜头比例，对于理解早期电影是必不可少的。这使他的微观历史具有一种隐含的辩论力量。所有关于沉浸式观众的老电影理论讨论都在Olsson的讨论中得到了新的转折，即瑞典使用单一放映机系统如何导致了一种非沉浸式体验，其特点是在放映机中放入新卷轴时需要许多短暂的休息。这是物质性问题和历史深入研究如何在电影研究中交叉影响和质疑理论讨论的众多例子之一。这本书专注于两个不同网络之间的动态相互关系，第一个是商业网络，当电影在本地和全球市场上编写剧本，制作和发行时，第二个是档案网络，当电影在非商业环境中传播时，如电视广播，节日和档案放映。因此，奥尔森并没有在黄金时代结束时就此打住;他还像一个法医侦探一样，一丝不落地追踪历史的痕迹，直到今天，看看经典是如何形成的，黄金时代的概念是如何构建的，以及这些老电影是如何成为新档案网络的一部分的。通过关注公司战略和财务问题以及风格的变化，奥尔森向我们展示了20世纪10年代瑞典早期电影制作的丰富而详细的画面，这一时期导致了黄金时代。《瑞典传》是一部历史概览和历史侦探小说。奥尔森更注重风格而不是内容，有时在阅读这本书的时候，我渴望讨论像《英格博格·霍尔姆》、《温嘉恩》和《巴莱特·普里玛多南》(Balettprimadonnan，导演)这样的电影的内容。斯蒂勒(1916))，以及这些电影如何与当代瑞典社会产生共鸣，但奥尔森为我们提供了丰富的新信息，以及比早期瑞典电影更广泛的视角。如果你想了解20世纪10年代瑞典的电影制作，以及这些电影是如何在档案和历史中流传下来的，奥尔森的书是一个完美的开始。1920年，记者、编剧、电影导演卡尔·西奥多·德雷尔(Carl Theodor Dreyer)在报纸上写了一篇关于瑞典电影的文章(《Svensk film》，Dagbladet, 1月7日7日)。和他同时代的许多人一样，德雷尔认为维克多Sjöström和莫里茨·斯提勒等瑞典导演给了电影一个灵魂。但德雷尔认为，正是这位瑞典导演对“美国”风格
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Pub Date : 2023-10-01DOI: 10.5406/21638195.95.3.02
Liina-Ly Roos
In her essay “Språkrör mellan olika världar” (2011), Swedish author Susanna Alakoski writes about the history of Finnish migration to Sweden and about feeling both shame and pride concerning her Finnish heritage. The essay was republished in a collection Finnjävlar (2016),3 which compiles texts by various Swedish authors with Finnish heritage. Most of the authors, similarly to Alakoski, articulate an experience of being invisible in Sweden. By invisible, they mean that due to shared somatic features and a long cultural history, they can often pass as white Swedes, while they still experience derogatory attitudes and discrimination based on their Finnish background. Although the majority of Finnish-speakers have been identified as white, in the pseudoscientific race biology of the early twentieth century in Sweden, they were categorized as an inferior race, the “Eastern Baltic race,” which contributed to their representations in the Swedish cultural imaginary as inferior and less civilized. Thus, while invisible in their ability to pass as Swedes, the Finnish-speakers have also been made visible throughout history as being slightly different than Swedes. What Alakoski seems to be most concerned about in her essay is articulating a different kind of invisibility, namely, that of the troubling experiences of the Finnish migrants to Sweden in the second half of the twentieth century. She refers to scholarship and public debates regarding migration that are often misinformed in using the word “invandrare” “immigrant” as only non-white and that have, as she sees it, forgotten the history of Finnish migration (Alakoski 2011).4 In order to address that concern, she describes what looks like a hierarchy of visibility of different migrants in Sweden. Alakoski does not use the word “race” in her essay, instead wondering about the different attitudes regarding ethnicity, even though she implies that the non-white Swede from Afghanistan is somehow “more migrant” than the other two groups of white people, Swedes with a Finnish background, and Swedes with a Polish background, in Sweden. The question of whether her Polish friends were treated similarly to her remains hanging in the air—as does the question of race and whiteness—and she does not return to it in the essay.Alakoski's essay is ultimately about how the experiences of Finnish-speakers in Sweden have changed over the years. Her incorporation of the person of color in Sweden to express concern about how both the historically racialized white migrants and their racialization have not been fully acknowledged in the dominant culture, however, raises some questions. Why separate these three groups of migrants? What does it ultimately mean that she would like to receive the question about where she comes from? Alakoski's rhetorical move is indicative of a similar move in a variety of literary and cinematic texts about intra-Nordic migration/minorities, some of which I analyze in this article, primarily focus
在她的文章“Språkrör mellan olika världar”(2011)中，瑞典作家苏珊娜·阿拉科斯基(Susanna Alakoski)讲述了芬兰人移民到瑞典的历史，以及对自己的芬兰血统感到羞耻和自豪。这篇文章被重新发表在一本合集Finnjävlar(2016)中，该合集汇编了具有芬兰遗产的各种瑞典作家的文本。与阿拉科斯基类似，大多数作者都表达了在瑞典被忽视的经历。所谓隐形，他们的意思是由于共同的身体特征和悠久的文化历史，他们通常可以伪装成瑞典白人，但他们仍然因为芬兰背景而受到贬损和歧视。虽然大多数讲芬兰语的人被认为是白人，但在20世纪初瑞典的伪科学种族生物学中，他们被归类为劣等种族，即“东波罗的海种族”，这导致他们在瑞典文化想象中表现为劣等和不文明。因此，虽然说芬兰语的人不被认为是瑞典人，但他们在历史上也被认为与瑞典人略有不同。阿拉科斯基在她的文章中似乎最关心的是阐明一种不同的隐形，即20世纪下半叶芬兰移民到瑞典的令人不安的经历。她指的是关于移民的学术和公共辩论，这些学术和公共辩论经常被错误地使用“invandrare”(外来移民)一词，“移民”只是非白人，而且在她看来，这已经忘记了芬兰移民的历史(Alakoski 2011)为了解决这一问题，她描述了瑞典不同移民的可见性等级。Alakoski在她的文章中没有使用“种族”这个词，而是想知道关于种族的不同态度，尽管她暗示来自阿富汗的非白人瑞典人在某种程度上比瑞典的其他两个白人群体(芬兰背景的瑞典人和波兰背景的瑞典人)“更像移民”。她的波兰朋友是否受到了与她相似的待遇，这个问题仍然悬而未决——种族和白人的问题也是如此——她在文章中没有回到这个问题上。阿拉科斯基的文章最终是关于说芬兰语的人在瑞典的经历在这些年发生了怎样的变化。然而，她将瑞典的有色人种纳入其中，以表达对历史上被种族化的白人移民及其种族化在主流文化中没有得到充分承认的担忧，这引发了一些问题。为什么要把这三组移民分开呢?她愿意接受关于她从哪里来的问题，这最终意味着什么?Alakoski的修辞手法表明，在各种关于北欧内部移民/少数民族的文学和电影文本中，也有类似的做法，我在本文中分析了其中的一些，主要集中在瑞典的芬兰语和托尔尼大连语的例子。通常，这些描述与(半)殖民历史(瑞典以不同的方式成为芬兰的殖民者，并继续殖民Sápmi土地)和种族化的创伤和复杂记忆作斗争，但它们也包括有助于种族化等级的时刻。这些是多向的等级制度，因为北欧内部的移民/少数民族认为自己在主流社会中比有色人种的移民能见度更低，因此代理更少，但与此同时，他们与他们以及其他白人移民/少数民族保持距离，这些人在历史上也被视为不完全是白人。本文认为，21世纪初的几位北欧作家和电影制作人在试图将殖民和种族历史造成的不完全归属的经历呈现出来时，描绘并融入了种族化的等级制度。在此过程中，我借鉴了欧洲和北欧背景下的后殖民和批判种族理论交叉的学术研究。例如，达里娅·克里沃诺斯(Daria Krivonos, 2020)在分析讲俄语的移民在芬兰努力成为白人的过程中认为，芬兰代表了讲俄语的人(他们在历史上一直被西欧人视为他者)的欧洲性，这种欧洲性“必须被理解为一种后殖民时期形成的白人性，其内部等级制度和象征性地理位置将西欧作为真正的欧洲与欧洲的‘不完整自我’东欧区分开来”(389)。像其他关于东欧人不像西欧人那么白的学术讨论一样，克里沃诺斯提出了后殖民时代的欧洲对其周边国家和人民的关键影响。 在19世纪，芬兰人被认为是蒙古后裔，是芬兰-乌戈尔人的一员。这种分类意味着“芬兰人被置于白种人之外，与亚洲人或‘黄种人’联系在一起”(Keskinen 2019,172)。后来，瑞典在20世纪20年代至40年代的种族生物学理论对这一概念提出了质疑，并发展了一种“东波罗的海”种族不如北欧种族的理论，这些种族在芬兰、爱沙尼亚、拉脱维亚、立陶宛、波兰和俄罗斯被发现(Keskinen 2019,172)随着第二次世界大战的爆发，官方对这些观点的认同也随之终结。瑞典与纳粹德国的政治保持距离，在第二次世界大战期间，瑞典的中立立场有些问题，在20世纪后期，瑞典将自己定位为与其他西欧国家一起，试图承认他们(即使是隐性的)参与了大屠杀。道歉的姿态帮助集体情绪从内疚转变为骄傲。它还在瑞典造成了对种族和种族主义的集体沉默，正如当代学术所表明的那样，这种沉默在很大程度上持续到今天。16由于芬兰在独立后参与了对Sápmi部分土地的殖民，发展了自己的民族国家，并正式无视种族生物学，“芬兰人逐渐变得‘更白’，导致被纳入——尽管是模糊的——被编码为白人的欧洲性”(Keskinen 2019, 173)。约翰娜·莱诺宁(Johanna Leinonen)认为，在冷战期间，芬兰在西方白人现代性中的地位仍然不安全。虽然芬兰作为一个不太西方、不太白人、因此不太北欧的国家的声誉在20世纪80年代仍在继续，但这在一定程度上是由于其毗邻苏联和东欧的地理位置造成的(Leinonen 2017)。这进一步造成了芬兰和其他北欧国家对俄罗斯人和东欧人的种族成见，以及对非白人移民的成见。关于北欧内部移民和瑞典少数民族的文本经常将北欧不完全的经历描述为历史种族化的残余，由于北欧福利国家的色盲言论，这种经历在2000年代没有被提及。我提出北欧不完全性(Nordic not- queness)，这个术语既指后殖民背景下的模仿，也指作为一种不断变化的结构的白人，这是一个有用的框架，可以用来讨论在北欧阐明种族化历史的文化文本。虽然这些反复与更广泛的关于东欧人在北欧媒体和社会中的表现和经历的研究有相似之处，但本文所分析的文化文本的独特之处在于芬兰人和托尔达利人在时间和空间上与瑞典主流文化的接近。在展示这些不完全的历史的同时，也有一种愿望，那就是不一定要以瑞典人的身份过关，而是要被承认和认可为说芬兰语/说托尔内达语的人，就像说瑞典语的人一样，是“白人”、“西方人”和“北欧人”。这包括与非白人或与不太白的东欧人有联系的人保持距离，因为东欧人在空间和时间上被视为更远的人与此同时，它也常常包括一种主张边缘化身份的尝试，类似于有色人种社区，以获得能见度，并与白人特权的影响保持距离。因此，阿拉科斯基写作的动机，是关于白人同质性的主流观念与北欧地区不完全是白人的经历之间的不协调。为了解决隐形的悖论，在这种悖论中，传递和成为白人/北欧人/隐形人的潜力既是一种特权，也是一种创伤记忆的抹除，Alakoski的文章结合了种族化的等级制度，试图使以前看不见的动态变得可见，但它也有助于进一步的种族化。这种不可见的悖论需要进一步研究北欧不完全性作为一个概念有助于我们理解由多向等级制度、特权和创伤历史所传达的近距离移民和少数民族的历史，这使得我们对北欧这个跨文化和异质地区有了更复杂的理解。在整个二十世纪，瑞典电影和媒体经常把芬兰人描绘成原始、贫穷和不文明的人。例如，电影学者罗谢尔·赖特(Rochelle Wright, 1998)认为，这样的画面在20世纪40年代和50年代的瑞典乡村情节剧中很常见。然而，在她对瑞典电影中外来者的广泛研究中，她得出结论:“瑞典电影中的芬兰人有时可能被描绘成‘外国人’和其他民族，但总的来说，他们也是北欧
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Pub Date : 2023-10-01DOI: 10.5406/21638195.95.3.07
Natalie Van Deusen
In 1997, the so-called Icelandic family sagas and tales (Íslendingasögur and þættir), pseudo-historical narratives that treat the lives and feuds of prominent Icelanders and Icelandic families during the ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries, were newly translated into English in The Complete Sagas of Icelanders, Including 49 Tales (ed. Viðar Hreinsson, Leifur Eiríksson Publishers, 1997). The five volumes in this work effectively replaced the antiquated translations from earlier centuries with highly readable texts that capture the characteristic prose of these important narratives. These translations have made the sagas accessible to a broader audience and have played a critical role within both medieval scholarship and scholarship on hagiography, as well as in the English-speaking classrooms where these works are taught.Other saga genres have not received the same comprehensive treatment in terms of translation to English; these include both the heilagra manna sögur (sagas of saints), Old Norse-Icelandic translations of Latin and German saints’ legends, and the biskupa sögur (bishops’ sagas), the natively produced hagiographies that treat the lives of Iceland's holy bishops. Some important English translations have appeared in recent years, making these works available to non-specialists and students alike; these are helpfully listed in the individual entries for various saints in Kirsten Wolf's The Legends of the Saints in Old Norse-Icelandic Prose (University of Toronto Press, 2013). However, as Wolf's bibliography also shows, many works belonging to the genres of biskupa sögur and heilagra manna sögur remain untranslated to English, or at least have not been translated in recent decades. This makes the work under review a welcome contribution to the growing number of translations of bishops’ and saints’ sagas.A draft of The Saga of St. Jón of Hólar was originally completed in 2000, but Cormack thought it advisable to delay publication of the translation until the publication of Peter Foote's (d. 2009) two editions of Jóns saga Hólabiskups, both of which appeared in 2003. The first was a diplomatic edition and study as part of the Editiones Arnamagnæana series, and the second was a normalized edition in the Íslenzk fornrit series. While the former work was published in English and provided a detailed discussion of the manuscripts and redactions of the saga, the latter work was published in Icelandic, and examined more closely the saga itself, and in particular, its manuscripts, sources, style, and connections to other literary works. Foote originally wrote the latter introduction in English, but the text was never finalized due to his poor health. Cormack was therefore given permission by Foote, the editors of the Íslenzk fornrit edition, and Hið íslenska bókmenntafélag to publish the English version of the text, which comprises Part II of the present work. Cormack points out that Foote's introduction, while “essential to scholars of language
1997年，所谓的冰岛家庭传奇和故事(Íslendingasögur和þættir)，伪历史叙事，处理9世纪，10世纪和11世纪冰岛显赫人物和冰岛家庭的生活和不和，被新翻译成英文，出版了《冰岛人的全部传奇，包括49个故事》(Viðar Hreinsson主编，Leifur Eiríksson出版社，1997)。这部作品的五卷有效地取代了几个世纪前的过时翻译，用高度可读的文本捕捉了这些重要叙事的特色散文。这些翻译使得这些传奇故事能够被更广泛的读者所了解，并且在中世纪学术研究和圣徒传记研究中，以及在教授这些作品的英语课堂上，都发挥了关键作用。其他类型的传奇小说在英译方面没有得到同样全面的处理;这些包括heilagra manna sögur(圣人的传奇)，古挪威语-冰岛语翻译的拉丁语和德语圣人的传说，以及biskupa sögur(主教的传奇)，这是当地制作的关于冰岛神圣主教生活的圣徒传记。近年来出现了一些重要的英文译本，使这些作品对非专业人士和学生都可用;在克尔斯滕·沃尔夫的《古挪威-冰岛散文中的圣徒传说》(多伦多大学出版社，2013年)中，这些都被列在了各个圣徒的个人条目中。然而，正如沃尔夫的参考书目所显示的那样，许多属于biskupa sögur和heilagra manna sögur类型的作品仍然没有被翻译成英语，或者至少在最近几十年没有被翻译。这使得正在审查的工作对越来越多的主教和圣徒传奇的翻译做出了受欢迎的贡献。《圣的传说Jón》(Hólar)的草稿最初是在2000年完成的，但科马克认为最好推迟译本的出版，直到彼得·富特(Peter Foote)的《Jóns传说Hólabiskups》(d. 2009)两个版本的出版，这两个版本都出现在2003年。第一个是外交版和研究版，作为《editions Arnamagnæana》系列的一部分，第二个是Íslenzk fornit系列的规范版。前者用英语出版，并详细讨论了传奇的手稿和修订，后者用冰岛语出版，并更仔细地研究了传奇本身，特别是它的手稿，来源，风格，以及与其他文学作品的联系。富特最初用英语写了后一篇引言，但由于他的健康状况不佳，正文从未定稿。因此，Cormack得到了Íslenzk格式版的编辑Foote和Hið íslenska bókmenntafélag的许可，出版了包含本著作第二部分的英文文本。科马克指出，富特的引言“对语言和文学学者来说是必不可少的……提供了比一般读者可能需要的更多细节”(第ix页)，因此，她提供了一个综合介绍，考虑到Foote介绍的要点，但更容易理解;这是第一部分的开始，也是文本翻译的序言。在她的介绍中，科马克概述了中世纪冰岛基督教和教会的历史，这有助于将主教Jón Ögmundarsson(1052-1121)的生活和崇拜以及他被封为圣徒后写的传奇置于背景中。正如科马克概述的那样，Jón Ögmundarson是Hólar北部教区的第一位主教，该教区成立于1106年，是冰岛教会早期的关键人物。然后，她转向主教Jón的生活和事业的更广泛的背景，并提供了一个很好的概述介绍和发展基督教和中世纪冰岛的圣徒崇拜。的确，这本书对于教授古挪威-冰岛文学的老师来说是非常有用的，因为它既通俗易懂，又可读性很强，而且还提供了所有必要的信息，以便理解Jón Ögmundarson传奇的宗教和历史背景。然后讨论乔恩的变迁,他的狂热崇拜,认为原因和科尔马克打进一球,他从来没有达到普及的程度,ÞorlakrÞorhallsson(1133 - 1193),冰岛的守护神,她推测,“也许太多时间以来(Jon)死亡,或者太少了自Þ神圣化orlakr”,还指出,Jon结婚也是一个因素(p。9).Part我还包括介绍Jon传奇Holabiskups的版本,本质上是对富特发现的总结。正如科马克所指出的，Jón的原始拉丁语vita已经丢失，但这个传奇故事在古挪威-冰岛语中有三种版本。
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Pub Date : 2023-10-01DOI: 10.5406/21638195.95.3.01
Helen F. Leslie-Jacobsen
This article aims to contribute toward book history in Early Modern Norway by considering the circumstances of how and why the Norwegian national law was revised and brought to print for the first time in 1604 in Copenhagen, titled Den Norske Low-Bog, offuerseet, corrigerit oc forbedrit Anno M.DC.IIII (1604; The Norwegian Law-Book, Looked Through, Corrected and Revised The Year 1604).1 This was the first time Norwegian law had been printed, and indeed the printing of the law took place 40 years before the printing press came to Norway itself. Prior to it being revised and printed, copies of the law circulated in manuscript form, both in the Old Norwegian language the law was originally written in and later in Danish translations. As could be expected with a text in manuscript circulation, this meant there were many slightly different, although broadly similar, versions of the law.2 Despite many orders from Denmark throughout the sixteenth century, no final copy of a state-sponsored, Danish lawbook was published before 1604. This article considers the open letters and orders sent to Norway in the latter half of the sixteenth century and the early seventeenth century from the Danish Royal Court and reflects on the various motivations behind the preparation and printing of the law in Copenhagen, using the orders from Denmark as the primary source of evidence.3 The law printed in Copenhagen in 1604 was a translated and somewhat revised version of the Landslǫg, a national law code valid for the whole country, which was introduced in Norway in 1274 in the reign of King Magnus Håkonsson Lagabøte (whose byname means “law-mender”).4For much of the period in which the Landslǫg was in force in Norway, the country was in a union with Denmark, and it is for this reason that the Danish court and the Danish language were able to exert influence over the form of the Landslǫg.5 When the Landslǫg was introduced in the thirteenth century, Norway was an independent kingdom, and the language of the law code was Old Norwegian. The introduction of a national law code was an important stage in the process of Norwegian state formation and the consolidation of the power of the monarchy in the thirteenth century.6 However, in 1380, the Danish King Olaf II Håkonsson inherited the Kingdom of Norway as Olav IV Håkonsson. After his death, Norway was ruled by his mother, Margrete I, from 1387 to 1412. In 1397, Sweden, Denmark, and Norway formed the Kalmar Union, which was dissolved in 1523 when Sweden withdrew. Denmark-Norway remained together, with the administrative center of power located in Copenhagen. Even though the idea was that each state should be governed according to its own laws, and the law in Norway should not therefore have undergone any great changes, Danish men were gradually introduced into the most important posts in the country's administration (Bagge and Mykland 1987, 66, 74, 77; Falkanger 2007, 134). From 1536/1537, Denmark and Norway were in a personal un
本文旨在通过考虑挪威国家法律如何以及为什么被修订并于1604年在哥本哈根首次印刷的情况，为早期现代挪威的图书史做出贡献，标题为Den Norske Low-Bog，副注，更正。1 .《挪威法律书:通读、修正和修订(1604年)这是挪威法律第一次被印刷出来，事实上，法律的印刷比印刷机进入挪威早了40年。在修订和印刷之前，法律的副本以手稿形式流传，其中既有古挪威语的原始文本，也有后来的丹麦语译本。正如在手稿中流传的文本所预料的那样，这意味着法律的许多版本虽然大致相似，但略有不同尽管丹麦在16世纪多次下令，但在1604年之前，没有一部由国家赞助的丹麦法律书的最终版本出版。本文考察了16世纪下半叶和17世纪初丹麦皇家法院发给挪威的公开信和命令，并以丹麦的命令为主要证据来源，反思了哥本哈根法律编制和印刷背后的各种动机1604年在哥本哈根印刷的法律是对Landslǫg的翻译和稍加修改的版本，Landslǫg是在全国范围内有效的国家法典，于1274年在挪威国王Magnus ha<s:1> konsson Lagabøte(他的名字意为“法律修改者”)统治时期引入挪威。在Landslǫg在挪威生效的大部分时间里，这个国家与丹麦是一个联盟，正是由于这个原因，丹麦法院和丹麦语能够对Landslǫg.5的形式施加影响当Landslǫg在13世纪被引入时，挪威是一个独立的王国，法典的语言是古挪威语。国家法典的出台是13世纪挪威国家形成和君主权力巩固过程中的一个重要阶段然而，1380年，丹麦国王奥拉夫二世·哈松继承了挪威王国，成为奥拉夫四世·哈松。他死后，挪威由他的母亲玛格丽特一世(Margrete I)从1387年统治到1412年。1397年，瑞典、丹麦和挪威组成了卡尔马联盟，1523年瑞典退出后，该联盟解散。丹麦和挪威仍然在一起，行政权力中心设在哥本哈根。尽管当时的想法是每个州都应该根据自己的法律进行管理，因此挪威的法律不应该发生任何重大变化，但丹麦人逐渐被引入到国家行政部门的最重要职位(Bagge和Mykland 1987年，66年，74年，77年;Falkanger 2007, 134)。从1536年到1537年，丹麦和挪威结成了个人联盟，1536年，挪威王国议会(riksratdet)被废除，挪威实际上成为丹麦统治的一个省，首都在哥本哈根，丹麦语为行政语言1660年，联合的国家成为丹麦-挪威的综合国家和绝对君主制。Landslǫg于1687.8年被挪威基督教五世法(Kong Christian den Femtes Norske Lov)所取代，这意味着Landslǫg在19位君主的统治下生效了大约400年，直到近代早期。1604年出版的法律书是丹麦皇家法院催促了大约50年的结果，丹麦皇家法院多次下令，要求由国家资助进行修订和翻译。很少有学者关注这些命令，但研究它们可以揭示1604年法律书印刷的一系列动机。先前关于Landslǫg作为1604年法律书的印刷的学术研究认为，印刷背后的主要动机是语言上的;在挪威的丹麦行政官员看不懂写法典的古挪威语，因此必须把它翻译出来本文试图通过考察丹麦法院关于最终出版的国家资助翻译的情况的命令来细微地改变这一观点，并认为通过对来源的审查可以发现其他问题:对挪威法律体系破裂的恐惧，翻译中丹麦语的质量，以及翻译分发的政治:最后，国家资助的译本将在哥本哈根印刷和分发，而不是在挪威国内以手稿形式分发。这些因素共同构成了国家资助的译本的产生环境，并导致Landslǫg第一次印刷。 然而，对丹麦和挪威进口书籍的禁令在1596年恢复(Secher 1891, 3:9-10)，这封信函指向1576年的禁令，并涉及“danske bøger”，som erre udsat at tyske eller latinne paa dansk och erre trøgt uden lands”[从德语或拉丁语翻译成丹麦语并在国外印刷的丹麦书]并描述了这种书可能在普通人群中引入和传播“vilfarelse och irringe”[错觉和分歧]的焦虑(Secher 1891, 3:9)。书中的语言被描述为丹麦语是“formørket, saa at den neppeligen kand forstais”(Secher 1891, 3:9)[模糊不清，难以理解]。“formørckit”[模糊]一词在1590年出版的日德兰法律(Den rette Judske Lowbog, Nu Nylige offuerseet, Corrigerit oc Dansken Forbedrit Aar M.D.LXXXX, sig.)(2v)的标题中也用于与丹麦语相关的丹麦语，此外，日德兰法律在标题中明确表示丹麦语已被“禁止”:Den rette Judske Lowbog, Nu Nylige offuerseet, Corrigerit oc Dansken Forbedrit Aar M.D.LXXXX (1590;《日德兰半岛的真正法律，现在重新审视，修正和丹麦语在1590年的改进》。这些例子表明，当代对确保丹麦语印刷品的高质量很感兴趣。对正确的丹麦语的兴趣在当时书籍的序言中也可见，包括在翻译中。例如，1543年出版的一本由人文主义者Peder Parvus从法语翻译成丹麦语的虔诚书的序言中提到，他在序言的开头就把它翻译成“ræt Danske”(Parvus 1543, sig. Aiv)[正确的丹麦语]。在16世纪中期，这反映在挪威人Laurents Hanssøn对国王传奇的翻译中，他在序言中哀叹他“megit haffue glemtt dansk maall”(Storm 1899, 3)[基本上忘记了丹麦语]，这可以作为他在丹麦语技能上的任何缺陷的借口丹麦人安德斯·索伦森·维德尔(Anders Sørensen Vedel)从1575年开始将Saxo Grammaticus翻译成丹麦语，在其序言中包含了许多对Saxo拉丁语困难的抱怨，例如，将其描述为“mørcke oc square”(Saxo Grammaticus 1575, sig. C):(2r[晦涩难懂]，在作品的诗化序言中，维德尔写道:“Den er nu paa vort Maal udsæt / Oss Danske til Nytte oc Ære”(Saxo Grammaticus 1575, sig. C):(4r)[现在它被翻译成我们的语言/丹麦语，为了我们丹麦人的利益和荣誉]，归因于丹麦语翻译改善丹麦男人行为的力量。最后，在丹麦学者Ole Worm为挪威Peder Claussøn Friis于1633年翻译的国王传奇作的序言中，Worm描述了拉丁语是如何“paa den flittigist confererit”(Snorri Sturlusson 1633, sig. (b)3v)[最勤奋的翻译]，但接着评论了与内容相关的丹麦语质量差:仅仅“siunis韦尔手头hafuer beflitet团体forklare os historien eft窝gammel原始,结束手头skulde haf
{"title":"Corrected and Improved: The Motivation behind the Printing of the Norwegian Lawbook of 1604","authors":"Helen F. Leslie-Jacobsen","doi":"10.5406/21638195.95.3.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/21638195.95.3.01","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to contribute toward book history in Early Modern Norway by considering the circumstances of how and why the Norwegian national law was revised and brought to print for the first time in 1604 in Copenhagen, titled Den Norske Low-Bog, offuerseet, corrigerit oc forbedrit Anno M.DC.IIII (1604; The Norwegian Law-Book, Looked Through, Corrected and Revised The Year 1604).1 This was the first time Norwegian law had been printed, and indeed the printing of the law took place 40 years before the printing press came to Norway itself. Prior to it being revised and printed, copies of the law circulated in manuscript form, both in the Old Norwegian language the law was originally written in and later in Danish translations. As could be expected with a text in manuscript circulation, this meant there were many slightly different, although broadly similar, versions of the law.2 Despite many orders from Denmark throughout the sixteenth century, no final copy of a state-sponsored, Danish lawbook was published before 1604. This article considers the open letters and orders sent to Norway in the latter half of the sixteenth century and the early seventeenth century from the Danish Royal Court and reflects on the various motivations behind the preparation and printing of the law in Copenhagen, using the orders from Denmark as the primary source of evidence.3 The law printed in Copenhagen in 1604 was a translated and somewhat revised version of the Landslǫg, a national law code valid for the whole country, which was introduced in Norway in 1274 in the reign of King Magnus Håkonsson Lagabøte (whose byname means “law-mender”).4For much of the period in which the Landslǫg was in force in Norway, the country was in a union with Denmark, and it is for this reason that the Danish court and the Danish language were able to exert influence over the form of the Landslǫg.5 When the Landslǫg was introduced in the thirteenth century, Norway was an independent kingdom, and the language of the law code was Old Norwegian. The introduction of a national law code was an important stage in the process of Norwegian state formation and the consolidation of the power of the monarchy in the thirteenth century.6 However, in 1380, the Danish King Olaf II Håkonsson inherited the Kingdom of Norway as Olav IV Håkonsson. After his death, Norway was ruled by his mother, Margrete I, from 1387 to 1412. In 1397, Sweden, Denmark, and Norway formed the Kalmar Union, which was dissolved in 1523 when Sweden withdrew. Denmark-Norway remained together, with the administrative center of power located in Copenhagen. Even though the idea was that each state should be governed according to its own laws, and the law in Norway should not therefore have undergone any great changes, Danish men were gradually introduced into the most important posts in the country's administration (Bagge and Mykland 1987, 66, 74, 77; Falkanger 2007, 134). From 1536/1537, Denmark and Norway were in a personal un","PeriodicalId":44446,"journal":{"name":"SCANDINAVIAN STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135275161","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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