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Journal of Law and Courts最新文献

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Giving Succor to Extremism? 帮助极端主义?
IF 1.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-23 DOI: 10.1086/716786
Stephan Stohler
Free speech is essential to democracy and political participation. But scholars hold competing expectations about whether courts will protect free speech in similar ways for extremism. Drawing on free speech cases from high courts in Australia, Canada, India, and South Africa, as well as from the European Court of Human Rights, I show that judges are substantially less likely to support free speech in cases involving extremist claimants or extreme speech. Moreover, I demonstrate how judges tailor arguments in response to concerns about extremism. This evidence has implications for our understanding of judicial behavior and the role that courts play in preserving democracy.
言论自由对民主和政治参与至关重要。但学者们对法院是否会以类似的方式保护言论自由以应对极端主义抱有不同的期望。根据澳大利亚、加拿大、印度和南非高等法院以及欧洲人权法院的言论自由案件,我发现法官在涉及极端主义主张者或极端言论的案件中支持言论自由的可能性要小得多。此外,我还展示了法官如何根据对极端主义的担忧来调整论点。这些证据对我们理解司法行为以及法院在维护民主方面发挥的作用具有启示意义。
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引用次数: 0
How the Chamber System at the CJEU Undermines the Consistency of the Court's Application of EU Law 欧洲法院分庭制度如何破坏法院适用欧盟法律的一致性
IF 1.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-23 DOI: 10.1086/717422
Joshua C. Fjelstul
The Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) uses a chamber system to more efficiently decide cases. To what extent, and under what conditions, does the CJEU ’ s chamber system undermine the consistency of the Court ’ s application of EU law? This paper contributes to the literature on the internal organization of collegial courts by presenting a computational formal model that predicts (a) that hearing cases in smaller chambers undermines the consistency of the Court ’ s application of EU law and (b) that the magnitude of this effect is larger when judges ’ preferences are more heterogeneous and smaller when plaintiffs strategically bring cases. Based on these findings, I use machine learning and empirical data on CJEU judgments in infringement cases to estimate the degree to which we should expect the chamber system to undermine the consistency of the CJEU ’ s application of EU law in practice.
欧洲联盟法院(CJEU)使用分庭制度来更有效地裁决案件。在何种程度上,在何种条件下,欧洲法院的分庭制度破坏了法院适用欧盟法律的一致性?本文通过提出一个计算形式模型,为有关合议庭内部组织的文献做出了贡献,该模型预测(a)在较小的分庭审理案件会破坏法院适用欧盟法律的一致性;(b)当法官的偏好更加异质时,这种影响的幅度会更大;当原告战略性地提起案件时,这种影响会更小。基于这些发现,我使用机器学习和欧洲法院在侵权案件中判决的经验数据来估计我们应该期望分庭制度破坏欧洲法院在实践中适用欧盟法律的一致性的程度。
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引用次数: 3
Scaling Court Decisions with Citation Networks 用引文网络扩展法院判决
IF 1.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-23 DOI: 10.1086/717420
C. Arnold, B. Engst, T. Gschwend
To compare court decisions in a systematic way, it is typically necessary to first read these decisions and then apply legal methods to them. Measurement models that support analysts in this manual labor usually rely on judges ’ voting records. Since these data are often not available, weinstead propose a latent-variable model that uses the widely available references in court decisions to measure the decisions ’ latent position in their common case-space. We showcase our model in the context of forum shopping and forum selling of Germany ’ s lower courts.
为了系统地比较法院的判决,通常有必要先阅读这些判决,然后对它们应用法律方法。支持分析师进行这项体力劳动的测量模型通常依赖于法官的投票记录。由于这些数据通常是不可用的,因此我们提出了一个潜在变量模型,该模型使用法院判决中广泛可用的参考资料来衡量判决在其共同案例空间中的潜在位置。本文以德国地方法院的“买地”和“卖地”为背景,对该模式进行了分析。
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引用次数: 0
Insecure Institutions 不安全的机构
IF 1.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-23 DOI: 10.1086/716430
Gretchen Helmke, YeonKyung Jeong, Jae-Eun C Kim
Most theories of judicial politics are built around explaining the puzzle of judicial independence. This article instead theorizes explicitly about the conditions under which politicians are prone to manipulate their courts. By positing that courts can partly endogenously shape leaders’ fate at the hands of legislative opponents, we argue that greater political insecurity leads presidents to gut judicial independence, not shore it up. Drawing on a novel data set of judicial crises across 18 Latin American countries following the third wave of democratization, we show that variation in judicial crises is systematically correlated with the president’s risk of nonelectoral instability as captured by the history of past presidential crises, presidential power, and antigovernmental protests. To identify whether the effects of protest on judicial manipulation are causal, we use an instrumental variable approach based on international commodity prices weighted for each country.
大多数司法政治理论都是围绕着解释司法独立之谜而建立起来的。相反,这篇文章明确地理论化了政客们倾向于操纵法院的条件。通过假设法院可以在立法对手手中部分地内在地塑造领导人的命运,我们认为,更大的政治不安全感会导致总统扼杀司法独立,而不是巩固司法独立。利用第三波民主化浪潮后18个拉丁美洲国家司法危机的新数据集,我们表明,司法危机的变化与总统的非选举不稳定风险系统相关,正如过去总统危机、总统权力和反政府抗议的历史所捕捉到的那样。为了确定抗议对司法操纵的影响是否存在因果关系,我们使用了基于每个国家加权的国际商品价格的工具变量方法。
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引用次数: 0
Latent Judicial Intervention: The Case of Self-Claiming Palestinian Informers 潜在的司法干预:自称巴勒斯坦告密者的案件
IF 1.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-23 DOI: 10.1086/717419
Menachem Hofnung, Ofir Hadad
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引用次数: 0
From One To Many: Identifying Issues in CJEU Jurisprudence 从一个到多个:识别欧洲法院法理学问题
IF 1.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-23 DOI: 10.1086/717421
P. Schroeder, J. Lindholm
Research of judges and courts traditionally centers on judgments, treating each judgment as a unit of observation. However, judgments often address multiple distinct and more or less unrelated issues. Studying judicial behavior on a judgment level therefore loses potentially important details and risks drawing false conclusions from the data. We present a method to assist researchers with splitting judgments by issues using a supervised machine learning classifier. Applying our approach to splitting judgments by the Court of Justice of the European Union into issues, we show that this approach is practically feasible and provides benefits for text-based analysis of judicial behavior
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引用次数: 0
Domestic Constitutional Oversight and International Courts 国内宪法监督与国际法院
IF 1.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-23 DOI: 10.1086/716787
E. J. Powell, Ilana Rothkopf
Does a domestic constitutional court within a state encourage greater acceptance of the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice (ICJ)? This question is particularly relevant in Islamic law states (ILS). One might expect that ILS, which embrace the rule of law domestically, might do so internationally. However, this expectation paints an overly simplistic picture of the constitutional court’s role and its relationship with domestic and international politics. Employing original data on constitutional references to constitutional courts (1946–2012), we show that in the context of ILS, acceptance of the ICJ’s jurisdiction is conditional on an independent constitutional court.
一个国家内的国内宪法法院是否鼓励更多地接受国际法院的管辖权?这个问题在伊斯兰法国家尤其重要。人们可能会认为,在国内信奉法治的ILS可能会在国际上这样做。然而,这种期望对宪法法院的作用及其与国内和国际政治的关系描绘了一幅过于简单的画面。利用宪法参考宪法法院的原始数据(1946–2012),我们表明,在ILS的背景下,接受国际法院的管辖权是以独立的宪法法院为条件的。
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引用次数: 0
Lower Courts in Interbranch Conflict 分支机构间冲突中的下级法院
IF 1.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-23 DOI: 10.1086/716784
Joshua A Strayhorn
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引用次数: 0
Aesthetic Preferences and Policy Preferences as Determinants of U.S. Supreme Court Writing Style 审美偏好和政策偏好是美国最高法院写作风格的决定因素
IF 1.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-23 DOI: 10.1086/717423
J. Budziak, D. Lempert
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引用次数: 0
Pursuing Change or Pursuing Credit? Litigation and Credit Claiming on Social Media 追求改变还是追求信用?社交媒体上的诉讼和信用索赔
IF 1.4 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-28 DOI: 10.33774/apsa-2021-d5fsz
Anna Gunderson, Kirsten Widner, M. Macdonald
Social media provides an inexpensive way for interest groups to inform and mobilize large audiences, but it is puzzling why organizations would spend time posting about activities like litigation that do not depend on public opinion or mobilization. We argue there are two reasons interest groups post about judicial advocacy on social media. First, organizations provide information about the courts on social media to build credibility and recognition as a trusted source of information. We hypothesize that membership groups will be less likely to use social media in this way than non-membership public interest organizations. Second, organizations use social media to claim credit for activity in the courts in order to increase their public and financial support. We expect that this strategy will be used most frequently by legal organizations. Using an original dataset of millions of tweets and Facebook posts by interest groups, we find support for these expectations.
社交媒体为利益集团提供了一种廉价的方式来告知和动员大量受众,但令人困惑的是,为什么组织会花时间发布诉讼等不依赖公众舆论或动员的活动。我们认为,利益集团在社交媒体上发布司法宣传有两个原因。首先,各组织在社交媒体上提供有关法院的信息,以建立可信度,并被公认为值得信赖的信息来源。我们假设,与非会员制公共利益组织相比,会员制团体不太可能以这种方式使用社交媒体。其次,各组织利用社交媒体向法院申请活动的信用,以增加其公共和财政支持。我们预计,法律组织将最频繁地使用这一策略。使用兴趣团体数百万条推文和Facebook帖子的原始数据集,我们发现这些期望得到了支持。
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引用次数: 2
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