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The Conditioning Role of Judicial Independence in the Exercise of Judicial Review 司法独立在司法审查中的制约作用
IF 1.4 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-02-26 DOI: 10.1086/713407
Garrett N. Vande Kamp
Scholars recognize that judicial review depends upon judicial independence: an independent court is more likely to invalidate a statute it opposes than a nonindependent court. But scholars have lost that the previous statement is a conditional relationship, in which judicial independence moderates the relationship between a court’s ideological preferences and its decision to strike statutes. I model this conditional relationship using the US Supreme Court’s constitutional decisions on important federal statutes. The analysis reveals that judicial independence is best modeled as a conditional predictor of judicial review and that modeling judicial independence as an additive predictor risks false negative results.
学者们认识到,司法审查取决于司法独立:一个独立的法院比一个非独立的法院更有可能使它反对的成文法无效。但学者们没有意识到,前面的说法是一种有条件的关系,在这种关系中,司法独立缓和了法院的意识形态偏好与法院撤销成文法的决定之间的关系。我用美国最高法院对重要联邦法规的宪法裁决来模拟这种有条件的关系。分析表明,司法独立最好被建模为司法审查的条件预测因子,并且将司法独立建模为加性预测因子有可能产生假阴性结果。
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引用次数: 2
Support for Nationalization and State Building in the Early American Republic 美国共和国早期对国有化和国家建设的支持
IF 1.4 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-01-25 DOI: 10.1086/713452
Charles U. Zug
House deliberations over healthcare legislation in 1798 show members of the Fifth US Congress debating the constitutional basis of small government assumptions about states’ rights and federal power, asking why the regime’s principles should not be understood as requiring direct federal intervention in the lives of socially and economically vulnerable groups irrespective of states’ authority. Extending the current scholarly debate over nationalization and state building in early American thought, I suggest that questions alleged by many scholars to have been excluded from political and constitutional debate in the early republic were, in cases like this, robustly contested.
1798年众议院对医疗立法的审议显示,第五届美国国会议员就关于各州权利和联邦权力的小政府假设的宪法基础展开辩论,他们质问,为什么不应将小政府的原则理解为,无论州政府的权威如何,都要求联邦政府直接干预社会和经济弱势群体的生活。延伸当前关于早期美国思想中国有化和国家建设的学术辩论,我认为,许多学者声称在早期共和国中被排除在政治和宪法辩论之外的问题,在这种情况下,是激烈争论的。
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引用次数: 1
Judicial Selection and Criminal Punishment 司法选择与刑事处罚
IF 1.4 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-01-25 DOI: 10.1086/713470
T. Taylor
This paper develops and tests a theory that in states with judicial elections, criminal justice outcomes will be more punitive than in states without elections. Leveraging a data set previously unused in the judicial politics literature, I estimate time-series regressions of state sentencing and incarceration rates over a 38-year period while distinguishing between types of judicial elections to establish support for the theory. I find that states where trial judges are reelected are generally more punitive than states without judicial elections, and this punitiveness is in response to the public’s ideological preferences, indicating that elections serve as an important judicial accountability mechanism for citizens.
本文发展并测试了一种理论,即在有司法选举的州,刑事司法结果将比没有选举的州更具惩罚性。利用司法政治文献中以前未使用的数据集,我估计了38年期间国家量刑和监禁率的时间序列回归,同时区分了司法选举的类型,以建立对该理论的支持。我发现,审判法官连任的州通常比没有司法选举的州更具惩罚性,这种惩罚性是对公众意识形态偏好的回应,表明选举是公民重要的司法问责机制。
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引用次数: 3
The Costs of Going Global 走向世界的成本
IF 1.4 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-01-22 DOI: 10.1086/713402
Maureen Stobb
Supreme Court influence depends greatly on the responses of lower court judges to its precedent. Justices employ numerous strategies to obtain lower court deference to their decisions, including the provocative practice of relying upon foreign law. Referred to as “constitutional cross-fertilization” when used in constitutional interpretation, this practice is labeled by critics as a threat to American democracy. Research suggests that the Court uses such references strategically to prop up controversial and ideologically charged decisions, and that they obtain a benefit in the form of increased citations. These studies do not tell us if the Court gains lower court deference. I contend that, in constitutional cases, lower court judges will not find reliance upon such sources persuasive; rather, they will regard these references with disdain. My findings support my argument. Contrary to the justices’ intentions, reliance upon foreign law in constitutional cases is associated with an increased probability of negative, as opposed to positive, treatment. Justices incur significant costs from participating in the global rights dialogue.
最高法院的影响力在很大程度上取决于下级法院法官对其判例的反应。法官们采用了许多策略来获得下级法院对他们判决的服从,包括依靠外国法的挑衅性做法。在宪法解释中,这种做法被称为“宪法交叉受精”,批评者认为这是对美国民主的威胁。研究表明,法院策略性地使用这些参考文献来支持有争议的和充满意识形态色彩的决定,并以增加引用的形式获得利益。这些研究并没有告诉我们最高法院是否获得了下级法院的服从。我认为,在宪法案件中,下级法院法官不会认为这种来源具有说服力;相反,他们会以蔑视的态度看待这些参考。我的发现支持了我的论点。与法官的意图相反,在宪法案件中依赖外国法与负面而非正面处理的可能性增加有关。法官因参与全球人权对话而付出巨大代价。
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引用次数: 1
Agenda Setting and Attention to Precedent in the US Federal Courts 美国联邦法院的议程设置和对先例的关注
IF 1.4 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-01-22 DOI: 10.1086/713404
JBrandon Duck-Mayr, Thomas G. Hansford, J. F. Ii
To what degree is judicial agenda setting top-down or bottom-up? Existing studies lack evidence of the frequency or magnitude of these two processes. We conceptualize the judicial agenda as the legal questions/rules receiving judicial attention, measure it using citations to Supreme Court opinions, and estimate vector autoregression models to identify how each level of court initiates or responds to variation in attention to precedent at other levels of the judiciary. The Supreme Court exerts some top-down control, but agenda setting is more often bottom-up, revealing lower courts are more integral to setting the federal judicial agenda than previously understood.
司法议程设置在多大程度上是自上而下的还是自下而上的?现有的研究缺乏这两个过程的频率或强度的证据。我们将司法议程概念化为受到司法关注的法律问题/规则,使用最高法院意见的引用来衡量它,并估计向量自回归模型,以确定每一级法院如何引发或响应其他司法机构对判例的关注变化。最高法院施加一些自上而下的控制,但议程设置更多的是自下而上的,这表明下级法院在制定联邦司法议程方面比以前所理解的更不可或缺。
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引用次数: 1
Attributes beyond Attitudes 超越态度的属性
IF 1.4 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-01-22 DOI: 10.1086/713405
Matthew E. K. Hall, Gary E. Hollibaugh, Jonathan Klingler, Adam J. Ramey
Models of behavior on the US Supreme Court almost universally assume that justices’ behavior depends, at least in part, on the characteristics of individual justices. However, few prior studies have attempted to assess these characteristics beyond ideological preferences. In contrast, we apply recent advances in machine learning to develop and validate measures of the Big Five personality traits for Supreme Court justices serving during the 1946 through 2015 terms based on the language in their written opinions. We then conduct an empirical application to demonstrate the importance of these Supreme Court Individual Personality Estimates and discuss their proper use.
美国最高法院的行为模型几乎普遍认为,法官的行为至少在一定程度上取决于个别法官的特征。然而,很少有先前的研究试图评估意识形态偏好之外的这些特征。相比之下,我们应用机器学习的最新进展,根据最高法院法官书面意见中的语言,为1946年至2015年任期内任职的最高法院法官开发和验证五大人格特征的测量方法。然后,我们进行了一个实证应用,以证明这些最高法院个人人格估计的重要性,并讨论它们的正确使用。
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引用次数: 0
The Influence of Procurator Generals in Constitutional Review 检察长在宪法审查中的影响
IF 1.4 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2020-12-17 DOI: 10.1086/712651
Tanya Bagashka, L. Tiede
After democratic transitions, many Eastern European countries reformed their political institutions in a piecemeal fashion. Focusing on the Bulgarian Constitutional Court from 1992 to 2012 and the Soviet-style procurator general, we analyze how legal reforms operate in practice in transitional societies. Using original data, we find that judges are influenced by the powerful and unaccountable procurator general. Judges’ decisions to strike down laws also are guided by alignment with their or their appointers’ political preferences and the opinions of interested parties in amicus briefs. The study has implications about interbranch relations and the role of procurator generals in constitutional review.
民主过渡后,许多东欧国家以零碎的方式改革了其政治体制。我们以1992年至2012年的保加利亚宪法法院和苏联式的检察长为重点,分析了法律改革在转型社会的实践中是如何运作的。使用原始数据,我们发现法官受到有权力和不负责任的检察长的影响。法官推翻法律的决定也以与他们或其任命者的政治偏好和法庭之友简报中相关方的意见相一致为指导。这项研究对跨部门关系和检察长在宪法审查中的作用具有启示意义。
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引用次数: 1
Latinos’ Knowledge of the Supreme Court 拉丁裔对最高法院的了解
IF 1.4 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2020-12-17 DOI: 10.1086/712648
Francisco I. Pedraza, J. Ura
There is convincing evidence that Americans have high, stable levels of knowledge about the Supreme Court. Yet, this conclusion masks variance in political knowledge associated with ethnicity. Using data from surveys of Latinos and non-Latinos fielded before and after the Supreme Court’s rulings in Arizona v. United States and National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius, we find Latinos know less about the Court than other Americans. However, Latinos’ knowledge of the Court increased significantly between the surveys, while others’ Supreme Court knowledge did not. We discuss the implications of this result for the Supreme Court’s legitimacy and civic education policy.
有令人信服的证据表明,美国人对最高法院有着高度、稳定的了解。然而,这一结论掩盖了与种族相关的政治知识的差异。使用最高法院在亚利桑那州诉美国案和全国独立企业联合会诉西贝利厄斯案裁决前后对拉丁裔和非拉丁裔进行的调查数据,我们发现拉丁裔对法院的了解比其他美国人少。然而,拉丁裔人对最高法院的了解在两次调查之间显著增加,而其他人对最高法庭的了解则没有。我们讨论了这一结果对最高法院合法性和公民教育政策的影响。
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引用次数: 1
Public Support for Judicial Philosophies 司法哲学的民意支持
IF 1.4 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2020-12-17 DOI: 10.1086/712649
Christopher N. Krewson, Ryan J. Owens
We examine whether the public evaluates Supreme Court nominees on the basis of judicial philosophies when presented with a description of those philosophies. Employing a conjoint experiment, we find that the public will evaluate nominees’ judicial philosophies as well as the nominees’ partisanship, ideology, and qualifications. We also discover significant differences between Republicans and Democrats. These results have important implications for the future of judicial nominations, framing, and public support for the judiciary.
我们考察公众是否在司法哲学的基础上评估最高法院提名人,当这些哲学的描述出现时。通过一项联合实验,我们发现公众会评估被提名人的司法哲学以及被提名人的党派、意识形态和资格。我们还发现共和党人和民主党人之间存在显著差异。这些结果对未来的司法提名、框架和公众对司法的支持具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 8
Judicial Review in a Defective Democracy 缺陷民主中的司法审查
IF 1.4 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2020-12-17 DOI: 10.1086/712655
Maoz Rosenthal, G. Barzilai, A. Meydani
Governments reform the process of nominating judges to constitutional courts, seeking to reduce the courts’ involvement in state affairs. Since 2008, reformers have tried to appoint judges who would be more judicially restrained. We examine the rulings of judges on Israel’s Supreme Court in its capacity as Israel’s High Court of Justice on the Israeli executive’s decisions. We show that reformers did achieve their goal of reducing High Court of Justice judges’ decisions supporting petitions against the executive. However, that trend has abated due to existing legal conventions regarding particular policy subsystems.
政府改革了宪法法院法官的提名程序,试图减少法院对国家事务的参与。自2008年以来,改革者们一直试图任命更受司法约束的法官。我们以以色列高等法院的身份审查以色列最高法院法官对以色列行政部门决定的裁决。我们表明,改革者确实实现了他们的目标,即减少高等法院法官支持针对行政部门请愿的决定。然而,由于有关特定政策子系统的现有法律公约,这种趋势已经减弱。
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引用次数: 4
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Journal of Law and Courts
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