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Tracking the trajectory of feminist advocacy in Uganda: How has theory informed the practice of advocacy? 追踪乌干达女权主义倡导的轨迹:理论如何影响倡导的实践?
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10130950.2022.2112718
A. Mwiine
abstract Since Uganda’s independence in 1962, feminist advocacy in Africa and Uganda, in particular, has experienced waves and critical agendas that have shaped the direction of movements and women’s rights organisations. How can we map the trajectory of feminist advocacy to understand the influence of theory, in particular African feminism(s) in Uganda? This is the central focus of this article. Literature shows how women activists in Africa took centre stage, questioned women's conspicuous absence in social economic and political history and assertively challenged patriarchal oppression against women in public and private spheres. Activists in the Ugandan feminist movement formulated advocacy strategies to resist colonial gender oppression, mobilised women to respond to the review of the constitutional provisions on women’s rights, to organise even when confronted with state silencing, and to form critical alliances to meet male resistance to their political representation in Parliament head on, among others, since independence. The article draws on findings from an empirical study conducted in 2019-2021, Kampala, Uganda, on selected historical junctures and interrogates theoretical origins and motivations that could be read as having informed feminist advocacy - the feminist agenda, strategies and tactics, framing and language. I am particularly interested in how African feminists’ theoretical frames critically inform shifting advocacy positions in Uganda over time to advance gender transformation, and thereby advance the theorisation of an African centred-feminist advocacy.
摘要自1962年乌干达独立以来,非洲和乌干达的女权主义倡导经历了一波又一波的批判议程,这些议程决定了运动和妇女权利组织的方向。我们如何绘制女权主义倡导的轨迹,以了解理论的影响,特别是乌干达的非洲女权主义?这是本文的中心焦点。文献显示,非洲的女性活动家如何占据中心舞台,质疑女性在社会经济和政治史上的明显缺席,并果断地挑战父权制在公共和私人领域对女性的压迫。乌干达女权运动的活动家制定了抵制殖民地性别压迫的宣传策略,动员妇女对宪法关于妇女权利的条款的审查作出回应,即使在面临国家沉默的情况下也要组织起来,并结成关键联盟,以应对男性对其在议会中政治代表权的抵制,自独立以来。这篇文章借鉴了2019-2021年在乌干达坎帕拉进行的一项实证研究的结果,该研究涉及选定的历史转折点,并询问了可以被解读为对女权主义宣传有影响的理论起源和动机——女权主义议程、战略和战术、框架和语言。我特别感兴趣的是,随着时间的推移,非洲女权主义者的理论框架如何批判性地为乌干达倡导立场的转变提供信息,以推动性别转型,从而推动以非洲为中心的女权主义倡导的理论化。
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引用次数: 1
Feminist advocacy in the agenda for implementing Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Development initiatives in Monrovia, Liberia 在利比里亚蒙罗维亚实施冲突后重建和发展倡议的议程中倡导女权主义
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10130950.2022.2120408
Nontobeko Gcabashe
abstract Literature has much to say about the socio-economic, and political, impact of civil wars on women. The Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Development (PCRD) policy framework was designed by the African Union (AU) in response to the devastation caused by civil wars in post-conflict African countries. While contexts differ in each country, the framework provides a general outline of steps to be followed by an African country emerging from civil war, in pursuit of successful post-conflict reconstruction and development programmes. Of interest to this article, using Monrovia (Liberia) as a case study, is the extent to which the AU PCRD policy initiative recognises the agency of women as being central to the process, and whether it bolsters their capacity and access to discussion around the table. It proposes that feminist advocacy is a precondition to push for positions on post-conflict peacebuilding in which women play a key role. This in itself is contingent on the effectiveness of government mainstreaming of gender equality and women’s voice in policy and government. The potential of women as contributors to peace-making and conflict resolution processes and commitment to sustainable peace is not in question in Liberia’s history. What is missing in action is Liberian women’s presence and mobilisation around long stalled reconstruction and rebuilding. Drawing from a mixed-method research study conducted in Monrovia between April 2019 and April 2021, research found the AU PCRD policy initiative is ineffective, as it considers women on paper, in isolation from the specific context in which women can assert power through representation and voice, not only in participating in post-war reconstruction but in Liberia’s political decision-making forums. Wider social gender power imbalances and inequalities experienced by women are directly linked to their lack of presence and visibility in driving the peace, security and reconstruction processes. There is a need to be able to demand accountability in the commitment to post-war reconstruction. As major stakeholders in the post-conflict reconstruction programme, women should be at the top of Liberia’s reconstruction programme, consistent with the AU PCRD framework agenda objectives.
文学作品对内战对妇女的社会经济和政治影响有很多论述。冲突后重建与发展(PCRD)政策框架是由非洲联盟(非盟)为应对冲突后非洲国家内战造成的破坏而设计的。虽然每个国家的情况各不相同,但该框架提供了一个非洲国家在内战结束后寻求成功的冲突后重建和发展方案时应遵循的步骤的总体纲要。本文以蒙罗维亚(利比里亚)为案例研究,关注的是非盟PCRD政策倡议在多大程度上承认妇女在这一进程中的核心作用,以及该倡议是否增强了妇女的能力和参与圆桌讨论的机会。报告提出,倡导女权主义是推动妇女发挥关键作用的冲突后建设和平立场的先决条件。这本身取决于政府是否有效地将性别平等和妇女在政策和政府中的声音纳入主流。妇女作为缔造和平和解决冲突进程的贡献者以及对可持续和平的承诺的潜力在利比里亚的历史上是不容置疑的。行动中缺少的是利比里亚妇女在长期停滞的重建和重建中的存在和动员。根据2019年4月至2021年4月在蒙罗维亚进行的一项混合方法研究,研究发现,非盟的《和平与发展战略》政策倡议是无效的,因为它只在纸面上考虑妇女,而忽略了妇女不仅在参与战后重建方面,而且在利比里亚的政治决策论坛上,可以通过代表权和发言权来维护权力的具体背景。妇女所经历的更广泛的社会性别权力失衡和不平等与她们在推动和平、安全和重建进程中缺乏存在感和知名度直接相关。有必要能够要求对战后重建的承诺负责。妇女作为冲突后重建方案的主要利益攸关方,应在利比里亚重建方案中居于首位,与非盟和平与发展框架议程目标保持一致。
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引用次数: 0
My body, my womb, my rights, my decisions: Feminist advocacy to seek justice for HIV positive women who are victims of forced sterilisations in South Africa 我的身体,我的子宫,我的权利,我的决定:女权主义者倡导为南非被迫绝育的艾滋病毒阳性妇女寻求正义
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10130950.2022.2138768
Sethembiso Mthembu
abstract Her Rights Initiative (HRI) has been leading feminist and victim-led advocacy, research, and human rights work to seek justice for HIV positive women who are victims of forced sterilisations in South Africa, for more than a decade. The issue of forced and coerced sterilisation of women living with HIV in South Africa was documented in the late 1990s. This violation of the rights of HIV positive women has continued over three decades. The South Africa HIV Stigma Index study by the Human Sciences Research Council and other collaborating partners, found that 7.6% of women living with HIV reported that they were forced into sterilisation. South Africa has more than four (4) million women living with HIV (Cloete et al. 2014). This article seeks to analyse the long unfinished advocacy journey to seek justice for HIV positive women who are victims of forced sterilisations. It will detail the position and the status of HIV positive women in the HIV policy arena and consider the ideology of international HIV and sexual and reproductive rights policy and context and how these factors have enabled and hindered our advocacy efforts. In line with the principles of victim-centred feminist advocacy, I will reflect on the internal, looking specifically at how HRI has framed victim-centred feminist advocacy, and how this has sustained the organising, and more importantly, contributed to gains made so far.
十多年来,她的权利倡议一直在领导女权主义和受害者主导的倡导、研究和人权工作,为南非被迫绝育的艾滋病毒阳性妇女伸张正义。20世纪90年代末,南非记录了强迫和胁迫艾滋病毒感染妇女绝育的问题。这种侵犯艾滋病毒阳性妇女权利的行为持续了三十多年。人类科学研究委员会和其他合作伙伴进行的南非艾滋病毒污名指数研究发现,7.6%的艾滋病毒感染者报告称,她们被迫绝育。南非有四百多万妇女感染艾滋病毒(Cloete等人,2014)。这篇文章试图分析长期未完成的为被迫绝育的艾滋病毒阳性妇女伸张正义的宣传之旅。它将详细说明艾滋病毒阳性妇女在艾滋病毒政策领域的立场和地位,并考虑国际艾滋病毒和性权利及生殖权利政策的意识形态和背景,以及这些因素如何促成和阻碍我们的宣传努力。根据以受害者为中心的女权主义倡导原则,我将反思内部,特别关注人权倡议是如何构建以受害者为核心的女权主义宣传的,以及这是如何维持组织的,更重要的是,为迄今取得的成果做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Feminist advocacy and the push for sex work policy change 女权主义倡导和推动性工作政策改变
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10130950.2022.2114839
Corey Spengler-Gathercole
abstract This article proposes reasons for change in policy on sex work in South Africa and the feminist advocacy to lobby and petition for this change. It seeks to understand how recent advocacy by both sex workers and the organisations advocating on behalf of sex workers in pushing for policy change is feminist and explores whether it is in conversation with feminist principles. The article achieves this through an analysis of the activism, strategies, and campaigns to affect policy change, and the varying successes of these in raising awareness around issues faced by sex workers are highlighted. The exploration of sex work policy advocacy is contextualised through a comparison of various policy approaches regulating sex work globally. Feminist advocacy needs to focus on solutions from Africa and the South and consider the impact of the West on local advocacy. This includes the use of legislative frameworks implemented in first world countries, the links being made between sex work and trafficking and the impact of funding on research on sex work. Feminist advocacy is divided, and the article examines the possible reasons for this division and how feminist advocacy can be more effective, considering the unique socio-economic conditions in South Africa and the imperatives for policy change.
本文提出了南非性工作政策变化的原因,以及为这一变化进行游说和请愿的女权主义倡导。它试图理解最近性工作者和代表性工作者的组织在推动政策改变方面的倡导是如何女权主义的,并探讨它是否与女权主义原则有关。本文通过分析影响政策变化的行动主义、策略和运动来实现这一目标,并强调了这些活动在提高人们对性工作者所面临问题的认识方面取得的不同成功。性工作政策倡导的探索是通过比较全球各种规范性工作的政策方法来进行的。女权主义倡导需要关注非洲和南方的解决方案,并考虑西方对当地倡导的影响。这包括利用第一世界国家实施的立法框架,性工作与贩运人口之间的联系,以及资助对性工作研究的影响。女权主义倡导是分裂的,本文探讨了这种分裂的可能原因,以及考虑到南非独特的社会经济条件和政策变革的必要性,女权主义倡导如何才能更有效。
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引用次数: 0
Feminist Advocacy in Africa: Voices and Actions 非洲女权主义倡导:声音与行动
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10130950.2022.2135262
Lou Haysom
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引用次数: 1
Turning up the volume on equal pay: Notes toward building a platform for feminist advocacy 提高同工同酬的音量:关于建立女权主义倡导平台的注意事项
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10130950.2022.2127373
Premie Naicker
abstract Feminist advocacy is concerned with ending injustices worldwide by advancing women's rights. In general, feminist advocacy can be seen as a movement to end sexism, racism, and other forms of oppression and achieve full gender equality in law and practice. After several decades of global and regional feminist advocacy by women’s organisations, trade unions, and policy agencies, we must revisit and reframe old questions on the critical gaps that remain. In this briefing, the question for feminist advocacy is why women continue to receive lower pay for the same work as men in South Africa and many other parts of the world, across many sectors of women’s employment and work. While women make up 51% of South Africa’s population, they fill just 44% of skilled posts, according to labour data released in 2017 by Stats SA (Stats SA 2017). According to the 2017 Pulse of the People report, women, on average, earn 27% less than men (Africa Check 2017). Recent data published by the National Treasury in South Africa show that men earn more than women in seven out of eight South African metros, more evidence of the widening pay gap (Evans 2021). The question is, how is feminist advocacy key to addressing the wage gap for black women? Drawing on secondary literature, I review what is in place to address the gender wage gap. I note how feminist advocacy strategies could focus on strengthening existing policies and introduce new strategies to close the gap.
女权主义倡导关注的是通过提高妇女权利来结束世界范围内的不公正现象。一般来说,女权主义倡导可以被视为结束性别歧视、种族主义和其他形式的压迫,在法律和实践中实现完全的性别平等的运动。在妇女组织、工会和政策机构几十年的全球和地区女权主义倡导之后,我们必须重新审视和重新构建关于仍然存在的关键差距的旧问题。在本简报中,女权主义倡导的问题是,为什么在南非和世界许多其他地方,在妇女就业和工作的许多部门,妇女的同工同酬仍然比男子低。根据南非统计局2017年发布的劳动力数据,尽管女性占南非人口的51%,但她们仅占技术岗位的44%。根据2017年《人民脉搏》报告,女性的平均收入比男性低27%(非洲检查2017)。南非国家财政部最近公布的数据显示,在南非8个城市中,有7个城市的男性收入高于女性,这是收入差距扩大的更多证据(Evans 2021)。问题是,女权主义倡导如何成为解决黑人女性工资差距问题的关键?根据二手文献,我回顾了解决性别工资差距的措施。我注意到女权主义倡导战略可以侧重于加强现有政策,并引入新的战略来缩小差距。
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引用次数: 0
The Village Savings and Loans Association pathway – feminist solidarity groups leverage COVID-19 to have their voices heard 乡村储蓄和贷款协会途径——女权主义团结团体利用新冠肺炎发出自己的声音
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10130950.2022.2112719
Fatma Zennou, Aisha Rahamatali, Marie Paule Yao, Zenab Bagha
abstract This article profiles the Village Savings and Loans Association (VSLA) model as a platform and foundation for women to raise their voices and collectively advocate for change. It examines how women in Benin, Côte d’Ivoire, Mali, Niger, and Nigeria leveraged feminist solidarity through VSLAs to advocate for, support, and establish women’s leadership in crisis. CARE, working hand in hand with rural women in Niger, gave birth to the VSLA model in 1991 to serve as a model for women’s empowerment, public participation, and gender transformation. VSLAs have served as a powerful launch pad for individual and collective feminist advocacy. At a foundational level, members of VSLAs benefit from improved livelihoods and social and financial safety nets in times of distress. From a community perspective, VSLAs ignite feminist solidarity which has sparked collective action such as the building of schools, holding of local government officials to account, and influencing leaders to change the practice of early marriage and devaluing of girls’ education. In 2020, during the global COVID-19 pandemic, VSLA women-led solidarity groups became a tool of effective action for expanded leadership and feminist political advocacy. This collective feminist advocacy was motivated by a leadership void created by the pandemic and a lack of policies that actively and effectively safeguarded women. This article examines the power of this collective voice and advocacy. It further examines the lessons that can be learned from the transformation of VSLAs as a source of social safety nets and economic power to a catalyst for collective voice and feminist advocacy.
本文介绍了乡村储蓄和贷款协会(VSLA)模式,该模式是妇女提高声音和集体倡导变革的平台和基础。它考察了贝宁、科特迪瓦、马里、尼日尔和尼日利亚的妇女如何通过VSLA利用女权主义团结,倡导、支持和建立妇女在危机中的领导地位。CARE与尼日尔农村妇女携手合作,于1991年诞生了VSLA模式,成为赋予妇女权力、公众参与和性别转变的典范。VSLA一直是个人和集体女权主义宣传的强大跳板。在基础层面上,VSLA成员在困境时期受益于生计的改善以及社会和金融安全网。从社区的角度来看,VSLA点燃了女权主义的团结,这引发了集体行动,如修建学校、追究地方政府官员的责任,并影响领导人改变早婚和贬低女孩教育的做法。2020年,在全球新冠肺炎大流行期间,VSLA妇女团结团体成为扩大领导力和女权主义政治倡导的有效行动工具。这种集体女权主义倡导的动机是疫情造成的领导空白,以及缺乏积极有效保护妇女的政策。本文探讨了这种集体声音和倡导的力量。它进一步审查了将VSLA作为社会安全网和经济权力的来源转变为集体声音和女权主义宣传的催化剂所能吸取的教训。
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引用次数: 1
Feminist Advocacy in Africa: Voices and Actions 非洲女权主义倡导:声音与行动
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10130950.2022.2135260
Claire Mathonsi, V. Tallis
Feminist advocacy and particularly African feminist advocacy has not been widely studied and documented. There is need for an exploration and interrogation of what the concept of Feminist Advocacy means in an African context and more broadly to document its rich history. Many feminist and women’s rights organisations as well as mainstream organisations use the concept with different explanations of why it is indeed Feminist Advocacy that includes defining approaches or in reference to the identities of organisations. Evidence shows us that advocacy in Africa is largely seen as Northern (Banerjee & Connell 2018), and donor driven (Wilson & Keyserling 2016). However, Southern Feminisms (including African feminism) have been key in stressing the importance of localised advocacy based on the “real needs” of women’s communities of the South, evident in the articles in this edition.
女权主义倡导,特别是非洲女权主义倡导尚未得到广泛研究和记录。有必要探索和审问女权主义倡导的概念在非洲背景下意味着什么,并更广泛地记录其丰富的历史。许多女权主义和妇女权利组织以及主流组织使用这一概念,并对为什么它确实是女权主义倡导做出了不同的解释,包括定义方法或参考组织的身份。有证据表明,非洲的宣传在很大程度上被视为北方的(Banerjee和Connell,2018年)和捐助者驱动的(Wilson和Keyserling,2016年)。然而,南方女权主义(包括非洲女权主义)在强调基于南方妇女社区“真实需求”的本地化宣传的重要性方面发挥了关键作用,这一点在本版的文章中很明显。
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引用次数: 0
“Unlocking Safe Spaces for comprehensive SRHR”: Advocacy for women’s and adolescent girls’ right to access safe abortion in Zimbabwe “为全面的SRHR解锁安全空间”:倡导津巴布韦妇女和少女获得安全堕胎的权利
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10130950.2022.2128836
M. Mushunje
abstract Abortion remains highly contested in Zimbabwe and this stems from deeply rooted and set convictions based on religious, traditional, cultural, and moralistic persuasions. Political will to commit to unrestricted conditions for abortions also remains very limited as evidenced by the continued hesitancy to review the 1977 Termination of Pregnancy Act (ToP) (Chapter 15:10) which allows for abortion under the circumstances of rape, incest and health. There have been concerted efforts to engage in advocacy campaigns for the review of the ToP to allow for more liberal conditions and this has seen feminists coming together to influence various constituencies. Advocacy efforts have centred on conducting a multi-lane approach comprised of Values Clarification Attitudes and Transformation exercises with traditional leaders, Parliamentarians, religious and cultural leaders; engagement with Ministries of Justice, Health, Education; media engagement of feminist reporters for informed and transformative reporting on abortion, and linking with global campaigns for ongoing learnings. To date, the advocacy has resulted in the abortion agenda being discussed in Parliament and there is evidence of more progressive attitudes by gate keepers and opinion leaders. Draft regulations and a new ToP Bill have been developed by the feminist advocates, both of which have been submitted to Ministry of Justice for adoption. Contained within these are proposals for the expansion of the conditions under which one can access a safe abortion and streamlined revised administrative procedures for more efficient handling of reports of rape and the granting of an abortion order.
堕胎在津巴布韦仍然备受争议,这源于根深蒂固的、基于宗教、传统、文化和道德信念的信念。承诺不受限制的堕胎条件的政治意愿仍然非常有限,这可以从1977年《终止妊娠法》(第15章10节)的审查继续犹豫不决中得到证明,该法允许在强奸、乱伦和健康的情况下堕胎。人们一致努力开展宣传运动,要求对《最高纲领》进行审查,以允许更自由的条件,这使得女权主义者聚集在一起,影响各个选区。宣传工作的重点是采取多途径办法,包括与传统领袖、议员、宗教和文化领袖进行价值澄清、态度和转变活动;与司法部、卫生部、教育部合作;女权主义记者在媒体上的参与,对堕胎进行知情和变革性的报道,并与不断学习的全球运动联系起来。迄今为止,这种倡导已导致议会讨论堕胎议程,有证据表明,看门人和舆论领袖的态度更加进步。女权主义倡导者制定了条例草案和一项新的ToP法案,这两项草案都已提交司法部通过。这些建议包括扩大安全堕胎的条件,精简经修订的行政程序,以便更有效地处理强奸报告和签发堕胎令。
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引用次数: 0
Rethinking Africa: Indigenous Women Reinterpret Southern Africa's Pasts 反思非洲:土著妇女重新诠释非洲南部的过去
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10130950.2022.2104126
Deirdre Prins-Solani
Rethinking Africa: Indigenous Women Reinterpret Southern Africa’s Pasts (2021) edited by Bernedette Muthien and June Bam, is a long-awaited celebration and centering of the voices of indigenous women in feminist activism, knowledge production and theorisation. It speaks evocatively to African feminists’ refusal to be homegenised or for our voices to be submerged, or lost as peripheral to the metropole or a mainstream singular feminist narrative. For the contributors and editors of this important new book, the work of retrieval and recovery and healing it encompasses and is immersed in, is contemplated in the presence of the ancestors, advancing the spirit and endeavour of feminisms into new landscapes and indigenous directions. It urges an engagement with as yet unheard yet prolific herstories that originate from African indigeneity.
Bernedette Muthien和June Bam编辑的《重新思考非洲:土著妇女重新解读南部非洲的牧场》(2021)是一场期待已久的庆祝活动,以土著妇女在女权主义激进主义、知识生产和理论化中的声音为中心。它唤起了非洲女权主义者拒绝被本土化,拒绝我们的声音被淹没,拒绝被大都市或主流单一的女权主义叙事所淹没。对于这本重要新书的撰稿人和编辑来说,它所包含并沉浸在其中的检索、恢复和治愈工作,是在祖先的见证下进行的,将女权主义的精神和努力推向新的风景和土著方向。它敦促与来自非洲土著的、迄今为止闻所未闻但多产的保守派进行接触。
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引用次数: 0
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