Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10130950.2022.2200103
Danai S. Mupotsa
abstract This article explores ‘uhuru’ as a critical noun through a reading of the 2020 music video of Sun El-Musician (featuring Azana), ‘Not Yet Uhuru’. A form of rendition of Letta Mbulu’s (1993) ‘Not Yet Uhuru-Akhamandela’, various other echoes of this, conjured in Makhosazana Xaba’s (2019) poem of the same name, are double speak, elegy, repetition and onomatopoeic in action. One of its signifiers appears in the use of the biographical, with uses against a ‘knownness’ of iconographic Black figures, even while the music video appears in a space and time where a ‘new’ signifier of politics is conjured in the image of young black women. Turning to the figure of the Black femme as a belated figure of uhuru, Black common sense is an incursion on and against singular/linear time, os an ‘as is’ sensibility.
摘要本文通过阅读孙埃尔音乐家（阿扎娜主演）2020年的音乐视频《还没有乌胡鲁》，探讨了“乌胡鲁”作为一个批评性名词的问题。Letta Mbulu（1993）的《Not Yet Uhuru Akhamandela》的一种演绎形式，以及Makhosazana Xaba（2019）的同名诗歌中所唤起的其他各种回声，都是双关语、挽歌、重复和拟声。它的一个能指出现在传记的使用中，与黑人形象的“已知性”相反，即使音乐视频出现在一个年轻黑人女性形象中唤起政治“新”能指的时空中。将黑人女性形象视为一个迟来的乌胡鲁形象，黑人常识是对奇异/线性时间的入侵和反对，是一种“原样”的感性。
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10130950.2022.2213524
Haydée Bangerezako, Pape Chérif Bertrand Bassene
abstract At the beginning of the 20th century in Casamance, southern Senegal, a young woman with healing powers named Alandisso Bassene opened a shrine, and would quickly amass a following of both men and women. A clash with missionaries and French colonial administration would result in ‘the most acclaimed witch doctor’ being imprisoned for the next 15 years in 1919. Six decades later, in 1984, a new radical feminist movement in Senegal, Yewwu-Yewwi for Women’s Liberation, emerged and challenged the hierarchical relationship between men and women, denouncing patriarchy, with a brand of feminism that echoed global feminism. In an interview with the state newspaper Le Soleil in 1986, Marie Angélique Savane, the leader of Yewwu-Yewwi, described feminism as the awareness of inequality of the sexes and denouncing injustice against women despite them ‘carrying humanity’ and being a dynamic and progressive force (Fall 1986a). This article studies the historical narratives of mediumship, priestesses, shrines and their followers in southern Senegal during the colonial period, where power circulates, and the feminist thought of Yewwu-Yewwi, where the lack of power held by women is addressed in the language of equality and rights.
{"title":"“How can Eve in the bible be born from a man when biologically a man is born from woman?” Tracing feminist struggles in the colonial period and 1980s Yewwu-Yewwi feminist movement in Senegal","authors":"Haydée Bangerezako, Pape Chérif Bertrand Bassene","doi":"10.1080/10130950.2022.2213524","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10130950.2022.2213524","url":null,"abstract":"abstract At the beginning of the 20th century in Casamance, southern Senegal, a young woman with healing powers named Alandisso Bassene opened a shrine, and would quickly amass a following of both men and women. A clash with missionaries and French colonial administration would result in ‘the most acclaimed witch doctor’ being imprisoned for the next 15 years in 1919. Six decades later, in 1984, a new radical feminist movement in Senegal, Yewwu-Yewwi for Women’s Liberation, emerged and challenged the hierarchical relationship between men and women, denouncing patriarchy, with a brand of feminism that echoed global feminism. In an interview with the state newspaper Le Soleil in 1986, Marie Angélique Savane, the leader of Yewwu-Yewwi, described feminism as the awareness of inequality of the sexes and denouncing injustice against women despite them ‘carrying humanity’ and being a dynamic and progressive force (Fall 1986a). This article studies the historical narratives of mediumship, priestesses, shrines and their followers in southern Senegal during the colonial period, where power circulates, and the feminist thought of Yewwu-Yewwi, where the lack of power held by women is addressed in the language of equality and rights.","PeriodicalId":44530,"journal":{"name":"AGENDA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42107850","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10130950.2022.2184933
C. Samaradiwakera-Wijesundara
abstract Kimberley Crenshaw’s concept of intersectionality, read in the context of Black Feminist iterations, enables me to sift through the conflation of categories of analysis and praxis in three ways. Firstly, I analyse the purported tensions between Black Feminist theorists and decolonial feminist interpretations of intersectionality, and the attendant consequences of these. In so doing I navigate the fault-lines of the arguments articulated, and while acknowledging the merits of the critiques, I suggest that Black Feminist scholarship in conversation with decolonial feminist approaches may still yield possibilities for coalition which allow for subjectivity that breaks from colonial logics of essence and immutability. Secondly, I reflect on how intersectionality and the coloniality of gender have been taken up in legal discourse in South Africa, and in what ways the tensions and possibilities manifest and are navigated. I argue that fissures may be over-emphasised, replicating a divide and conquer mode of operation while simultaneously facilitating the, at times subtle, selective cooptation of these terms into liberal discourse. Finally, at the centre of this piece is the fact that personhood is the location from which meaning of the world is made and articulated – a question of ontology (Alcoff 2020). Despite the multiple meanings of personhood that suggest that it is both ambiguous and fluid, it has real implications in space/place and time interpersonally and/as structurally (Alcoff 2020). The law, authorised through the person of the state that it circularly authorises/legitimises into existence, holds a monopoly over legitimate force that is both physical and symbolic (Brubaker & Cooper 2020). What is unresolved is the question of who is a person.
金伯利·克伦肖(Kimberley Crenshaw)的交叉性概念，在黑人女权主义迭代的背景下阅读，使我能够从三个方面筛选分析和实践类别的合并。首先，我分析了黑人女权主义理论家和非殖民女权主义者对交叉性的解释之间的紧张关系，以及随之而来的后果。在这样做的过程中，我找到了这些论点的断层线，在承认这些批评的优点的同时，我认为黑人女权主义学术在与非殖民化女权主义方法的对话中仍然可能产生联合的可能性，这种联合允许主观性打破了本质和不变的殖民逻辑。其次，我反思了性别的交叉性和殖民性是如何在南非的法律话语中被采用的，以及这种紧张关系和可能性是如何表现和驾驭的。我认为，分歧可能被过分强调了，复制了分而治之的运作模式，同时促进了(有时是微妙的)选择性地将这些术语纳入自由话语。最后，这篇文章的核心是这样一个事实，即人格是世界意义被创造和表达的位置——这是一个本体论问题(Alcoff 2020)。尽管人格的多重含义表明它既模糊又流动，但它在人际关系和结构上对空间/地点和时间具有真正的影响(Alcoff 2020)。法律，通过国家的个人授权，它循环授权/合法化的存在，拥有对合法力量的垄断，无论是物理的还是象征性的(Brubaker & Cooper 2020)。没有解决的是谁是一个人的问题。
{"title":"Intersectionality and/or multiple consciousness: Re-thinking the analytical tools used to conceptualise and navigate personhood","authors":"C. Samaradiwakera-Wijesundara","doi":"10.1080/10130950.2022.2184933","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10130950.2022.2184933","url":null,"abstract":"abstract Kimberley Crenshaw’s concept of intersectionality, read in the context of Black Feminist iterations, enables me to sift through the conflation of categories of analysis and praxis in three ways. Firstly, I analyse the purported tensions between Black Feminist theorists and decolonial feminist interpretations of intersectionality, and the attendant consequences of these. In so doing I navigate the fault-lines of the arguments articulated, and while acknowledging the merits of the critiques, I suggest that Black Feminist scholarship in conversation with decolonial feminist approaches may still yield possibilities for coalition which allow for subjectivity that breaks from colonial logics of essence and immutability. Secondly, I reflect on how intersectionality and the coloniality of gender have been taken up in legal discourse in South Africa, and in what ways the tensions and possibilities manifest and are navigated. I argue that fissures may be over-emphasised, replicating a divide and conquer mode of operation while simultaneously facilitating the, at times subtle, selective cooptation of these terms into liberal discourse. Finally, at the centre of this piece is the fact that personhood is the location from which meaning of the world is made and articulated – a question of ontology (Alcoff 2020). Despite the multiple meanings of personhood that suggest that it is both ambiguous and fluid, it has real implications in space/place and time interpersonally and/as structurally (Alcoff 2020). The law, authorised through the person of the state that it circularly authorises/legitimises into existence, holds a monopoly over legitimate force that is both physical and symbolic (Brubaker & Cooper 2020). What is unresolved is the question of who is a person.","PeriodicalId":44530,"journal":{"name":"AGENDA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48455257","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-13DOI: 10.1080/10130950.2022.2076024
Ijeoma Opara
IJEOMA OPARA is currently a PhD Candidate in Political Science at Stellenbosch University in South Africa, under the auspices of the SARChi Chair in Gender Politics. Her PhD project looks into the construction of black femme postfeminist identity in South Africa. After being awarded the Mandela Rhodes Scholarship in 2017, she went on to complete her Master’s in International Relations at the University of Cape Town. She is also a freelance creative writer and research consultant with a keen interest in African politics, migration studies, identity politics, and feminist studies. Email: ijeomaopara@gmail.com
{"title":"UJO/FEAR","authors":"Ijeoma Opara","doi":"10.1080/10130950.2022.2076024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10130950.2022.2076024","url":null,"abstract":"IJEOMA OPARA is currently a PhD Candidate in Political Science at Stellenbosch University in South Africa, under the auspices of the SARChi Chair in Gender Politics. Her PhD project looks into the construction of black femme postfeminist identity in South Africa. After being awarded the Mandela Rhodes Scholarship in 2017, she went on to complete her Master’s in International Relations at the University of Cape Town. She is also a freelance creative writer and research consultant with a keen interest in African politics, migration studies, identity politics, and feminist studies. Email: ijeomaopara@gmail.com","PeriodicalId":44530,"journal":{"name":"AGENDA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47531729","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
abstract Feminist advocacy aims to influence and change key decision-making processes, policies and practices that infringe on women’s rights. It analyses patriarchy and how it is linked to the structures and relationships of power between men and women that perpetuate violence and poverty (Evans 2005). A discussion held by young feminists based in South Sudan, Somalia, Uganda, and Kenya explored the meaning of feminist advocacy, their experiences in meaningful participation and contribution to global, regional, and national processes. They shared the challenges they continue to face and areas where they require support to effectively engage and influence feminist spaces and agendas. It was agreed strengthening capacities of young feminists to effectively engage and get involved in feminist advocacy at the different levels and creating safe online spaces for engagement are central to the Challenging Patriarchy Project in which they participate. Advocacy that the project contributes to includes owning, and influencing regional and international feminist spaces and planning joint young feminist advocacy initiatives across the region. Limited understanding of policy instruments at different levels and inadequate financial resources are key challenges hindering effective and meaningful engagement in advocacy by young feminists and women's movements in the different countries. The need for prioritised and stepped-up funding for feminist advocacy – including for Capacity Strengthening Programmes and initiatives – were seen as an essential component of ensuring that young feminist advocates are at the forefront of change making and challenging patriarchy.
{"title":"Amplifying the experiences of young feminists conducting advocacy in Africa in the Challenging Patriarchy Programme: The case of South Sudan, Somalia, Uganda and Kenya ","authors":"Helen Owino, Brandy Judith Awuor, Pikyiko Eunice Jacob Francis, Rebecca Karagwa, Esther Mayende, Maryan Khalif, Nancy Cirino, Shyleen Momanyi, Karen Auma Owino, Winnie Wanjiru Ngigi, Nancy Barasa","doi":"10.1080/10130950.2022.2129398","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10130950.2022.2129398","url":null,"abstract":"abstract Feminist advocacy aims to influence and change key decision-making processes, policies and practices that infringe on women’s rights. It analyses patriarchy and how it is linked to the structures and relationships of power between men and women that perpetuate violence and poverty (Evans 2005). A discussion held by young feminists based in South Sudan, Somalia, Uganda, and Kenya explored the meaning of feminist advocacy, their experiences in meaningful participation and contribution to global, regional, and national processes. They shared the challenges they continue to face and areas where they require support to effectively engage and influence feminist spaces and agendas. It was agreed strengthening capacities of young feminists to effectively engage and get involved in feminist advocacy at the different levels and creating safe online spaces for engagement are central to the Challenging Patriarchy Project in which they participate. Advocacy that the project contributes to includes owning, and influencing regional and international feminist spaces and planning joint young feminist advocacy initiatives across the region. Limited understanding of policy instruments at different levels and inadequate financial resources are key challenges hindering effective and meaningful engagement in advocacy by young feminists and women's movements in the different countries. The need for prioritised and stepped-up funding for feminist advocacy – including for Capacity Strengthening Programmes and initiatives – were seen as an essential component of ensuring that young feminist advocates are at the forefront of change making and challenging patriarchy.","PeriodicalId":44530,"journal":{"name":"AGENDA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49278060","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10130950.2022.2111219
M. Richter, Clara Singende, I. Lakhani
abstract This Open Forum records a conversation between three activists who have worked within the field of sex worker rights in South Africa for close to two decades. Drawing on our experiences of organising, movement-building, documenting, theorising and creating art and activism on the impact of apartheid-era criminal law on sex worker lives, we explore questions relating to feminism, gender, power and feminist ways of organising on the decriminalisation of sex work.
{"title":"“Sex work is essential(ly) work” – Feminist sex worker rights advocacy in South Africa","authors":"M. Richter, Clara Singende, I. Lakhani","doi":"10.1080/10130950.2022.2111219","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10130950.2022.2111219","url":null,"abstract":"abstract This Open Forum records a conversation between three activists who have worked within the field of sex worker rights in South Africa for close to two decades. Drawing on our experiences of organising, movement-building, documenting, theorising and creating art and activism on the impact of apartheid-era criminal law on sex worker lives, we explore questions relating to feminism, gender, power and feminist ways of organising on the decriminalisation of sex work.","PeriodicalId":44530,"journal":{"name":"AGENDA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47904348","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10130950.2022.2107941
A. Shangare, Cori Wielenga
abstract Affirmative action has been implemented through the African Union’s (AU) gender agenda to attain women’s political empowerment and to achieve gender justice goals both within the AU and by member states. Accordingly, quotas are used as the fast track means to ensure the increase in representation and participation of women in politics to achieve agreed gender parity and mainstreaming policy goals. Literature, particularly in relation to Africa, has tended to focus on the increased ‘quantity’ of women in political institutions rather than turning critical attention to the quality of change experienced as a result of women’s political participation and representation. The article asks what does it mean for African women to participate in the institutions of political decision-making? Drawing from interviews with gender policy makers and implementers at the AU, the article examines the ways in which political representation (critical acts) may have no more than symbolic value, instead of moving towards substantive representation in which women’s political actions have consequences and weight. It questions the ways in which women are hindered from substantive participation, including through being subtly undermined and marginalised, for example, through body-shaming or bringing aspects of their private lives under scrutiny in ways their male counterparts rarely are. The article considers the importance of the AU’s gender policy as a means to advance women’s political participation on the continent and raises the problem of feminist advocacy which has the potential to tokenise women in politics. Within the AU, and outside of it, women continue to advocate for women’s political empowerment in and through this influential regional body, whose gender policies inform those of the rest of the continent.
{"title":"Repositioning African women in politics: From critical mass to critical acts","authors":"A. Shangare, Cori Wielenga","doi":"10.1080/10130950.2022.2107941","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10130950.2022.2107941","url":null,"abstract":"abstract Affirmative action has been implemented through the African Union’s (AU) gender agenda to attain women’s political empowerment and to achieve gender justice goals both within the AU and by member states. Accordingly, quotas are used as the fast track means to ensure the increase in representation and participation of women in politics to achieve agreed gender parity and mainstreaming policy goals. Literature, particularly in relation to Africa, has tended to focus on the increased ‘quantity’ of women in political institutions rather than turning critical attention to the quality of change experienced as a result of women’s political participation and representation. The article asks what does it mean for African women to participate in the institutions of political decision-making? Drawing from interviews with gender policy makers and implementers at the AU, the article examines the ways in which political representation (critical acts) may have no more than symbolic value, instead of moving towards substantive representation in which women’s political actions have consequences and weight. It questions the ways in which women are hindered from substantive participation, including through being subtly undermined and marginalised, for example, through body-shaming or bringing aspects of their private lives under scrutiny in ways their male counterparts rarely are. The article considers the importance of the AU’s gender policy as a means to advance women’s political participation on the continent and raises the problem of feminist advocacy which has the potential to tokenise women in politics. Within the AU, and outside of it, women continue to advocate for women’s political empowerment in and through this influential regional body, whose gender policies inform those of the rest of the continent.","PeriodicalId":44530,"journal":{"name":"AGENDA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48687986","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10130950.2022.2114840
Tracy Jean-Pierre
abstract Social media platforms are increasingly being used for activism and advocacy worldwide to raise consciousness, provide support to victims and survivors, build a stronger movement, and highlight the high prevalence of femicide and violence towards women. Reverend June Dolley-Major is a feminist, a rape survivor, and an activist; she has been a front woman for sexual violence advocacy in South Africa by using her own traumatic experiences after being raped by an Anglican priest. This study aims to analyse how social media platforms, such as Facebook, when used alongside traditional activism, can create a formidable tool for feminist advocacy. This case study documents the extraordinary efforts of one woman who was able to make a powerful impact by challenging the most powerful patriarchal institution in South Africa − the Church − and is based on a series of interviews conducted with Rev. June Dolley-Major between January and April 2022.
{"title":"#SAYHISNAME: Social media and feminist advocacy – a case study","authors":"Tracy Jean-Pierre","doi":"10.1080/10130950.2022.2114840","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10130950.2022.2114840","url":null,"abstract":"abstract Social media platforms are increasingly being used for activism and advocacy worldwide to raise consciousness, provide support to victims and survivors, build a stronger movement, and highlight the high prevalence of femicide and violence towards women. Reverend June Dolley-Major is a feminist, a rape survivor, and an activist; she has been a front woman for sexual violence advocacy in South Africa by using her own traumatic experiences after being raped by an Anglican priest. This study aims to analyse how social media platforms, such as Facebook, when used alongside traditional activism, can create a formidable tool for feminist advocacy. This case study documents the extraordinary efforts of one woman who was able to make a powerful impact by challenging the most powerful patriarchal institution in South Africa − the Church − and is based on a series of interviews conducted with Rev. June Dolley-Major between January and April 2022.","PeriodicalId":44530,"journal":{"name":"AGENDA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43489664","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10130950.2022.2115932
Mercy Precious Mujakachi, L.M.P. Mulaudzi
abstract Betty Makoni's autobiography, Never again: Not to any woman or girl again, is a text that works to inform an understanding of the meaning of feminist advocacy against gender violence in Zimbabwe. It documents Makoni’s life of activism against the exploitation, oppression and violation of the girl child in Zimbabwe. We argue that activism affords numerous positions for the production of agency. This is demonstrated in the manner in which Makoni uses her life’s story, making use of the political tools of writing to advocate for women’s rights, showing how she changed from being a victim to being a survivor. Autobiography as a site for the self, inscribes how she moves from the private sphere to engage the public sphere to lead a movement of girls and later establish an empowerment model. Zimbabwean national politics compel Makoni to endure the effects of social silencing at the same time revealing the oppressive character of the nation. Self-reflexivity and conscience catalyse her activism in the public domain. When Makoni's continued advocacy is constrained one of her strategies is to move between online and offline activism - social media, and radio and print – to negotiate the political spaces of lawlessness at a time when the violence against women and the girl child is rife. In her feminist advocacy model we see reconceptualised and reconstructed female subjectivities and identity positions, different from those imposed by patriarchy. Makoni’s advocacy for girl child empowerment gains traction in Zimbabwe, mentoring many thousands of girls, engaging communities and through lobbying for policy change it expands across several countries and continents.
贝蒂·马科尼（Betty Makoni）的自传《永不再来：不再对任何妇女或女孩》（Never again:Not to any women or girl again）旨在让人们理解津巴布韦反对性别暴力的女权主义倡导的意义。它记录了马科尼反对津巴布韦剥削、压迫和侵犯女童的激进主义生活。我们认为，激进主义为代理的产生提供了许多职位。这一点可以从Makoni使用她人生故事的方式中得到证明，她利用写作的政治工具来倡导妇女权利，展示了她是如何从受害者变成幸存者的。自传作为一个自我的网站，记录了她如何从私人领域进入公共领域，领导一场女孩运动，并在后来建立了一种赋权模式。津巴布韦的国家政治迫使马科尼忍受社会沉默的影响，同时暴露出国家的压迫性。自我反省和良知促进了她在公共领域的积极行动。当Makoni的持续倡导受到限制时，她的策略之一是在网上和线下的激进主义之间——社交媒体、广播和印刷品——在针对妇女和女童的暴力盛行之际，就无法无天的政治空间进行谈判。在她的女权主义倡导模式中，我们看到了重新定义和重建的女性主体性和身份地位，不同于父权制强加的那些。Makoni对女童赋权的倡导在津巴布韦获得了支持，指导了成千上万的女孩，让社区参与进来，并通过游说政策变革，在几个国家和大洲展开。
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