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Tempering the Marital Mind: Civic Regimens of Love and Marriage in German Mid-Eighteenth-Century Moral Weeklies 缓和婚姻心理:18世纪中期德国道德周刊中的爱情和婚姻的公民制度
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-26 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244323000185
Andreas Rydberg
This article contributes to the historiography of romantic marriage in the eighteenth century by analyzing discourses on marital love and happiness in the moral weeklies of the German writers Georg Friedrich Meier and Samuel Gotthold Lange. Meier and Lange raise overarching questions about why so many marriages are unhappy and argue that long-term marital contentment requires spouses to discover and confirm each other's qualities and abilities on a daily basis. Each must reflect and affirm the other while also practicing a kind of de-escalation in conflict situations, for instance by withdrawing and calming oneself before facing problems anew. I argue that this apparently modern therapeutic approach to marital relationships was part of a civic morality in the making, a morality that pointed forward to the emergence of a modern individual self while also being rooted in a long tradition of spiritual exercises and therapeutic regimens.
本文通过分析德国作家乔治·弗里德里希·迈耶和塞缪尔·哥特霍尔德·兰格在道德周刊中关于婚姻爱情和幸福的论述,为18世纪浪漫婚姻的史学研究做出了贡献。Meier和Lange提出了一个重要的问题,为什么这么多婚姻不幸福,并认为长期的婚姻满足感需要配偶每天发现并确认彼此的品质和能力。每个人都必须反映和肯定对方,同时在冲突情况下也要练习一种降级,例如在面对新的问题之前退出并让自己平静下来。我认为,这种对婚姻关系的明显现代治疗方法是正在形成的公民道德的一部分,这种道德指出了现代个体自我的出现,同时也植根于精神锻炼和治疗方案的悠久传统。
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引用次数: 0
The Metaphysical Universe of Michel ʿAflaq and His Party: A Reappraisal of the Baʿth 米歇尔·阿弗拉克及其政党的形而上学世界:对复兴党的重新评价
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-14 DOI: 10.1017/s147924432300015x
Spenser R. Rapone
Abstract This article offers a reassessment of Arab Socialist Baʿth Party founder Michel ʿAflaq's thought in the context of decolonization and global intellectual history. Engaging with ʿAflaq's thinking in terms of its metaphysical foundations and its relationship to universality, this work examines four key concepts in his oeuvre : resurrection ( baʿth ), faith ( īmān ), spirit ( rūḥ ), and unity ( waḥda ). In essence, ʿAflaq's metaphysics links the Arab nation with the past while his universalist aspirations open the way forward for the future. While numerous scholars in recent years have explicated the universal ambitions of anticolonial nationalists, the place of Arab nationalists and their relationship to decolonization are in need of greater scholarly attention. In turn, I argue that ʿAflaq's ambition of national resurrection ought to be understood as such a quest to realize the universal.
本文在非殖民化和全球思想史的背景下,对阿拉伯社会主义复兴党创始人米歇尔·阿弗拉克的思想进行了重新评价。从形而上学的基础及其与普遍性的关系的角度出发,本著作考察了他的作品中的四个关键概念:复活(ba ā th)、信仰(īmān)、精神(rūḥ)和统一(waḥda)。本质上,阿弗拉克的形而上学将阿拉伯民族与过去联系在一起,而他的普遍主义抱负为未来开辟了前进的道路。虽然近年来许多学者阐明了反殖民民族主义者的普遍野心,但阿拉伯民族主义者的地位及其与非殖民化的关系需要得到更多的学术关注。反过来,我认为,阿弗拉克民族复兴的雄心应该被理解为这样一种实现普遍的追求。
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引用次数: 0
From Lifeless Numbers to the Vital Nerve of Democracy: Dolf Sternberger's Metaphorical Argumentation against Proportional Voting 从死气沉沉的数字到民主的重要神经:多尔夫·斯滕伯格反对比例投票的隐喻论证
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-07 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244323000161
Timo Pankakoski
This article analyzes Dolf Sternberger's post-World War II argumentation against proportional representation. Sternberger is central in the intellectual history of German democratization. However, he expressed his misgivings about parties and proportionality in a perplexingly antidemocratic register. Proportionality was anonymous, mechanical, dead, and purely mathematical, relying on “mere numbers” and “summing up” as opposed to living, dynamic, and organic political relations—ultimately not a form of political electing at all. Sternberger intentionally mobilized age-old topoi and metaphors which interwar antidemocratic authors had used against parliamentary democracy in its entirety, now skillfully redirecting their force against proportional representation more specifically. Sternberger's intricate metaphorical system linked his anti-proportional views to his theory of active civic engagement and ultimately served pro-democratic aspirations in the altered historical situation. His case exemplifies broader continuities between interwar and postwar discourses and highlights the need to read metaphorical argumentation in historical contexts and pragmatically rather than merely semantically.
本文分析了道夫·斯特恩伯格在二战后反对比例代表制的论点。斯滕伯格是德国民主化思想史上的核心人物。然而,他表达了对政党和比例的担忧,这是一份令人困惑的反民主登记册。比例是匿名的、机械的、死的、纯粹的数学,依赖于“纯粹的数字”和“总结”,而不是活生生的、动态的、有机的政治关系——最终根本不是政治选举的一种形式。斯特恩伯格有意调动了二战期间反民主作家用来反对议会民主的古老话题和隐喻,现在巧妙地将他们的力量转向更具体地反对比例代表制。斯滕伯格错综复杂的隐喻系统将他的反比例观点与他的积极公民参与理论联系在一起,并最终服务于改变了的历史形势下的亲民主愿望。他的案例体现了两次世界大战之间和战后话语之间更广泛的连续性,并强调了在历史背景下、从实用主义而不仅仅是语义上阅读隐喻论证的必要性。
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引用次数: 0
Better to Receive Than to Give 接受胜于给予
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244323000148
Daniel Wickberg
Three generations ago, intellectual historians wrote books in which central texts and intellectual figures were held to be the sources of entire bodies of thought. The metaphors of “influence” and “origins” were common; particular arguments associated with those texts and thinkers were imagined as shaping and creating traditions of thought. Adjectives like “Lockean,” “Jeffersonian,” “Nietzschean,” and “Kantian” attached themselves to whole strains and schools of philosophical, political, and social thought. Two generations ago, a wholesale shift in intellectual historiography, best represented by the Cambridge school historians Quentin Skinner and J. G. A. Pocock, but evident well beyond them, pushed historians away from the centrality of major figures and texts understood as shaping long traditions, and toward “languages” and “discourses” that were historically localized and bounded. Individual texts were to be understood not as the source of a stream of ideas, but as creatures of very specific discursive and ideological environments; understanding their history meant understanding authorial “intention” contextually, rather than “influence” and long-term consequence. Along with this turn was a commitment to historical discontinuity and an understanding of the alterity and “otherness” of past ways of thinking. Whatever our vision of Kant might be today, said this school of thought, it is not the Kant of the eighteenth-century world in which he thought, and we should be wary of projecting our contemporary understandings into that foreign world.
三代人以前,知识历史学家写的书中,核心文本和知识人物被认为是整个思想体系的来源。“影响”和“起源”的隐喻很常见;与这些文本和思想家相关的特定论点被想象为塑造和创造思想传统。形容词如“Lockean”、“Jeffersonian”、“Nietzschean”和“Kantian”都属于哲学、政治和社会思想的各个流派。两代人之前,知识史学的大规模转变,最能代表剑桥学派历史学家昆汀·斯金纳和J·G·a·波科克,但在他们之外很明显,将历史学家从被理解为塑造长期传统的主要人物和文本的中心推离,转向历史上本地化和有界限的“语言”和“话语”。单个文本不应被理解为思想流的来源,而是被理解为特定话语和意识形态环境的产物;理解他们的历史意味着从语境上理解作者的“意图”,而不是“影响”和长期后果。伴随着这一转变的是对历史不连续性的承诺,以及对过去思维方式的交替性和“另类”的理解。这一学派说,无论我们今天对康德的看法是什么,他所思考的都不是18世纪世界的康德,我们应该警惕将我们当代的理解投射到那个外国世界。
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引用次数: 1
MIH volume 20 issue 3 Cover and Back matter MIH第20卷第3期封面和封底
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-18 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244323000197
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引用次数: 0
MIH volume 20 issue 3 Cover and Front matter MIH第20卷第3期封面和封面问题
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-18 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244323000203
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. As you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.
此内容的摘要不可用,因此提供了预览。当您可以访问此内容时,可以通过“保存PDF”操作按钮获得完整的PDF。
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引用次数: 0
The Introduction of Modern Western Philosophy in the Ottoman Empire: Armenian Thinkers 现代西方哲学在奥斯曼帝国的引入:亚美尼亚思想家
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244323000136
Aret Karademir
The literature on the introduction of modern Western philosophy in the late Ottoman Empire is predominantly ethnocentric. This is because it reduces the Ottoman version of modern Western philosophy to the philosophical discourses of Muslim/Turkish intellectuals at the expense of non-Muslim Ottomans’ philosophical activities in languages other than Turkish. This article challenges such ethnocentrism and offers an alternative narrative from the perspective of Ottoman Armenian thinkers in the late nineteenth century. With this aim, it analyzes the philosophical thoughts of Madatia Karakashian, Nahabed Rusinian, Kalusd Gosdantian, and Yeghia Demirjibashian.
在奥斯曼帝国晚期,关于引进现代西方哲学的文献主要是种族中心主义的。这是因为它将现代西方哲学的奥斯曼版本简化为穆斯林/土耳其知识分子的哲学话语,而牺牲了非穆斯林奥斯曼人以土耳其语以外的语言进行的哲学活动。本文对这种种族中心主义提出了挑战,并从19世纪末奥斯曼亚美尼亚思想家的角度提供了另一种叙述。为此,本文分析了Madatia karakashan、Nahabed Rusinian、Kalusd Gosdantian和Yeghia Demirjibashian的哲学思想。
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引用次数: 0
Writing Back from the Academy: Uncovering the Unnamed Targets of Makereti's Revisionist Anthropology 从学院写回来:揭示马克雷蒂修正主义人类学的未命名目标
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-07-07 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244323000124
Emma Gattey
The second Māori student to enrol at the University of Oxford, Makereti studied anthropology in the intellectual epicentre of the British Empire from 1927 to 1930, participating in transnational academic networks by writing about her own people. Her work was published posthumously as The Old-Time Maori, now acclaimed as an unprecedented work of Māori auto-ethnography. Exploring a forgotten seam of revisionist anthropology, this article argues that reappraisals of Makereti have failed to capture the magnitude of her project of Indigenous resistance writing. Through close reading of Makereti's personal papers and published work, this article uncovers the targeted revisionism of Makereti's scholarship—in particular identifying the unnamed targets of her critique—and how she used the epistemic tools of imperial and salvage anthropology to challenge colonial discourses about Māori. Makereti's engagement with Oxford illuminates Indigenous adaptation of a discipline and institutions often portrayed as sites of incorrigibly imperialist ideology.
马克雷蒂是牛津大学的第二名毛利学生,1927年至1930年,她在大英帝国的知识中心学习人类学,通过写自己人的文章参与跨国学术网络。她的作品在死后出版为《旧时代的毛利人》,现在被誉为毛利汽车民族志的一部前所未有的作品。本文探讨了修正主义人类学被遗忘的一条缝,认为对Makereti的重新评价未能捕捉到她土著抵抗写作项目的重要性。通过仔细阅读Makereti的个人论文和已发表的作品,本文揭示了Makereti学术的有针对性的修正主义——特别是确定了她批评的未命名目标——以及她如何利用帝国人类学和抢救人类学的认识工具来挑战关于毛利人的殖民话语。Makereti与牛津大学的合作阐明了土著人对一门学科和机构的适应,这些学科和机构经常被描绘成不可救药的帝国主义意识形态的场所。
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引用次数: 0
The New Liberals and Chinese Civilization: Idealist Philosophy, Evolutionary Sociology, and the Quest for a Humanitarian Ethics in Edwardian Britain 新自由主义者与中国文明:唯心主义哲学、进化社会学和对爱德华七世英国人道主义伦理的追求
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-07 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244323000112
Charles C. H. Lee
It is well known that the leading New Liberals L. T. Hobhouse and J. A. Hobson were critics of the British Empire, and their sympathy with China has been understood as an expression of their anti-imperialism. However, this article argues that this reading is at best one-sided. By examining Hobhouse's and Hobson's ethical and sociological thought, it demonstrates that their Sinophile position drew on a broader concern about the turn-of-the-century moral crisis. Informed by Idealist philosophy, positivism, and evolutionary biology, their quest for a post-Christian ethics led to an appreciation of the harmonic order of Chinese society and its secularism. The leading New Liberals’ earnest study of China on the one hand represented a departure from the Eurocentric position of British Liberals who had seen “stationary” China as a negative object lesson, and on the other anticipated a generation of Liberal/progressive thinkers who were attracted to Chinese culture.
众所周知,新自由主义者领军人物l·t·霍布豪斯和j·a·霍布森是大英帝国的批评者,他们对中国的同情被理解为他们反帝国主义的一种表达。然而,本文认为这种解读充其量是片面的。通过考察霍布豪斯和霍布森的伦理和社会学思想,可以看出他们的亲华立场引起了对世纪之交道德危机的更广泛关注。在唯心主义哲学、实证主义和进化生物学的影响下,他们对后基督教伦理的追求导致了对中国社会和谐秩序及其世俗主义的欣赏。新自由主义者的领军人物对中国的认真研究,一方面代表了英国自由主义者对欧洲中心立场的背离,他们将“静止”的中国视为负面的客观教训,另一方面也预示着被中国文化吸引的一代自由主义/进步思想家。
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引用次数: 0
MIH volume 20 issue 2 Cover and Front matter MIH第20卷第2期封面和封面问题
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244323000082
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Modern Intellectual History
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