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African Armies: Evolution and Capabilities 非洲军队:进化与能力
IF 1.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-03-04 DOI: 10.2307/485659
T. Bah, B. Arlinghaus, P. Baker
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引用次数: 1
“Not a death of that hospital”: the social production of maternity statistics in Freetown "这家医院没有人死亡":弗里敦产妇统计数据的社会生产
IF 1.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/00083968.2018.1546603
Tara Dosumu Diener
ABSTRACT This paper explores the social practices underlying the production of clinical statistics at Princess Christian Maternity Hospital in Freetown, Sierra Leone. Combining ethnographic and historical methods, it focuses on the contexts surrounding the point at which the raw data (on which country statistics are generated) are entered into the medical record. This focus sheds light on the hidden, elided, or otherwise unseen aspects of clinical practice that global health stakeholders risk missing when privileging statistical data over direct observation. Direct observation reveals not only how specious data comes to be part of the medical record, but why.
本文探讨了塞拉利昂弗里敦公主基督教妇产医院临床统计的社会实践。结合民族志和历史方法,它侧重于将原始数据(产生国家统计数据的地方)输入医疗记录的上下文。这一重点揭示了临床实践中隐藏的、被忽略的或其他不可见的方面,全球卫生利益攸关方在将统计数据置于直接观察之上时可能会错过这些方面。直接观察不仅揭示了似是而非的数据是如何成为医疗记录的一部分的,而且揭示了为什么。
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引用次数: 0
Seven Myths of Africa in World History 世界历史上关于非洲的七个神话
IF 1.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/00083968.2018.1438973
Daniel B. Domingues da Silva
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引用次数: 0
Nation on Board: Becoming Nigerian at Sea 船上的国家:在海上成为尼日利亚人
IF 1.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/00083968.2017.1345842
D. van den Bersselaar
therapies. Meanwhile, the explosion in the availability of psychotropic drugs over the same period highlighted the liminal space Nigerian psychiatrists occupied: although they positioned themselves as the legitimate gatekeepers of these substances, “it is important to note that their conceptions were idealistic” (183) and that in reality they were powerless to control the sale and usage of these increasingly popular drugs. The strength of the book lies in the compelling case it makes for how Nigerian psychiatrists in the late colonial and early postcolonial eras consciously transformed the field from little more than a racist detention system to a therapeutic model espousing the universal foundations of human psychology. Heaton is adept at highlighting the historicity of these developments, making careful note of how these universal ideals were a direct response to the tiered vision of human psychological sophistication espoused by the colonial regime. In this way, he is able to relate the history of an important profession undergoing profound change while also linking it to broader issues of decolonization and intellectual history. The book makes good use of its source material ‒ in this case mainly documents generated by Nigerian psychiatrists ‒ yet it is limited by this insular approach. While Heaton is a pioneer in this area of Nigerian history, his arguments would have been enriched by contributions from additional non-psychiatric sources ‒ particularly concerning the profession’s popular legitimacy and its strained relationship with “traditional” healers. Also, although the author admirably asserts that psychiatric knowledge was not “a unidirectional power flow” (6) descending from Western sources, the case that Nigerian psychiatrists “have significantly influenced what cross-cultural psychiatrists think and do today” (6) could have been more forcefully made. Heaton does aptly demonstrate that Nigerian psychiatrists contributed to global psychiatric discourse ‒ participating in an unprecedented era of psychiatric globalization (not Westernization) ‒ but because of the book’s tight focus on the Nigerian perspective he is slightly less successful in showing what those contributions meant to the international psychiatric community. Despite these quibbles, White Coats, Black Skin is an important contribution to the history of medicine in Africa and particularly the history of psychiatry in Nigeria. Shedding exciting new light on how psychiatrists participated in the decolonization movement, contributed to the global transcultural psychiatric discourse, and altered the course of mental health care in Africa’s most populous state, this book is valuable reading for scholars of medical, political, and intellectual history in Africa. Well written and tightly organized, it is also a suitable text for upper-level undergraduate courses in the history of medicine in Africa.
疗法。与此同时,在同一时期,精神药物的爆炸性增长突出了尼日利亚精神科医生所占据的有限空间:尽管他们将自己定位为这些物质的合法看门人,“重要的是要注意他们的概念是理想主义的”(183),实际上他们无力控制这些日益流行的药物的销售和使用。这本书的优势在于,它提出了一个令人信服的案例,讲述了在殖民晚期和后殖民早期,尼日利亚精神病学家是如何有意识地将这个领域从一个种族主义拘留系统转变为一个支持人类心理学普遍基础的治疗模式的。希顿擅长强调这些发展的历史性,他仔细地指出,这些普遍的理想是如何直接回应殖民政权所支持的人类心理复杂的分层视野的。通过这种方式,他能够将一个正在发生深刻变化的重要专业的历史联系起来,同时也将其与非殖民化和思想史等更广泛的问题联系起来。这本书很好地利用了它的原始材料——在这种情况下主要是由尼日利亚精神病学家生成的文件——然而它受到这种狭隘方法的限制。虽然希顿是尼日利亚历史上这一领域的先驱,但他的论点本可以通过其他非精神病学来源的贡献得到丰富,特别是关于该职业的流行合法性及其与“传统”治疗师的紧张关系。此外,尽管作者令人钦佩地断言精神病学知识并非源自西方的“单向权力流”(6),但尼日利亚精神病学家“对当今跨文化精神病学家的思想和行为产生了重大影响”(6)这一案例本可以更有力地提出。希顿确实恰当地展示了尼日利亚精神病学家对全球精神病学话语的贡献——参与了一个前所未有的精神病学全球化时代(而不是西方化)——但由于这本书严格关注尼日利亚人的视角,他在展示这些贡献对国际精神病学社区的意义方面略显不成功。尽管存在这些诡辩,《白大褂,黑皮肤》对非洲医学史,尤其是尼日利亚精神病学史做出了重要贡献。这本书揭示了精神科医生如何参与非殖民化运动,为全球跨文化精神病学话语做出了贡献,并改变了非洲人口最多的国家的精神卫生保健进程,这本书对于研究非洲医学、政治和思想史的学者来说是很有价值的读物。它写得很好,组织严密,也是非洲医学史高级本科课程的合适教材。
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引用次数: 0
A Nervous State: Violence, Remedies, and Reverie in Colonial Congo 紧张状态:刚果殖民时期的暴力、补救和幻想
IF 1.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-08-17 DOI: 10.1080/00083968.2017.1357358
Alison MacAulay
clarify many of the Dutch terms and place names Graham uses), maps and a bibliography. The editors’ comprehensive “Introduction” provides detailed bibliographic details about the author, and contextualizes the issues of race, gender and “education that was fundamental to colonial rule” in Africa (xxv). Graham’s work is an important addition to writing by colonial women who were vocal and active during the war, and who used the plight of the Boer women to advance their careers and foreground their own feminist agendas. These women included Flora Shaw, the first colonial editor of The Times in London; Millicent Fawcett, a British aristocrat and advocate for women’s rights, who equated the Boer women’s incarceration with necessary British military policy; Emily Hobhouse, who collected stories from (mainly middle-class) Boer women to raise sympathy for their living conditions; and Florence Randal of Ottawa, another Canadian teacher, who published monthly columns of her time in South Africa in the Ottawa Journal. The research on these women is a testament to the important recuperative historical work taking place, recovering often overlooked women’s narratives in imperial histories, to reveal the ambiguities of their benevolent work for Empire and their complicity in the spread of hegemonic whiteness at the dawn of the twentieth century.
澄清许多荷兰术语和地名),地图和参考书目。编辑们全面的“介绍”提供了作者详细的参考书目细节,并将种族、性别和非洲“殖民统治的基础教育”等问题置于背景中(xxv)。格雷厄姆的作品是对殖民妇女写作的重要补充,这些妇女在战争期间直言不讳、积极主动,她们利用布尔妇女的困境来推进自己的事业,并将自己的女权主义议程推向前台。这些女性包括《泰晤士报》在伦敦的第一位殖民地编辑弗洛拉·肖(Flora Shaw);米利森特·福塞特(Millicent Fawcett),英国贵族和女权倡导者,她将布尔妇女的监禁等同于英国必要的军事政策;艾米莉·霍布豪斯(Emily Hobhouse)收集布尔妇女(主要是中产阶级)的故事,以引起人们对她们生活状况的同情;还有另一位来自渥太华的加拿大教师弗洛伦斯·兰德尔(Florence Randal),她在《渥太华日报》(Ottawa Journal)上发表了她在南非期间的每月专栏文章。对这些女性的研究证明了正在进行的重要的恢复历史工作,恢复了帝国历史中经常被忽视的女性叙事,揭示了她们为帝国所做的仁慈工作的模糊性,以及她们在20世纪初白人霸权传播中的共谋。
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引用次数: 82
Gouvernance hybride des parkings publics à Lubumbashi : quand la fiscalité informelle supporte la fiscalité formelle 卢本巴希公共停车场的混合治理:当非正式税收支持正式税收时
IF 1.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/00083968.2017.1307124
Albert Malukisa Nkuku
Abstract “Hybrid governance” appears today as an emerging research current that focuses on the role of non-state institutions and actors to strengthen state institutions that lack legitimacy and capacity in developing countries. By examining the interactions between private and public actors involved in the governance of public motor parks in Lubumbashi, the second city of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, this article demonstrates that informal taxation can be a decisive support for the perception of an official parking tax.
摘要“混合治理”作为一种新兴的研究趋势出现在今天,它关注的是非国家机构和行为体在加强发展中国家缺乏合法性和能力的国家机构方面的作用。通过研究刚果民主共和国第二大城市卢本巴希参与公共停车场治理的私人和公共行为体之间的相互作用,本文表明,非正式税收可以成为官方停车税的决定性支持。
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引用次数: 1
Indigenous African Knowledge Production: Food Processing Practices among Kenyan Rural Women 非洲土著知识生产:肯尼亚农村妇女的食品加工实践
IF 1.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/00083968.2016.1252026
R. Bezner Kerr
to military and political action is unclear. while the media reporting surveyed showed there were problems and danger on the horizon, it is apparent in the work that the stories and associated knowledge were unlikely to have compelled more vigorous or alternate action by policy makers. it leaves the question, would more intense, more consistent or more sensational coverage have compelled greater action? From the reporting surveyed by Soderlund and Briggs it is clear that there were conflict dynamics and structures existing in South Sudan but what to do and when remained unclear. The work provides a valuable entry point into South Sudan politics as well as an understanding of the role of the media in conflict. it sets up a number of important questions that need deeper research in the South Sudan and other cases. overall, it is an important contribution to the discourse on how the media influences humanitarian intervention and international action in conflicts. it further raises the spectre of what humanitarian intervention should occur in the face of knowing and reasonably anticipating violence and atrocity.
对军事和政治行动的影响尚不清楚。虽然接受调查的媒体报道显示,问题和危险即将出现,但很明显,这些报道和相关知识不太可能迫使决策者采取更积极或更替代的行动。这留下了一个问题,更激烈、更一致或更耸人听闻的报道是否会促使更大的行动?从Soderlund和Briggs调查的报告来看,南苏丹显然存在冲突动态和结构,但该怎么做以及何时做还不清楚。这项工作为了解南苏丹政治以及了解媒体在冲突中的作用提供了一个有价值的切入点。它提出了一些重要的问题,需要在南苏丹和其他案例中进行更深入的研究。总的来说,这是对媒体如何影响冲突中的人道主义干预和国际行动的论述的重要贡献。它进一步提出了在知道并合理预测暴力和暴行的情况下应该进行何种人道主义干预的问题。
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引用次数: 3
Mandela’s Kinsmen: Nationalist Elites & Apartheid’s First Bantustan 曼德拉的亲属:民族主义精英和种族隔离的第一个班图斯坦
IF 1.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/00083968.2016.1195056
M. Graham
In an important counterpoint to the mainstream historiography on contemporary South Africa that predominantly focuses on urban, mass political activities, in Mandela’s Kinsmen Timothy Gibbs has dir...
主流的南非当代史学研究主要集中在城市、群众政治活动上,与之形成鲜明对比的是,蒂莫西·吉布斯在《曼德拉的亲属》一书中写道:
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引用次数: 3
Diamonds in the Rough: Corporate Paternalism and African Professionalism on the Mines of Colonial Angola, 1917–1975 《未开发的钻石:安哥拉殖民地矿山上的企业家长式作风和非洲专业主义,1917-1975》
IF 1.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-04-20 DOI: 10.1080/00083968.2016.1139660
John Sandlos
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引用次数: 5
Zimbabwe’s Exodus: Crisis, Migration, Survival 津巴布韦的流亡:危机,移民,生存
IF 1.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00083968.2015.1116170
David McDermott Hughes
McMahon highlights how slaves and slaveholders adapted to shifting identities in the age of emancipation. Throughout the book she locates the differences between Pemba and Unguja to local conceptions of honour, class and race/ethnicity. she shows shifts in the meaning of the swahili word heshima, which traditionally meant “honour” but became more associated with “respect” after abolition. in addition, the book reveals how former slaves utilized colonial and indigenous resources from education, reputation, kinship, gossip and witchcraft in attempts to form their identity and a sense of belonging. For instance, during the age of slavery heshima was acquired at birth and linked to wealth, lineage and good behaviour. emancipation forced a transition in the meaning of heshima from “honour” to “respect”; no longer aristocratic heritage but personal achievement. ex-slaves and free citizens acquired heshima by converting to islam and through material acquisition, work, education, new kinship alliances, reputation and conspicuous consumption. ex-slaves built new houses, forged new social ties and appropriated old aristocratic privileges and coastal mannerisms. As the British concentrated power in the colonial courts, the courts became a form of local agency and venue for social contestations between men and women, between slaves and their owners, who were all seeking to claim or affirm their reputation. At the same time a number of people, usually members of the old elite, resorted to uchawi, which McMahon sees as all forms of religio-ritual manifestations ranging from “witchcraft” to healing and spirit possession. The Pembans would not necessarily acknowledge they were wachawi (“witchdoctors”) but uchawi came with respect and admiration from the community as a wachawi had the ability to control people (sometimes through fear/violence). in a sense, uchawi became an avenue of renewed power negotiations between the colonizer and colonial subjects, and among the latter a source of alternative power to British rule. This raises some questions. Did the practice of uchawi actually increase during the course of emancipation? were there more witchdoctors in Pemba during the colonial period than the period before 1897 or were there simply more reports due to growing european – colonial and missionary – interest? Could european interest in uchawi have come from a desire to undermine a perceived challenge to their power? McMahon draws on a range of sources and methods. extensive secondary literature on slavery in Africa is enriched by materials from British, Tanzanian and missionary archives, newspapers and personal interviews. By focusing on culture, McMahon takes us on an informative and well-documented exploration of Pemba society. we see clearly how cultural transformations and rituals tie past and present together, and how one particular cultural concept – heshima – is used in negotiating new ideas, new experiences and new forms of social relations. This study
麦克马洪强调了奴隶和奴隶主如何适应解放时代身份的转变。在整本书中,她将奔巴和翁古加之间的差异定位于当地对荣誉、阶级和种族/民族的观念。她展示了斯瓦希里语heshima词义的变化,传统上heshima意为“荣誉”,但在废除死刑后,heshima更多地与“尊重”联系在一起。此外,这本书还揭示了前奴隶如何利用教育、声誉、亲属关系、八卦和巫术等殖民和土著资源,试图形成他们的身份和归属感。例如,在奴隶制时代,heshima是出生时获得的,与财富、血统和良好行为联系在一起。解放迫使heshima的意义从“荣誉”转变为“尊重”;不再是贵族血统,而是个人成就。前奴隶和自由公民通过皈依伊斯兰教,通过物质获取、工作、教育、新的亲属联盟、声誉和炫耀性消费获得heshima。昔日的奴隶建造了新房子,建立了新的社会关系,占有了旧的贵族特权和沿海的风俗习惯。随着英国将权力集中到殖民地法院,法院成为了一种地方代理机构和场所,在男人和女人之间,在奴隶和他们的主人之间,他们都在寻求索赔或确认他们的声誉。与此同时,许多人,通常是旧精英的成员,求助于uchawi,麦克马洪认为这是各种形式的宗教仪式表现,从“巫术”到治疗和精神占有。彭班人不一定会承认他们是wachawi(“巫医”),但由于wachawi有控制人们的能力(有时通过恐惧/暴力),乌查维得到了社区的尊重和钦佩。从某种意义上说,乌查维成为了殖民者和殖民地臣民之间重新进行权力谈判的途径,而后者则是英国统治之外的另一种权力来源。这就提出了一些问题。在解放的过程中,乌查维的实践真的增加了吗?是殖民时期奔巴的巫医比1897年之前的多,还是仅仅因为欧洲殖民者和传教士的兴趣日益浓厚,才有更多的巫医报道?欧洲对乌查维的兴趣是否来自于削弱对其权力的挑战的愿望?麦克马洪借鉴了一系列的资料来源和方法。来自英国、坦桑尼亚和传教士档案、报纸和个人采访的材料丰富了关于非洲奴隶制的大量二手文献。通过对文化的关注,麦克马洪带领我们对奔巴社会进行了一次翔实的探索。我们清楚地看到文化转型和仪式是如何将过去和现在联系在一起的,以及一个特定的文化概念——heshima——是如何被用于谈判新思想、新经验和新形式的社会关系的。这项研究将引起历史学家、人类学家、经济历史学家和其他试图理清非洲奴隶制非经济基础的人的兴趣。olatunji ojo,加拿大安大略省圣凯瑟琳市布洛克大学历史系tj_balogun@yahoo.com
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引用次数: 7
期刊
CANADIAN JOURNAL OF AFRICAN STUDIES
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