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“My Good Italian Friends”: Vida Scudder and Boston's Circolo Italo-Americano “我的好意大利朋友”:维达·斯卡德尔和波士顿的意大利-美国Circolo
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1162/tneq_a_00915
J. Garbus
Abstract The Circolo Italo-Americano, a Progressive-era group of educated Italian immigrants and affluent Bostonians, was founded by settlement movement pioneer Vida Dutton Scudder to integrate Italians into American life through “friendly personal contacts,” social events, and educational opportunities. The Circolo included Italian leadership and focused on immigrants’ contributions, not on “assimilation.”
意大利-美国圈子(Circolo Italo-Americano)是一个由受过良好教育的意大利移民和富裕的波士顿人组成的进步时代团体,由定居运动先驱维达·达顿·斯卡德尔(Vida Dutton Scudder)创立,旨在通过“友好的个人接触”、社会活动和教育机会使意大利人融入美国生活。Circolo包括意大利领导人,关注移民的贡献,而不是“同化”。
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引用次数: 0
The Nature of the Future: Agriculture, Science, and Capitalism in the Antebellum North 未来的本质:南北战争前北方的农业、科学和资本主义
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1162/tneq_r_00923
Bonnie M. Miller
equality that informed the founding generation and also stoked apocalyptic fears that this great American inheritance was on the verge of imminent collapse unless those white men organized to defend it. Although it has always been contested, the reactionary white male identity politics that first emerged in the antebellum era has been a recurrent and powerful force in American political culture ever since.
平等为建国一代提供了信息,也引发了世界末日般的担忧,即除非那些白人组织起来捍卫这一伟大的美国遗产,否则它将濒临崩溃。尽管这一点一直存在争议,最早出现在南北战争前的反动白人男性身份政治一直是美国政治文化中反复出现的强大力量。
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引用次数: 6
Late-Humanism and Revolutionary Eloquence: James Lovell and His 1771 Boston Massacre Oration 晚期人文主义与革命口才:詹姆斯·洛弗尔及其1771年波士顿大屠杀演说
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1162/tneq_a_00914
S. McManus
Abstract This article reconstructs the context of the first Boston Massacre Oration delivered by James Lovell. It argues that Lovell's rhetorical education and oratorical practice were primarily an offshoot of a classicizing renaissance tradition transmitted by the colonial colleges that faded, blurred and was repurposed in the eighteenth century.
摘要本文重构了詹姆斯·洛弗尔第一次发表波士顿大屠杀演说的语境。它认为,洛弗尔的修辞教育和演讲实践主要是殖民学院传播的古典文艺复兴传统的一个分支,这种传统在18世纪逐渐消失、模糊并被重新利用。
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引用次数: 0
Conflagration: How Transcendentalists Sparked the American Struggle for Racial, Gender, and Social Justice 冲突:超验主义者如何激发美国争取种族、性别和社会正义的斗争
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1162/tneq_r_00921
Peter Wirzbicki
understood their encounters, operationally, as moments where individual relationships interlaced dynamic global trade networks—but sometimes still chose to represent them, symbolically, as sustained encounters between distinct, stable identity groups. Future researchers may profitably take up the question of why this was so and how effective the practice of sharing “founding narratives” actually was. More generally, Rose’s research will be a useful guide for anyone plotting their own dives into the topics, people, and places she includes in her case studies. Those interested in exploring the personal networks that undergirded commercial and religious exchanges will find territory for further investigation well-mapped here; Rose’s narrative and detailed bibliography will be especially useful for plotting new explorations into the manuscript sources in the US, London, and Mumbai archives she has surveyed. In Boston and Bombay Rose has revealed many new details about the early connections between Americans and Bombay Parsis; other scholars should take her up on the invitation to dig further into this rich and complex material.
在操作上,他们将自己的遭遇理解为个人关系交织在动态的全球贸易网络中的时刻,但有时仍然选择象征性地将其表示为不同、稳定的身份群体之间的持续遭遇。未来的研究人员可能会有益地回答为什么会这样,以及分享“创始叙事”的做法实际上有多有效的问题。更普遍地说,Rose的研究将为任何人提供有用的指导,让他们能够深入研究她案例研究中的主题、人物和地点。那些有兴趣探索支撑商业和宗教交流的个人网络的人会在这里找到进一步调查的领域;Rose的叙述和详细的参考书目将特别有助于对她调查过的美国、伦敦和孟买档案馆的手稿来源进行新的探索。在波士顿和孟买,Rose揭示了美国人和孟买帕西人之间早期联系的许多新细节;其他学者应该接受她的邀请,进一步挖掘这些丰富而复杂的材料。
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引用次数: 0
Listening for Silences: The Trap of Biased Sources 倾听沉默:偏见来源的陷阱
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1162/tneq_a_00917
Lyndsay M. Campbell
IN late August 1836, a six-year-old enslaved African American girl named Med, brought to Boston the previous May by her enslaver Mary Slater, was the subject of a successful and legally critical habeas corpus case known as Commonwealth v. Aves. Liberated from slavery but separated forever from her mother and siblings, who had remained in New Orleans with Mary’s husband Samuel and apparently the Slaters’ other enslaved African Americans, Med was put into the care of a recently founded “asylum” for poor African American children who were orphaned or in need of care. Two years later, Med died of an illness. Could more have been done? Karen Woods Weierman’s Case of the Slave-Child, Med aims to recover Med’s history. Her case, Aves, is well-known to legal historians for Chief Justice Lemuel Shaw’s ruling that because no positive law in Massachusetts recognized the existence of slavery, slaves brought voluntarily into the state could not legally be held against their will or compelled to leave and therefore could succeed on a habeas corpus claim. Given the propensity of Americans with means to travel for business and pleasure, this judgment was a blow against those Southerners who liked to bring their slaves with them when they visited Massachusetts. Shaw’s judgment did not touch fugitives—selfliberating people escaping from slavery—but it nonetheless turned up the heat another few degrees in relations with the South. This was especially so because, less than three weeks earlier, Shaw had ruled that two women claimed as slaves from Maryland had been unlawfully detained by the master of a ship at the behest of the enslaver
1836年8月下旬,一个名叫Med的六岁被奴役的非裔美国女孩,在前一年5月被她的奴隶Mary Slater带到波士顿,成为一个成功的、法律上至关重要的人身保护令案件的主题,该案件被称为Commonwealth v.Aves。Med从奴隶制中解放出来,但与母亲和兄弟姐妹永远分离,他们与玛丽的丈夫Samuel以及显然是Slaters夫妇的其他被奴役的非裔美国人一起留在新奥尔良。Med被送到了一个最近成立的“收容所”,为孤儿或需要照顾的贫穷非裔美国人儿童提供照顾。两年后,梅德因病去世。本可以做得更多吗?Karen Woods Weierman的《奴隶儿童案》旨在恢复医学的历史。她的案件Aves为法律历史学家所熟知,因为首席大法官Lemuel Shaw裁定,由于马萨诸塞州没有任何积极的法律承认奴隶制的存在,自愿带到该州的奴隶在法律上不能违背他们的意愿被关押或被迫离开,因此可以获得人身保护令。考虑到美国人有出差和娱乐的倾向,这一判断对那些在访问马萨诸塞州时喜欢带奴隶的南方人来说是一个打击。肖的判决并没有触及逃亡者——那些从奴隶制中解放出来的人——但它仍然使与南方的关系升温了几度。这尤其是因为,不到三周前,肖裁定,两名自称来自马里兰州的奴隶妇女在奴隶的要求下被船长非法拘留
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引用次数: 0
Religious Intolerance, America, and the World: A History of Forgetting and Remembering 宗教不容忍、美国和世界:遗忘和记忆的历史
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1162/tneq_r_00918
D. Soden
In 2016, three out of four Republicans and supporters of Donald Trump said that “discrimination against Christians was as serious as discrimination against any other group.” A year later, another poll taken among white evangelicals revealed that they believed that they suffered more discrimination than American Muslims (193). In that context, John Corrigan examines the long history of religious intolerance in America and how that history has shaped not only aspects of American identity but also elements of American foreign policy. One familiar with American religious history might expect in a book with this title a litany of events where certain groups suffered persecution for their religious beliefs, but Corrigan does much more than that. He provides a complex analysis that draws upon myriad sources in an effort to unpack the social and psychological elements of religious intolerance. He is fascinated by the interplay between willfully forgetting previous episodes of intolerance while at other moments remembering them—hence the book’s title. This book is certain to draw the attention of numerous scholars in the field of American religious history for its innovative use of social psychology and its application to both domestic intolerance and the desire to make religious freedom abroad a core element of American foreign policy. Corrigan begins by reminding his readers that for much of American history, the prevailing narrative has emphasized belief that this is a land of religious liberty and tolerance. James Madison proudly declared in 1785 that religious freedom adds “lustre to our country” (1). Corrigan counters with “the history of religious tolerance has proven less fascinating to Americans” (1). With that he launches into a narrative that does much more than catalogue various expressions and episodes of religious tolerance. He makes a case for a complex
2016年,四分之三的共和党人和唐纳德·特朗普的支持者表示,“对基督徒的歧视与对任何其他群体的歧视一样严重。”一年后,另一项针对白人福音派的民意调查显示,他们认为自己比美国穆斯林遭受的歧视更多(193)。在这种背景下,约翰·科里根审视了美国宗教不容忍的悠久历史,以及这段历史如何不仅塑造了美国身份的各个方面,而且塑造了美国外交政策的各个要素。熟悉美国宗教史的人可能会在一本同名的书中看到一系列特定群体因宗教信仰而遭受迫害的事件,但科里根做的远不止这些。他提供了一个复杂的分析,利用了无数的来源,试图揭示宗教不容忍的社会和心理因素。他着迷于故意忘记之前的不容忍事件和在其他时刻记住它们之间的相互作用——因此这本书的标题。这本书肯定会引起美国宗教史领域众多学者的注意,因为它创新地运用了社会心理学,并将其应用于国内的不容忍和将海外宗教自由作为美国外交政策核心要素的愿望。科里根首先提醒他的读者,在美国历史的大部分时间里,主流叙事都强调相信这是一片宗教自由和宽容的土地。詹姆斯·麦迪逊在1785年自豪地宣称,宗教自由为“我们的国家增添了光彩”(1)。科里根反驳道:“事实证明,宗教宽容的历史对美国人来说没有那么迷人”(1)。于是,他开始了一种叙事,这种叙事不仅仅是对宗教宽容的各种表达和情节进行编目。他提出了一个复杂的理由
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引用次数: 0
Shadow Archives: The Lifecycles of African American Literature 影子档案:非裔美国文学的生命周期
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1162/tneq_r_00924
G. Jarrett
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引用次数: 1
The Kennedys in the World: How Jack, Bobby, and Ted Remade America's Empire 世界上的肯尼迪:杰克、鲍比和特德如何重塑美国帝国
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1162/tneq_r_00926
Joshua D. Farrington
order that arose from the ashes of the New Deal Order. Neoliberalism marked a return to classical liberalism’s laissez-faire ethic and free markets, which, Gerstle reminds us, was not originally conservative but rather progressive and emancipatory. Per Adam Smith, classical liberalism “discerned in markets extraordinary dynamism” and sought to liberate that dynamism from established hierarchies, bureaucracy, red tape, artificial borders, and tariffs (262). That emancipatory spirit was—and is—present in neoliberalism, which attracted not just conservatives, but also progressive liberals and even parts of the New Left, as suggested in section three essays. While rejecting “big government” New Deal liberalism, neoliberalism was liberal in its embrace of freedom: “the freedom of movement, the freedom to don different identities, the ability to live as a cosmopolitan, the ability to think outside the box, as the hippie capitalist Steve Jobs did so brilliantly” (263). This energy blew away the old, established (New Deal) Order and created a new economy based on finance, tech, and levels of economic inequality not seen since the Gilded Age. Astutely, Gerstle calls Bill Clinton the Eisenhower of the Neoliberal Era. Just as the Republican Eisenhower grudgingly accepted the New Deal as a political reality, so too did the Democrat Clinton embrace welfare reform, globalization, and free trade, which further curtailed US-based manufacturing and labor unions, the heart of the old economy. Given this final essay on the Neoliberal Order, it is surprising that the volume did not contain any essays on globalization, trade, or the rise of the nonunion finance and tech sectors, which replaced manufacturing. This is a glaring oversight, especially since the roots of globalization, off-shoring, and international supply chains lay in the New Deal Order itself. The Democratic Party of Wilson, Franklin Roosevelt, and Kennedy was internationalist and pursued lower tariffs, freer trade, and intercultural understanding throughout the years of its dominance, building the international infrastructure needed for the movement of goods, people, and services across borders. Moreover, there has been excellent work on the economic transformation Gerstle identifies in his final essay, including, for just one example, Gerald F. Davis’s Managed by Markets: How Finance ReShaped America (2011). Nonetheless, this is an extremely valuable book for anyone looking to understand the limits and unfulfilled promise of the New Deal state.
从新政秩序的灰烬中产生的秩序。新自由主义标志着古典自由主义的自由放任伦理和自由市场的回归,格斯特尔提醒我们,自由市场最初不是保守的,而是进步的和解放的。根据亚当·斯密的说法,古典自由主义“在市场中发现了非凡的活力”,并试图将这种活力从既定的等级制度、官僚主义、繁文缛节、人为边界和关税中解放出来(262)。这种解放精神过去和现在都存在于新自由主义中,它不仅吸引了保守派,也吸引了进步的自由主义者,甚至新左派的一部分,正如第三节文章所建议的那样。在拒绝“大政府”新政自由主义的同时,新自由主义在拥抱自由方面是自由的:“行动的自由,拥有不同身份的自由,作为世界主义者生活的能力,跳出框框思考的能力,就像嬉皮士资本家史蒂夫·乔布斯所做的那样出色”(263)。这种能量摧毁了旧的、既定的(新政)秩序,创造了一个基于金融、技术和自镀金时代以来从未见过的经济不平等水平的新经济。格斯特尔称比尔·克林顿为新自由主义时代的艾森豪威尔。正如共和党人艾森豪威尔不情愿地接受新政作为政治现实一样,民主党人克林顿也接受福利改革、全球化和自由贸易,这进一步削弱了美国制造业和工会这一旧经济的核心。鉴于这篇关于新自由主义秩序的最后一篇文章,令人惊讶的是,这本书中没有任何关于全球化、贸易或取代制造业的非工会金融和科技部门崛起的文章。这是一个明显的疏忽,尤其是因为全球化、离岸外包和国际供应链的根源在于新政秩序本身。由威尔逊、富兰克林·罗斯福和肯尼迪组成的民主党是国际主义者,在其统治地位的多年里,一直追求更低的关税、更自由的贸易和跨文化理解,建设货物、人员和服务跨境流动所需的国际基础设施。此外,Gerstle在其最后一篇文章中指出的经济转型方面也有出色的工作,包括Gerald F.Davis的《由市场管理:金融如何重塑美国》(2011)。尽管如此,对于任何想要了解新政国家的局限性和未兑现的承诺的人来说,这是一本非常有价值的书。
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引用次数: 0
The Sketch, the Tale, and the Beginnings of American Literature 素描、故事和美国文学的起源
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1162/tneq_r_00919
J. Dauer
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引用次数: 0
Between Boston and Bombay: Cultural and Commercial Encounters of Yankees and Parsis, 1771–1865 波士顿和孟买之间:美国人和帕西人在文化和商业上的相遇,1771-1865
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1162/tneq_r_00920
D. Norwood
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引用次数: 0
期刊
NEW ENGLAND QUARTERLY-A HISTORICAL REVIEW OF NEW ENGLAND LIFE AND LETTERS
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