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The Messenger is the Medium 信使就是媒介
IF 0.4 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-18 DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2024.2305897
Fredrik Stiernstedt, Anne Kaun
In this article, we explore the history of Swedish newspaper carriers through the lens of the union struggles within the Swedish Transport Workers’ Union. This focus allows us to make visible the i...
在本文中,我们通过瑞典运输工人工会内部的工会斗争来探讨瑞典报纸承运商的历史。通过这一视角,我们可以看到瑞典报刊承运商的历史。
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引用次数: 0
Censorship without censorship. Media management in late communist Czechoslovakia 没有审查的审查。共产主义后期捷克斯洛伐克的媒体管理
IF 0.4 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-28 DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2023.2299795
David Klimeš
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引用次数: 0
Australian Newspaper Framing of The 1905 Papua Act 澳大利亚报纸对《1905 年巴布亚法案》的报道
IF 0.4 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-27 DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2023.2293725
Belinda Beattie
Australian newspapers detailed the progress of the Papua Act (1905) through the early Australian Federal Parliaments. This article explores this reporting in two leading newspapers of the time: Mel...
澳大利亚报纸详细报道了《巴布亚法案》(1905 年)在早期澳大利亚联邦议会中的进展情况。本文探讨了当时两家主要报纸的相关报道:梅尔...
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引用次数: 0
The Making of Imperial Public Sphere on Portuguese Colonialism 葡萄牙殖民主义帝国公共领域的形成
IF 0.4 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-26 DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2023.2299783
Isadora de Ataíde Fonseca
This article explores the concept of the Imperial Public Sphere (IPS) in the Portuguese empire as a space for confrontation and negotiation within the framework of nineteenth and twentieth-century ...
本文探讨了葡萄牙帝国的帝国公共领域(IPS)这一概念,将其视为十九世纪和二十世纪...
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引用次数: 0
Containing Gender Outlaws, Stigmatizing the Left 遏制性别不法分子,污名化左翼分子
IF 0.4 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-16 DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2023.2293741
W.J. Berridge
This article analyses the formation of cisgenderist and transphobic discourses in the reporting of the Daily Mail during the Thatcher era (1979-1990). It explores the emergence of a discursive stra...
本文分析了撒切尔时代(1979-1990 年)《每日邮报》在报道中形成的顺性别主义和反变性话语。文章探讨了《每日邮报》报道中出现的顺性别主义和反变性话语。
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引用次数: 0
Post-War Anglo-Irish Relations 战后英爱关系
IF 0.4 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-13 DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2023.2293729
Hanako Ishikawa
This paper explores how the broadcasts delivered by Winston Churchill on 13 May 1945 and Éamon de Valera on 17 May 1945 were portrayed in the Irish press between May and August of that year. Specif...
本文探讨了当年 5 月至 8 月间爱尔兰媒体是如何报道温斯顿-丘吉尔(Winston Churchill)于 1945 年 5 月 13 日和埃蒙-德-瓦莱拉(Éamon de Valera)于 1945 年 5 月 17 日发表的广播讲话的。特别是...
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引用次数: 0
Digitised Newspapers – A New Eldorado for Historians? Reflections on Tools, Methods and Epistemology 数字化报纸——历史学家的新天堂?关于工具、方法和认识论的思考
IF 0.4 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-30 DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2024.2289781
Thomas Smits
Published in Media History (Ahead of Print, 2023)
发表于《媒体史》(2023年出版前)
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引用次数: 0
Familiarity and Fear 熟悉与恐惧
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-09 DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2023.2280008
Francine Tyler, F. Elizabeth Gray, Catherine Strong
AbstractResearch into historic media coverage of child-homicide cases in New Zealand between 1870 and 1930 reveals that giving prominence to the murderer, rather than the victim, was a long-standing and consistent newsroom practice. Across the six decades, the names of the accused were published three times as frequently as the names of the victims. The research further reveals that legislative changes restricting the media’s power to report name details of accused persons had no discernible effect on how frequently accused child killers were named in the period. However, particular factors such as the murderer’s relationship to the victim, the murderer’s gender, and the salaciousness of the crime, appear to have had some impact on the media’s decisions to name those involved.KEYWORDS: Crime reportingchild killinghomicidenaming patternsnews media Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Wood and Knepper, “Crime Stories”, 345.2 Sacco, “Media Constructions of Crime”, 141.3 Gruenewald, Pizarro & Chermak, Race, Gender, and Newsworthiness; Katz, “What Makes Crime News?”; Rowbotham, Stevenson and Pegg, Crime News.4 Gekoski. Gray & Adler, “What Makes a Homicide”; Pritchard & Hughes, “Patterns of Deviance”; Reiner, Livingston & Adler, “No More Happy Endings?”5 Chermak, “Predicting Crime Story Salience”; Lundman, “Newsworthiness and Selection Bias”.6 Gekoski, Gray & Adler, “What Makes a Homicide”; Peelo et al, “Newspaper Reporting”; Pritchard & Hughes, “Patterns of Deviance”.7 Buckler & Travis, “Assessing the Newsworthiness”; Gruenewald, Pizarro & Chermak, Race, Gender, and Newsworthiness; Johnstone, Hawkins & Michener, “Homicide Reporting”; Lundman, “Newsworthiness and Selection Bias”.8 Gruenewald, Pizarro & Chermak, Race, Gender, and Newsworthiness.9 Coleman, “Incorrigible Offenders”; Shapiro, Breaking the Codes.10 Greer, “News Media Victims”; Pritchard & Hughes, “Patterns of Deviance”; Sorenson, Manz & Berk, “News Media Coverage.”11 Gruenewald, Pizarro & Chermak, Race, Gender, and Newsworthiness.12 Gekoski. Gray & Adler, “What Makes a Homicide”.13 Soothill et al, “Homicide and the Media”.14 Chermak, “Predicting Crime Story Salience”; Greer, “News Media Victims”; Pritchard & Hughes, “Patterns of Deviance”; Sorenson, Manz & Berk, “News Media Coverage.”15 Danson & Soothill, “Child Murder”.16 Wykes, News, Crime and Culture.17 Chermak, Victims in the News.18 Statistics NZ a; Statistics NZ b.19 “A flaw in the law”, 6.20 Offenders Probation Act 1920, s20.21 “Local and General”, 6.22 Dahmen et al, “Covering Mass Shootings”; Johnston & Joy, “Mass Shootings”; Towers et al, “Contagion in Mass Killings”.23 Lankford, “Fame-seeking Rampage Shooters”; Pane, “Should Media Avoid”; Zarembo, “Are the Media Complicit”.24 Hardy & Gunn, “Information Provision”; McKenna, Thom & Simpson, “Media Coverage of Homicide”.25 Coleman, “Incorrigible Offenders”; Powell, The Ogress.26 Tyler, Killing Innocents.27 Wardle, “It Could Happen
摘要:对新西兰1870年至1930年间儿童凶杀案的历史媒体报道的研究表明,突出杀人犯而不是受害者是新闻编辑室长期以来一贯的做法。在过去的60年里,被告的名字被公布的频率是受害者名字的三倍。研究进一步表明,限制媒体报道被告姓名细节权力的立法变化,在这一时期对被指控的儿童杀手被点名的频率没有明显的影响。然而,一些特殊的因素,如凶手与受害者的关系、凶手的性别和犯罪的淫秽程度,似乎对媒体决定公布涉案人员的名字有一定的影响。关键词:犯罪报告;杀害儿童;杀人模式;新闻媒体披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。注1 Wood and Knepper,“犯罪故事”;345.2 Sacco,“犯罪的媒体建构”;141.3 Gruenewald, Pizarro & Chermak,种族、性别与新闻价值;Katz,“犯罪新闻是什么?”罗博瑟姆,史蒂文森和佩吉,犯罪新闻。Gray & Adler,《What Makes a Homicide》;Pritchard & Hughes,《越轨模式》;赖纳,利文斯顿和阿德勒,“没有更多的快乐结局?5 Chermak,《预测犯罪故事的突出性》;Lundman,《新闻价值与选择偏差》,第6页格考斯基,格雷&阿德勒,《何为杀人》;Peelo等人,“报纸报道”;Pritchard & Hughes, <越轨模式>Buckler & Travis,《评估新闻价值》;Gruenewald, Pizarro & Chermak,种族,性别和新闻价值;约翰斯通、霍金斯和米切纳,《杀人报告》;Lundman,《新闻价值与选择偏差》Gruenewald, Pizarro & Chermak,《种族、性别和新闻价值》9 Coleman,《不可救药的罪犯》;夏皮罗:《打破密码》;格里尔:《新闻媒体受害者》;Pritchard & Hughes,《越轨模式》;Sorenson, Manz & Berk,《新闻媒体报道》。11 Gruenewald, Pizarro & Chermak,《种族、性别与新闻价值》,Gekoski。格雷&阿德勒,《杀人是什么》,第13页苏希尔等人,《凶杀与媒体》,第14页Chermak,《预测犯罪故事的突出性》;格里尔,“新闻媒体受害者”;Pritchard & Hughes,《越轨模式》;Sorenson, Manz & Berk,《新闻媒体报道》。15丹森&苏希尔,《儿童谋杀案》《新闻、犯罪与文化》17切尔马克,《新闻中的受害者》18新西兰统计局;新西兰统计局b.19“法律上的缺陷”、6.20《1920年罪犯缓刑法》、第20.21条“地方和一般”、6.22 Dahmen等人“报道大规模枪击事件”;Johnston & Joy,《大规模枪击》(Mass shooting);塔尔斯等人,《大规模杀戮中的传染》,第23页兰克福德(Lankford)的《逐名狂奔的射手》(Fame-seeking Rampage Shooters);窗格,“媒体应该避免”;Zarembo,“媒体是同谋吗?Hardy & Gunn,“信息提供”;麦肯纳,托姆和辛普森,《凶杀案的媒体报道》,第25页科尔曼,《不可救药的罪犯》;鲍威尔:《食人魔》泰勒:《杀害无辜》沃德尔:《有可能发生Flaounas et al,“研究方法”;《数字人文》,第29期Galtung & Ruge, <结构>,第30页吉尔克里斯特,“有新闻价值的受害者?31 .我们排除了1900年至1910年这十年间唯一的一个案例,即酒店纵火案和相关杀人案,这是不正常的,因为人们对明斯的参与存在怀疑,新闻报道也偏离了许多其他话题,如酒店消防安全看到n.1733窗格,“媒体应该避免”;Zarembo,“媒体是同谋吗”,第34页Eisner,“长期历史趋势”,121.35 Lundman,“新闻价值和选择偏差”;苏希尔等人,《凶杀与媒体》,第36页鲍威尔,《食人魔》,科尔曼,《不可救药的罪犯》《新闻、犯罪与文化》39 A. C.汉隆先生,2.40格林瓦尔德、皮萨罗和切尔马克,《种族、性别》。作者简介francine Tyler,独立学者,惠灵顿,新西兰。伊丽莎白GrayF。伊丽莎白·格雷(收件人:作者),新西兰梅西大学梅西商学院;电子邮件:f.e.gray@massey.ac.nz。catherine Strong,独立学者,惠灵顿,新西兰
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引用次数: 0
Excavating the English-Language Press in the Ottoman Empire (1841–1923) Editors, State Actors, Readers 挖掘奥斯曼帝国的英语新闻(1841-1923)编辑,国家行动者,读者
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2023.2280034
Stéphanie Prévost
AbstractThe English-language press in the Ottoman Empire was long thought near inexistent. While this article acknowledges that most English-language press titles in that country were few compared to the French-Ottoman press and resorted to French at one moment or another in their history, it investigates a body of English-Ottoman serials that proclaimed some connection to Britain or the US over the period 1841–1923 in order to expose the complex and multidirectional power relationships between British/American Levantine editors, British/American diplomatic actors, the Ottoman State, and readers (both in the Ottoman Empire and beyond). What did it mean to publish an English-Ottoman serial? Considering language as a social practice that helps reconcile the local and the global in the context of the foreign language press, this article seeks to understand motivations behind English-language serial publishing in the Ottoman Empire and how a mix of local/global constraints shaped titles like The Levant Herald (1856–1914).KEYWORDS: English-foreign-language pressFlexi-language pressOttoman censorshipThe Levant Heraldcapitulationsentangled history Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 A sign of this interest was a discussion on H-Turk in January 2011, launched Prof. Wayne H. Bowen’s post. https://lists.h-net.org/cgi-bin/logbrowse.pl?trx=vx&list=h-turk&month=1101&week=d&msg=Q6QhKzxXroJk/IWDCSrwqw&user=&pw = (Last consulted 30 November 2021).2 Latour, “The Powers of Association,” 277.3 Groc and Çağlar, La Presse française de Turquie, 6–8.4 The Smyrna Mail lasted less than two years (1862–1864), but remains a key testimony for the development of railway in that port city and the presence of European commercial networks.5 L’Impartial, Journal de Smyrne (1841–1915?), edited by Anthony Edwards, was the first newspaper published partly in English, before rapidly switching to French. The few surviving paper copies are spread between American libraries (Yale and The Library of Congress for 1841–1843) and the Bibliothèque nationale de France (1848–1852; 1889–1890). (Incomplete) English-language Ottoman press paper collections were retroceded to Center for Islamic Studies (Istanbul) under the British Library’s restitution programme (1996–8), with the latter retaining microfilms.6 The Manifest of Vessels provided news of shipping movements in Smyrna in the 1880s–1890s, but is only documented through indirect mentions. “The Americano-English Continental Printed Press”, The Newsman (New York), January 1891, 7–8.7 The Orient, 20 April 1910: 1.8 Tanatar Baruh, “Francophone Press”.9 “Turkey – The Levant Herald”, London and China Herald, 9 October 1868: 23.10 Çağlar, Anglophone Press in Constantinople, 76.11 “Journaux français”, Annuaire oriental du commerce, de l'industrie, de l'administration et de la magistrature, Constantinople, 1891: 529.12 The change in proprietors at The Levant Herald and Eastern Express to the
摘要长久以来,人们认为奥斯曼帝国几乎不存在英语报刊。虽然本文承认,大多数英语新闻标题在那个国家相比很少French-Ottoman新闻采取了法国在历史上的一个时刻,它调查English-Ottoman连续剧,宣布一些连接到英国或美国在1841 - 1923年期间为了揭露复杂、多向英国/美国黎凡特的编辑器之间的权力关系,英国/美国外交的演员,奥斯曼的状态,以及读者(包括奥斯曼帝国内外的读者)。出版一本英国-奥斯曼帝国的连载书意味着什么?考虑到语言作为一种社会实践,有助于在外语出版的背景下调和当地和全球,本文试图理解奥斯曼帝国英语系列出版背后的动机,以及当地/全球约束的混合如何塑造了《黎凡特先驱报》(1856-1914)这样的标题。关键词:英语外文出版社灵活文出版社阿曼审查《黎凡特先驱报》投降纠结的历史披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1这种兴趣的一个标志是2011年1月在H-Turk上的讨论,发起了Wayne H. Bowen教授的帖子。https://lists.h-net.org/cgi-bin/logbrowse.pl?trx=vx&list=h-turk&month=1101&week=d&msg=Q6QhKzxXroJk/IWDCSrwqw&user=&pw =(最后一次咨询于2021年11月30日)拉图尔,“联合的力量”277.3 Groc和Çağlar, La Presse franaise de Turquie, 6-8.4士麦那邮政持续了不到两年(1862-1864),但仍然是铁路在港口城市的发展和欧洲商业网络的存在的关键证据《公正报》(1841-1915 ?)由安东尼·爱德华兹编辑,是第一份部分用英语出版的报纸,后来迅速改用法语。现存的为数不多的纸质副本在美国图书馆(耶鲁大学和国会图书馆,1841-1843年)和法国国家图书馆(1848-1852年;1889 - 1890)。根据大英图书馆的归还方案(1996-8年),奥斯曼帝国的英文报纸收藏已归还给伊斯兰研究中心(伊斯坦布尔),后者保留缩微胶卷《船舶舱单》提供了19世纪80年代至90年代士麦拿航运运动的消息,但只是间接提及的记录。“美国-英国大陆印刷出版社”,新闻人(纽约),1891年1月,7-8.7东方,1910年4月20日:1.8 Tanatar Baruh,“法语出版社”《土耳其-黎凡特先驱报》,伦敦和中国先驱报,1868年10月9日:23.10 Çağlar,君士坦丁堡的英语出版社,76.11《法国新闻报》,《东方商业年鉴》,《工业年鉴》,《行政年鉴》,《地方行政年鉴》,君士坦丁堡,1891年:529.12《黎凡特先驱报》和《东方快报》的所有者在20世纪初由马耳他斯坦布里奥律师刘易斯·米齐(Lewis Mizzi)所有,这导致了面向海外的每周版中法语的增加法语原文引自Zuccolo, La Stampa francfona, 56.14 Koloğlu,“知识分子的形成”,140.15 Öndeş,“东方新闻报纸的故事”。16火鸡进一步的信件。第六部分,1923年10月至12月,外交部文件,伦敦邱园国家档案馆,FO 424/259: 2-4;东部的事务。进一步通信第二部分,1919年,FO 406/ 41,296 - 297.17斯特拉特福·坎宁致帕默斯顿子爵,1849年7月19日和8月15日,FO 83/1109.18乌尔干多克尔,“cerid -i - Havadis的故事”吐温,《海外无辜》,374.20 Çağlar,君士坦丁堡英语出版社,53.21“土耳其”,阿马卫报,1859年10月28日:6.22接受表格,1861年9月16日,FO 78/3197:20-21.23 Âli帕沙致英国大使馆,1865年1月18日,FO 78/3197: 15-18.24奥斯曼部长法令,1867年1月16日暂停决定,FO 78/3197: 40;“官员通知”,《土耳其报》,1867年3月12日,FO 78/3197: 163.25里昂勋爵致FO, 1867年1月29日,FO 78/3197: 34;Lyons致McCoan, 1867年3月2日,FO 78/3197: 140.26 McCoan致FO, 1872年7月25日,FO 78/3197: 229-233.27“致我们的读者”,The Levant Times and Shipping Gazette, vol. 1, n°1,1868年11月16日:1;1872年5月26日,埃利奥特致麦克恩信函,FO 78/3197: 213.28“Cour suprême britannique”,《累范特时报和航运公报》,1870年7月19日,768.29“埃德加·惠特克”,《Salonique杂志》,1903年8月31日,2.30《累范特时报公报》,1874年8月10日,附件,FO 78/3197: 277.31埃利奥特致德比,1874年9月10日,FO 78/3197: 316.32向FO提交的案件摘要,汉利1874年11月26日至27日致埃利奥特的信件,FO 78/3197: 281-282.33埃利奥特致德比,1874年11月22日,FO 78/3197: 282.33;330-333.34 Hitzel,“unparcours inattendu,”211.35 Groc and Çağlar, La Presse franaise de Turquie, 479.36 Yosmaoğlu,“追逐印刷文字,”18。
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引用次数: 0
Culinary Education, Food and the Tv Studio Kitchen in the 1950s French Children’s Cooking Show Le Goûter 20世纪50年代法国儿童烹饪节目Le go<s:1>中的烹饪教育、食物和电视演播室厨房
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-03 DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2023.2277269
Amélie Kratz
AbstractDrawing on the example of the French children’s cooking show Le Goûter (RTF, 1957–1958), this article examines the role of television in making cooking a question of public education for children. It links history of media perspectives on early television, on children’s diet and on culinary education. The show follows the cultural-pedagogical logic of early television by teaching cooking techniques to girls and boys. However, it promoted gendered roles in the kitchen and focused on culinary heritage. The multiple technical challenges inherent in putting children in a studio kitchen show that moving in front of cameras and in a kitchen, also, is the result of a learning process conducted by the adults. Finally, the educative aim of the programme is weighed against the recipes the children prepared, which both mirrored (sugar) and contradicted (alcohol) public child nutrition discourse, especially that delivered in schools.KEYWORDS: Cookerychildren's cooking showTV studio kitchenfoodhealthFrance AcknowledgementsThis article has benefited from the ideas and suggestions of many people, especially the editors Tricia Close-Koenig, Alex Mold, Lukas Herde, Philip Stiasny and the BodyCapital team.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Sarah et les Marmitons, Arte (2009); Junior Bake Off, BBC (2011–2016), Channel 4 (2019–); Kids Baking Championship (Food Network (2015–).2 See Ariès, L’enfant et la vie ; Rollet, Les enfants au XIXe. Histoire de l’enfance; The Routledge History of Childhood in the Western World; Gutman, “The Spaces of Childhood”.3 Children’s level of participation in domestic tasks depending on their social background.4 See Apple, Mothers and Medicine; Cowan, More Work for Mother; Strasser, Never Done.5 On the moral literature Quellier, Gourmandise. See for example the classic French children’s book, Les Malheurs de Sophie, La Comtesse de Ségur, 1858. On the early child psychology works, see for instance the parent’s guide translated from German Petits gourmands, petits voleurs (Greedy children, thieving children) published in France in 1955.6 Oliver, Adieu fourneaux, 9.7 The first French cooking programme Les Recettes de Mr. X. was not successful. Roger, 28. Late 1955, 74% of French audience watched Art et Magie de la Cuisine. Roger, 92.8 Cohen, “Les émissions culinaires,” 168.9 Other versions were subsequently produced like La cuisine pour les hommes (Cooking for men) (1959–1961) for a male audience or Bon appétit (Enjoy your meal) (summer 1966) for outside and holiday cooking. Roger, 56.10 The first programme “Cooks Night Out” was broadcast by the BBC in 1937. Other early shows, include, in the USA, “In love to eat” in 1946; in Great Britain “Cookery” in 1946; in West Germany “Bitte in zehn Minuten zu Tisch” in 1953. See Collins, Watching What We Eat; Schmelz, Kochen im Fernsehen; Cohen, “Les émissions culinaires”; Roger, “Les mises en scène”; Tominc, Food and Cooking.11 For exam
Laïcité et signes religieux > 22在1957年底之前,它每周播出一次,然后变成每两周播出一次。1958年夏天,节目中断了很长时间。23 . 12集(1957-1958),RTF.24由阿诺德的母亲为他和他的妹妹申请,以及由成年女性观众写给朗格埃斯的信证实[26] [m]普朗卡,《幼体发育的秩序》,第38期;Hache-Bissette,“Quand je serai grand(e)”,35.27 Catherine langeaiss私人档案中1958年2月至4月的10封申请信。28 Roger, 70.29“Le diplomate”,RTF, 1967.21。事实上,大部分剧集都是在巴黎Gaz公司总部拍摄的。当时的许多厨师都支持天然气或食品公司的利益。在英国电视厨师范妮·克拉多克(Fanny Cradock)的节目中,可以看到格德斯(Geddes)的“Above All, Garnish”,雷蒙德·奥利弗(Raymond Oliver)的“La banane franaise”。“焦糖”(“太妃糖”),RTF, 1958年12月13日。“蛋白霜”(“蛋白霜”),RTF, 19/12/1957.32 Rambourg, Histoire de la cuisine;科恩,< Les assassaires >,第33页她在《巧克力慕斯》一集中讲述了她的儿子,RTF, 1958年2月1日。34哈奇-比塞特,“Quand je serai grand(e)”,35.35参见ari<s:1>, L ' enfant et la vie。“Banane flambsame”(“flambsame banana”),RTF, 1958年1月16日,罗杰,57.39即使制作文件中提到了摄影车,蒙太奇中也没有旅行。主要有两个拍摄角度:一个以厨房为背景拍摄两位年轻选手的明亮镜头和一个在工作面上精确显示手势的特写镜头。“Frites Fanchonette”(“Fanchonette dessert”),RTF, 1958年10月18日。“煎蛋饼,乳酪”。巧克力慕斯例如,这个技术问题解释了《萨瓦饼干》中阿诺德消失了几分钟的原因奈芙用“工艺”这个词来形容20世纪60年代之前的早期儿童电视节目。Neveu, La ttsamuzvision pour enfants, 39.44在" Crêpes "一集中,她看了看时钟这种技术挑战也出现在Art et Magie de la Cuisine中。根据法国年鉴(1948-1998),巴黎,1990年,发射机首次安装在大城市。在1950年代,家庭电视设备的比例增长非常迅速:1954年不到1%,1957年6%,1960年13%。科恩和莱姆斯,莱姆斯,8.48 ' Charlotte <s:1> La framboise '('覆盆子夏洛特'),RTF 13.02.1958。一位母亲出现在这一集的结尾。在其他几集里,朗格伊斯提到了在家里组织的排练当时的儿童食谱中也没有营养方面的考虑。哈奇-比塞特,《我的世界》(e), 36;例如,水果沙拉用茴香酒调味,香蕉慕斯用朗姆酒调味" Enquête 1955 sur les boissons consomm录影带和les录影带。《统计数据统计(塞纳河除外)》,1958年,第16期,第12-21页。引用自Fillaut, Tous en piste ?, 16.53菲约,Tous en piste ?, 11-34.54努里松,A votre santoise, 53.55煎饼是用一大杯啤酒和一勺朗姆酒做的。“Les crêpes”,RTF, 1957年12月12日。同样的配方也用于' b<s:1> che de Noël et crêpes '('圣诞原木和煎饼'),Art et Magie de la Cuisine, RTF, 195/12/20 .56 Hache-Bissette, " Comment on raconte, " 434.57作为比较点,1976年,在儿童烹饪节目la Cuisine Voyageuse(烹饪旅行)中,同样的蛋糕只有140克糖,100克面粉。《La Savoie: le g<e:1> teau de Savoie》,《La Cuisine Voyageuse》第3卷,1976.01月16日。De Iulio,“De la peur De manquer”,149.59见注释15.60 Csergo,“Le sucre”,259.61 1954年11月26日第233号通告。例如,电影《Le sucre, richesse nationale(糖,国家财富)》(1954年)可在学校电影图书馆目录(cin<s:1> math<s:1>中央图书馆)中找到。它是由国家糖业游说团体“糖的使用研究和文献中心”制作的,并附有一本教育小册子,建议教师坚持糖的营养品质。“水果沙拉”。64焦糖的主板市场朗格伊在“焦糖”一集中谈到了观众在看节目时肯定会吃的面包(“tartines”),揭示了节目与现实之间的差距。阿诺德·布瓦索强调了电视上推荐的食谱和他自己平时吃的零食之间的差距营养与卫生,100。刘志强,刘志强,刘志强,等。本研究得到了H2020欧洲研究委员会[批准号694817]的支持。 贡献者说明amelie kratzamelie Kratz,生命科学史和健康系,SAGE UMR7363,斯特拉斯堡大学,法国斯特拉斯堡;e - mail amelie.kratz@gmail.com
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引用次数: 0
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