Pub Date : 2023-12-16DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2023.2293741
W.J. Berridge
This article analyses the formation of cisgenderist and transphobic discourses in the reporting of the Daily Mail during the Thatcher era (1979-1990). It explores the emergence of a discursive stra...
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Pub Date : 2023-12-13DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2023.2293729
Hanako Ishikawa
This paper explores how the broadcasts delivered by Winston Churchill on 13 May 1945 and Éamon de Valera on 17 May 1945 were portrayed in the Irish press between May and August of that year. Specif...
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Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2024.2289781
Thomas Smits
Published in Media History (Ahead of Print, 2023)
发表于《媒体史》(2023年出版前)
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Pub Date : 2023-11-09DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2023.2280008
Francine Tyler, F. Elizabeth Gray, Catherine Strong
AbstractResearch into historic media coverage of child-homicide cases in New Zealand between 1870 and 1930 reveals that giving prominence to the murderer, rather than the victim, was a long-standing and consistent newsroom practice. Across the six decades, the names of the accused were published three times as frequently as the names of the victims. The research further reveals that legislative changes restricting the media’s power to report name details of accused persons had no discernible effect on how frequently accused child killers were named in the period. However, particular factors such as the murderer’s relationship to the victim, the murderer’s gender, and the salaciousness of the crime, appear to have had some impact on the media’s decisions to name those involved.KEYWORDS: Crime reportingchild killinghomicidenaming patternsnews media Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Wood and Knepper, “Crime Stories”, 345.2 Sacco, “Media Constructions of Crime”, 141.3 Gruenewald, Pizarro & Chermak, Race, Gender, and Newsworthiness; Katz, “What Makes Crime News?”; Rowbotham, Stevenson and Pegg, Crime News.4 Gekoski. Gray & Adler, “What Makes a Homicide”; Pritchard & Hughes, “Patterns of Deviance”; Reiner, Livingston & Adler, “No More Happy Endings?”5 Chermak, “Predicting Crime Story Salience”; Lundman, “Newsworthiness and Selection Bias”.6 Gekoski, Gray & Adler, “What Makes a Homicide”; Peelo et al, “Newspaper Reporting”; Pritchard & Hughes, “Patterns of Deviance”.7 Buckler & Travis, “Assessing the Newsworthiness”; Gruenewald, Pizarro & Chermak, Race, Gender, and Newsworthiness; Johnstone, Hawkins & Michener, “Homicide Reporting”; Lundman, “Newsworthiness and Selection Bias”.8 Gruenewald, Pizarro & Chermak, Race, Gender, and Newsworthiness.9 Coleman, “Incorrigible Offenders”; Shapiro, Breaking the Codes.10 Greer, “News Media Victims”; Pritchard & Hughes, “Patterns of Deviance”; Sorenson, Manz & Berk, “News Media Coverage.”11 Gruenewald, Pizarro & Chermak, Race, Gender, and Newsworthiness.12 Gekoski. Gray & Adler, “What Makes a Homicide”.13 Soothill et al, “Homicide and the Media”.14 Chermak, “Predicting Crime Story Salience”; Greer, “News Media Victims”; Pritchard & Hughes, “Patterns of Deviance”; Sorenson, Manz & Berk, “News Media Coverage.”15 Danson & Soothill, “Child Murder”.16 Wykes, News, Crime and Culture.17 Chermak, Victims in the News.18 Statistics NZ a; Statistics NZ b.19 “A flaw in the law”, 6.20 Offenders Probation Act 1920, s20.21 “Local and General”, 6.22 Dahmen et al, “Covering Mass Shootings”; Johnston & Joy, “Mass Shootings”; Towers et al, “Contagion in Mass Killings”.23 Lankford, “Fame-seeking Rampage Shooters”; Pane, “Should Media Avoid”; Zarembo, “Are the Media Complicit”.24 Hardy & Gunn, “Information Provision”; McKenna, Thom & Simpson, “Media Coverage of Homicide”.25 Coleman, “Incorrigible Offenders”; Powell, The Ogress.26 Tyler, Killing Innocents.27 Wardle, “It Could Happen
{"title":"Familiarity and Fear","authors":"Francine Tyler, F. Elizabeth Gray, Catherine Strong","doi":"10.1080/13688804.2023.2280008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13688804.2023.2280008","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractResearch into historic media coverage of child-homicide cases in New Zealand between 1870 and 1930 reveals that giving prominence to the murderer, rather than the victim, was a long-standing and consistent newsroom practice. Across the six decades, the names of the accused were published three times as frequently as the names of the victims. The research further reveals that legislative changes restricting the media’s power to report name details of accused persons had no discernible effect on how frequently accused child killers were named in the period. However, particular factors such as the murderer’s relationship to the victim, the murderer’s gender, and the salaciousness of the crime, appear to have had some impact on the media’s decisions to name those involved.KEYWORDS: Crime reportingchild killinghomicidenaming patternsnews media Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Wood and Knepper, “Crime Stories”, 345.2 Sacco, “Media Constructions of Crime”, 141.3 Gruenewald, Pizarro & Chermak, Race, Gender, and Newsworthiness; Katz, “What Makes Crime News?”; Rowbotham, Stevenson and Pegg, Crime News.4 Gekoski. Gray & Adler, “What Makes a Homicide”; Pritchard & Hughes, “Patterns of Deviance”; Reiner, Livingston & Adler, “No More Happy Endings?”5 Chermak, “Predicting Crime Story Salience”; Lundman, “Newsworthiness and Selection Bias”.6 Gekoski, Gray & Adler, “What Makes a Homicide”; Peelo et al, “Newspaper Reporting”; Pritchard & Hughes, “Patterns of Deviance”.7 Buckler & Travis, “Assessing the Newsworthiness”; Gruenewald, Pizarro & Chermak, Race, Gender, and Newsworthiness; Johnstone, Hawkins & Michener, “Homicide Reporting”; Lundman, “Newsworthiness and Selection Bias”.8 Gruenewald, Pizarro & Chermak, Race, Gender, and Newsworthiness.9 Coleman, “Incorrigible Offenders”; Shapiro, Breaking the Codes.10 Greer, “News Media Victims”; Pritchard & Hughes, “Patterns of Deviance”; Sorenson, Manz & Berk, “News Media Coverage.”11 Gruenewald, Pizarro & Chermak, Race, Gender, and Newsworthiness.12 Gekoski. Gray & Adler, “What Makes a Homicide”.13 Soothill et al, “Homicide and the Media”.14 Chermak, “Predicting Crime Story Salience”; Greer, “News Media Victims”; Pritchard & Hughes, “Patterns of Deviance”; Sorenson, Manz & Berk, “News Media Coverage.”15 Danson & Soothill, “Child Murder”.16 Wykes, News, Crime and Culture.17 Chermak, Victims in the News.18 Statistics NZ a; Statistics NZ b.19 “A flaw in the law”, 6.20 Offenders Probation Act 1920, s20.21 “Local and General”, 6.22 Dahmen et al, “Covering Mass Shootings”; Johnston & Joy, “Mass Shootings”; Towers et al, “Contagion in Mass Killings”.23 Lankford, “Fame-seeking Rampage Shooters”; Pane, “Should Media Avoid”; Zarembo, “Are the Media Complicit”.24 Hardy & Gunn, “Information Provision”; McKenna, Thom & Simpson, “Media Coverage of Homicide”.25 Coleman, “Incorrigible Offenders”; Powell, The Ogress.26 Tyler, Killing Innocents.27 Wardle, “It Could Happen","PeriodicalId":44733,"journal":{"name":"Media History","volume":" 13","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135242046","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-08DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2023.2280034
Stéphanie Prévost
AbstractThe English-language press in the Ottoman Empire was long thought near inexistent. While this article acknowledges that most English-language press titles in that country were few compared to the French-Ottoman press and resorted to French at one moment or another in their history, it investigates a body of English-Ottoman serials that proclaimed some connection to Britain or the US over the period 1841–1923 in order to expose the complex and multidirectional power relationships between British/American Levantine editors, British/American diplomatic actors, the Ottoman State, and readers (both in the Ottoman Empire and beyond). What did it mean to publish an English-Ottoman serial? Considering language as a social practice that helps reconcile the local and the global in the context of the foreign language press, this article seeks to understand motivations behind English-language serial publishing in the Ottoman Empire and how a mix of local/global constraints shaped titles like The Levant Herald (1856–1914).KEYWORDS: English-foreign-language pressFlexi-language pressOttoman censorshipThe Levant Heraldcapitulationsentangled history Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 A sign of this interest was a discussion on H-Turk in January 2011, launched Prof. Wayne H. Bowen’s post. https://lists.h-net.org/cgi-bin/logbrowse.pl?trx=vx&list=h-turk&month=1101&week=d&msg=Q6QhKzxXroJk/IWDCSrwqw&user=&pw = (Last consulted 30 November 2021).2 Latour, “The Powers of Association,” 277.3 Groc and Çağlar, La Presse française de Turquie, 6–8.4 The Smyrna Mail lasted less than two years (1862–1864), but remains a key testimony for the development of railway in that port city and the presence of European commercial networks.5 L’Impartial, Journal de Smyrne (1841–1915?), edited by Anthony Edwards, was the first newspaper published partly in English, before rapidly switching to French. The few surviving paper copies are spread between American libraries (Yale and The Library of Congress for 1841–1843) and the Bibliothèque nationale de France (1848–1852; 1889–1890). (Incomplete) English-language Ottoman press paper collections were retroceded to Center for Islamic Studies (Istanbul) under the British Library’s restitution programme (1996–8), with the latter retaining microfilms.6 The Manifest of Vessels provided news of shipping movements in Smyrna in the 1880s–1890s, but is only documented through indirect mentions. “The Americano-English Continental Printed Press”, The Newsman (New York), January 1891, 7–8.7 The Orient, 20 April 1910: 1.8 Tanatar Baruh, “Francophone Press”.9 “Turkey – The Levant Herald”, London and China Herald, 9 October 1868: 23.10 Çağlar, Anglophone Press in Constantinople, 76.11 “Journaux français”, Annuaire oriental du commerce, de l'industrie, de l'administration et de la magistrature, Constantinople, 1891: 529.12 The change in proprietors at The Levant Herald and Eastern Express to the
摘要长久以来,人们认为奥斯曼帝国几乎不存在英语报刊。虽然本文承认,大多数英语新闻标题在那个国家相比很少French-Ottoman新闻采取了法国在历史上的一个时刻,它调查English-Ottoman连续剧,宣布一些连接到英国或美国在1841 - 1923年期间为了揭露复杂、多向英国/美国黎凡特的编辑器之间的权力关系,英国/美国外交的演员,奥斯曼的状态,以及读者(包括奥斯曼帝国内外的读者)。出版一本英国-奥斯曼帝国的连载书意味着什么?考虑到语言作为一种社会实践,有助于在外语出版的背景下调和当地和全球,本文试图理解奥斯曼帝国英语系列出版背后的动机,以及当地/全球约束的混合如何塑造了《黎凡特先驱报》(1856-1914)这样的标题。关键词:英语外文出版社灵活文出版社阿曼审查《黎凡特先驱报》投降纠结的历史披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1这种兴趣的一个标志是2011年1月在H-Turk上的讨论,发起了Wayne H. Bowen教授的帖子。https://lists.h-net.org/cgi-bin/logbrowse.pl?trx=vx&list=h-turk&month=1101&week=d&msg=Q6QhKzxXroJk/IWDCSrwqw&user=&pw =(最后一次咨询于2021年11月30日)拉图尔,“联合的力量”277.3 Groc和Çağlar, La Presse franaise de Turquie, 6-8.4士麦那邮政持续了不到两年(1862-1864),但仍然是铁路在港口城市的发展和欧洲商业网络的存在的关键证据《公正报》(1841-1915 ?)由安东尼·爱德华兹编辑,是第一份部分用英语出版的报纸,后来迅速改用法语。现存的为数不多的纸质副本在美国图书馆(耶鲁大学和国会图书馆,1841-1843年)和法国国家图书馆(1848-1852年;1889 - 1890)。根据大英图书馆的归还方案(1996-8年),奥斯曼帝国的英文报纸收藏已归还给伊斯兰研究中心(伊斯坦布尔),后者保留缩微胶卷《船舶舱单》提供了19世纪80年代至90年代士麦拿航运运动的消息,但只是间接提及的记录。“美国-英国大陆印刷出版社”,新闻人(纽约),1891年1月,7-8.7东方,1910年4月20日:1.8 Tanatar Baruh,“法语出版社”《土耳其-黎凡特先驱报》,伦敦和中国先驱报,1868年10月9日:23.10 Çağlar,君士坦丁堡的英语出版社,76.11《法国新闻报》,《东方商业年鉴》,《工业年鉴》,《行政年鉴》,《地方行政年鉴》,君士坦丁堡,1891年:529.12《黎凡特先驱报》和《东方快报》的所有者在20世纪初由马耳他斯坦布里奥律师刘易斯·米齐(Lewis Mizzi)所有,这导致了面向海外的每周版中法语的增加法语原文引自Zuccolo, La Stampa francfona, 56.14 Koloğlu,“知识分子的形成”,140.15 Öndeş,“东方新闻报纸的故事”。16火鸡进一步的信件。第六部分,1923年10月至12月,外交部文件,伦敦邱园国家档案馆,FO 424/259: 2-4;东部的事务。进一步通信第二部分,1919年,FO 406/ 41,296 - 297.17斯特拉特福·坎宁致帕默斯顿子爵,1849年7月19日和8月15日,FO 83/1109.18乌尔干多克尔,“cerid -i - Havadis的故事”吐温,《海外无辜》,374.20 Çağlar,君士坦丁堡英语出版社,53.21“土耳其”,阿马卫报,1859年10月28日:6.22接受表格,1861年9月16日,FO 78/3197:20-21.23 Âli帕沙致英国大使馆,1865年1月18日,FO 78/3197: 15-18.24奥斯曼部长法令,1867年1月16日暂停决定,FO 78/3197: 40;“官员通知”,《土耳其报》,1867年3月12日,FO 78/3197: 163.25里昂勋爵致FO, 1867年1月29日,FO 78/3197: 34;Lyons致McCoan, 1867年3月2日,FO 78/3197: 140.26 McCoan致FO, 1872年7月25日,FO 78/3197: 229-233.27“致我们的读者”,The Levant Times and Shipping Gazette, vol. 1, n°1,1868年11月16日:1;1872年5月26日,埃利奥特致麦克恩信函,FO 78/3197: 213.28“Cour suprême britannique”,《累范特时报和航运公报》,1870年7月19日,768.29“埃德加·惠特克”,《Salonique杂志》,1903年8月31日,2.30《累范特时报公报》,1874年8月10日,附件,FO 78/3197: 277.31埃利奥特致德比,1874年9月10日,FO 78/3197: 316.32向FO提交的案件摘要,汉利1874年11月26日至27日致埃利奥特的信件,FO 78/3197: 281-282.33埃利奥特致德比,1874年11月22日,FO 78/3197: 282.33;330-333.34 Hitzel,“unparcours inattendu,”211.35 Groc and Çağlar, La Presse franaise de Turquie, 479.36 Yosmaoğlu,“追逐印刷文字,”18。
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Pub Date : 2023-11-03DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2023.2277269
Amélie Kratz
AbstractDrawing on the example of the French children’s cooking show Le Goûter (RTF, 1957–1958), this article examines the role of television in making cooking a question of public education for children. It links history of media perspectives on early television, on children’s diet and on culinary education. The show follows the cultural-pedagogical logic of early television by teaching cooking techniques to girls and boys. However, it promoted gendered roles in the kitchen and focused on culinary heritage. The multiple technical challenges inherent in putting children in a studio kitchen show that moving in front of cameras and in a kitchen, also, is the result of a learning process conducted by the adults. Finally, the educative aim of the programme is weighed against the recipes the children prepared, which both mirrored (sugar) and contradicted (alcohol) public child nutrition discourse, especially that delivered in schools.KEYWORDS: Cookerychildren's cooking showTV studio kitchenfoodhealthFrance AcknowledgementsThis article has benefited from the ideas and suggestions of many people, especially the editors Tricia Close-Koenig, Alex Mold, Lukas Herde, Philip Stiasny and the BodyCapital team.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Sarah et les Marmitons, Arte (2009); Junior Bake Off, BBC (2011–2016), Channel 4 (2019–); Kids Baking Championship (Food Network (2015–).2 See Ariès, L’enfant et la vie ; Rollet, Les enfants au XIXe. Histoire de l’enfance; The Routledge History of Childhood in the Western World; Gutman, “The Spaces of Childhood”.3 Children’s level of participation in domestic tasks depending on their social background.4 See Apple, Mothers and Medicine; Cowan, More Work for Mother; Strasser, Never Done.5 On the moral literature Quellier, Gourmandise. See for example the classic French children’s book, Les Malheurs de Sophie, La Comtesse de Ségur, 1858. On the early child psychology works, see for instance the parent’s guide translated from German Petits gourmands, petits voleurs (Greedy children, thieving children) published in France in 1955.6 Oliver, Adieu fourneaux, 9.7 The first French cooking programme Les Recettes de Mr. X. was not successful. Roger, 28. Late 1955, 74% of French audience watched Art et Magie de la Cuisine. Roger, 92.8 Cohen, “Les émissions culinaires,” 168.9 Other versions were subsequently produced like La cuisine pour les hommes (Cooking for men) (1959–1961) for a male audience or Bon appétit (Enjoy your meal) (summer 1966) for outside and holiday cooking. Roger, 56.10 The first programme “Cooks Night Out” was broadcast by the BBC in 1937. Other early shows, include, in the USA, “In love to eat” in 1946; in Great Britain “Cookery” in 1946; in West Germany “Bitte in zehn Minuten zu Tisch” in 1953. See Collins, Watching What We Eat; Schmelz, Kochen im Fernsehen; Cohen, “Les émissions culinaires”; Roger, “Les mises en scène”; Tominc, Food and Cooking.11 For exam
Laïcité et signes religieux > 22在1957年底之前,它每周播出一次,然后变成每两周播出一次。1958年夏天,节目中断了很长时间。23 . 12集(1957-1958),RTF.24由阿诺德的母亲为他和他的妹妹申请,以及由成年女性观众写给朗格埃斯的信证实[26] [m]普朗卡,《幼体发育的秩序》,第38期;Hache-Bissette,“Quand je serai grand(e)”,35.27 Catherine langeaiss私人档案中1958年2月至4月的10封申请信。28 Roger, 70.29“Le diplomate”,RTF, 1967.21。事实上,大部分剧集都是在巴黎Gaz公司总部拍摄的。当时的许多厨师都支持天然气或食品公司的利益。在英国电视厨师范妮·克拉多克(Fanny Cradock)的节目中,可以看到格德斯(Geddes)的“Above All, Garnish”,雷蒙德·奥利弗(Raymond Oliver)的“La banane franaise”。“焦糖”(“太妃糖”),RTF, 1958年12月13日。“蛋白霜”(“蛋白霜”),RTF, 19/12/1957.32 Rambourg, Histoire de la cuisine;科恩,< Les assassaires >,第33页她在《巧克力慕斯》一集中讲述了她的儿子,RTF, 1958年2月1日。34哈奇-比塞特,“Quand je serai grand(e)”,35.35参见ari<s:1>, L ' enfant et la vie。“Banane flambsame”(“flambsame banana”),RTF, 1958年1月16日,罗杰,57.39即使制作文件中提到了摄影车,蒙太奇中也没有旅行。主要有两个拍摄角度:一个以厨房为背景拍摄两位年轻选手的明亮镜头和一个在工作面上精确显示手势的特写镜头。“Frites Fanchonette”(“Fanchonette dessert”),RTF, 1958年10月18日。“煎蛋饼,乳酪”。巧克力慕斯例如,这个技术问题解释了《萨瓦饼干》中阿诺德消失了几分钟的原因奈芙用“工艺”这个词来形容20世纪60年代之前的早期儿童电视节目。Neveu, La ttsamuzvision pour enfants, 39.44在" Crêpes "一集中,她看了看时钟这种技术挑战也出现在Art et Magie de la Cuisine中。根据法国年鉴(1948-1998),巴黎,1990年,发射机首次安装在大城市。在1950年代,家庭电视设备的比例增长非常迅速:1954年不到1%,1957年6%,1960年13%。科恩和莱姆斯,莱姆斯,8.48 ' Charlotte <s:1> La framboise '('覆盆子夏洛特'),RTF 13.02.1958。一位母亲出现在这一集的结尾。在其他几集里,朗格伊斯提到了在家里组织的排练当时的儿童食谱中也没有营养方面的考虑。哈奇-比塞特,《我的世界》(e), 36;例如,水果沙拉用茴香酒调味,香蕉慕斯用朗姆酒调味" Enquête 1955 sur les boissons consomm录影带和les录影带。《统计数据统计(塞纳河除外)》,1958年,第16期,第12-21页。引用自Fillaut, Tous en piste ?, 16.53菲约,Tous en piste ?, 11-34.54努里松,A votre santoise, 53.55煎饼是用一大杯啤酒和一勺朗姆酒做的。“Les crêpes”,RTF, 1957年12月12日。同样的配方也用于' b<s:1> che de Noël et crêpes '('圣诞原木和煎饼'),Art et Magie de la Cuisine, RTF, 195/12/20 .56 Hache-Bissette, " Comment on raconte, " 434.57作为比较点,1976年,在儿童烹饪节目la Cuisine Voyageuse(烹饪旅行)中,同样的蛋糕只有140克糖,100克面粉。《La Savoie: le g<e:1> teau de Savoie》,《La Cuisine Voyageuse》第3卷,1976.01月16日。De Iulio,“De la peur De manquer”,149.59见注释15.60 Csergo,“Le sucre”,259.61 1954年11月26日第233号通告。例如,电影《Le sucre, richesse nationale(糖,国家财富)》(1954年)可在学校电影图书馆目录(cin<s:1> math<s:1>中央图书馆)中找到。它是由国家糖业游说团体“糖的使用研究和文献中心”制作的,并附有一本教育小册子,建议教师坚持糖的营养品质。“水果沙拉”。64焦糖的主板市场朗格伊在“焦糖”一集中谈到了观众在看节目时肯定会吃的面包(“tartines”),揭示了节目与现实之间的差距。阿诺德·布瓦索强调了电视上推荐的食谱和他自己平时吃的零食之间的差距营养与卫生,100。刘志强,刘志强,刘志强,等。本研究得到了H2020欧洲研究委员会[批准号694817]的支持。 贡献者说明amelie kratzamelie Kratz,生命科学史和健康系,SAGE UMR7363,斯特拉斯堡大学,法国斯特拉斯堡;e - mail amelie.kratz@gmail.com
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Pub Date : 2023-11-03DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2023.2277261
David Cantor
AbstractThis paper explores how gangsters and cancers came to be metaphors of bodily and social disorder, beginning in a media world dominated by print, radio and film and ending in a world where television had come to displace older forms of mass communication. It is a study of the continuities and discontinuities between concerns about television and earlier forms of mass media, and how they shaped the trajectories of the two metaphors of cancer and the gangster. Indeed, I suggest that in the case of these metaphors, anxieties about whether print, film, and radio were polluting or purifying were later extended and adapted to television, and may have contributed to the different fates of the two metaphors. The metaphor of the gangster as applied to cancer faded from public view in the 1970s, while the metaphor of cancer applied to gangsterism seems to have had a longer life.KEYWORDS: Gangsterscancertelevisionfilmmetaphor AcknowledgementsEarly versions of this paper were presented at two meetings: ‘The Visual Culture of Medicine and its Objects,’ held at the Riggs Library, Georgetown University, 23 September 2014 and ‘Locating Medical Television. The Televisual Spaces of Medicine and Health in the 20th Century,’ held online, 11–13 November 2020. I thank participants at these meetings and Philipp Stiasny, Alex Mold, and the anonymous referee for their helpful comments on later drafts.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Douglas, Purity and Danger.2 For a portrayal of cancer as a sign of the moral corruption of the gangster: Shadoian, Dreams & Dead Ends, 162 and 207.3 Agnew, “Ecologies of Cancer Rhetoric.” See also Bourke, Fear, 300. Aronowitz, Unnatural History, 163.4 This paper has relied on a variety of digital and paper sources to identify the life of the metaphors of cancer and the gangster. Digital sources include various databases of historical newspapers, books, and television programs that allow word searches for variants of ‘gang’ and ‘cancer.’ These have been supplemented with searches in traditional archives, especially those of cancer organizations, and corpuses of cancer educational and gangster films. A full list of these archives and databases is available from the author.5 “Public Enemy Number 2.” “Public Enemy No. 2.” Facts Forum News. 5, no. 12, December 1956: 14–15 and 44–6. “Public Enemy Number 1.” Rock Island Lines News Digest. 7, no. 4, April 1948: 10. “The Scratchpad Man.” “Zanesville Fights Cancer.” The Rotarian, 73, no. 5, November 1948: 32–3, 32.6 Exceptions prior to 1930 include Edwin Newdick, “The Gang Factories.” New York Tribune, August 31, 1913: B1–B2 at B2; Hadley, Sinister Shadows, 321. McKinley, Crime and the Civic Cancer. For the post-1930s see: W.A.S. Douglas, “Chicago Crime Parley Called by Civic Group.” Baltimore Sun, June 15, 1930: 1.; “Russell’s Fate Up to ‘Big 4’.” Chicago Daily Tribune, June 15, 1930: 1 and 10, 10; “Dinner Honors Union Chieftain. Predic
摘要本文探讨了黑帮和癌症如何成为身体和社会混乱的隐喻,从一个由印刷、广播和电影主导的媒体世界开始,到一个电视取代旧的大众传播形式的世界结束。它研究了对电视和早期大众媒体形式的关注之间的连续性和不连续性,以及它们如何塑造癌症和黑帮这两个隐喻的轨迹。的确,我认为,在这些隐喻的例子中,关于印刷、电影和广播是污染还是净化的焦虑后来扩展并适应了电视,这可能导致了这两个隐喻的不同命运。20世纪70年代,将癌症比喻为“黑帮”的比喻逐渐淡出了人们的视线,而将癌症比喻为“黑帮”的比喻似乎更长久一些。本文的早期版本在两个会议上发表:“医学的视觉文化及其对象”,于2014年9月23日在乔治城大学里格斯图书馆举行,以及“定位医学电视”。“20世纪医学与卫生的电视空间”,2020年11月11日至13日在线举行。我感谢这些会议的参与者,以及Philipp Stiasny、Alex Mold和匿名推荐人对后来的草稿提供的有益意见。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。1道格拉斯,《纯洁与危险》2把癌症描绘成黑帮道德败坏的标志:影子,《梦想与死胡同》,162和203阿格纽,《癌症修辞的生态学》参见伯克,《恐惧》,300页。Aronowitz,《非自然历史》,163.4 .这篇论文依靠各种数字和纸张来源来识别癌症和黑帮隐喻的生活。数字资源包括各种历史报纸、书籍和电视节目的数据库,可以搜索“gang”和“cancer”的变体。此外,他们还查阅了传统档案,尤其是癌症组织的档案,以及癌症教育和黑帮电影的资料库。这些档案和数据库的完整列表可从作者处获得“公敌二号。“2号公敌。”《事实论坛新闻》第5期。1956年12月12日:14-15和44-6。“头号公敌。”Rock Island Lines News Digest,第7期。1948年4月4日:10。“挠痒痒的人。“赞斯维尔与癌症搏斗。”扶轮社员,73岁,不。1930年之前的例外包括埃德温·纽迪克的《黑帮工厂》。《纽约论坛报》1913年8月31日:B1-B2在B2;哈德利,险恶的阴影,321。麦金利,犯罪和公民癌症。关于20世纪30年代后的作品,请参阅W.A.S.道格拉斯的《公民团体召集的芝加哥犯罪谈判》。巴尔的摩太阳报,1930年6月15日:1;"罗素的命运取决于'四大' "《芝加哥论坛日报》,1930年6月15日:1和10,10;晚宴荣誉工会主席。预测工党将摆脱帮派癌症。”《芝加哥论坛日报》1940年5月17日:5;“市长领导了一场运动,以清除掠夺贸易的帮派。”《纽约时报》,1931年6月26日:4点1分和4分;“联邦人员取得成果。”《纽约时报》,1931年8月23日:2.7奥斯古德·尼科尔斯,“侦探追踪他们的人。”《华盛顿邮报》1934年9月16日:SM5和SM18在SM5.8“希特勒和斯大林被比作卡彭和彭德加斯特。”洛杉矶时报。1939年11月3日:3。参见哈德利,险恶的阴影,321.9“指控癌症身体歹徒。”斯波坎每日纪事报,1931年11月16日:7.10异能,G-Men.11斯克拉,城市男孩,8.12“智力”;“癌症教育有效吗?”蓝石,“癌症教育的重要性”;Lakeman,“癌症教育”;利特尔,《如何教育妇女》;Rigney,《医学宣传有效吗?》13穆丽尔·弗莱明,“示范健康讲座。”魔法部,不。1944年1月1日:32-3。“癌症,疾病中的‘强盗’,是可以治愈的,这是一个信息。”密尔沃基新闻哨兵报,1941年4月13日:10-A;时间就是生命;对抗癌症。关于电影,请参阅康托的《选择生活》。14 Ruth,《发明公敌》,第2-3.15 Isaac F. Marcosson,《第五纵队疾病——癌症》。《纽约客》第16期,不。1940年第2期:9.16阿代尔,“科学动员”,678.17诺瓦克,“癌症”,820.18克拉伦斯·c·利特尔,“榨取公众”。癌症斗士的将军回应三月关于牛奶的文章。《加冕杂志》,1937年5月2日:23-9,23.19普罗克特,《癌症战争》,20马考森,《癌症是第五纵队的疾病》,9.21小约翰·f·蒂姆斯夫人,《动员世界癌症专家》,11.22 Schrecker,《许多是犯罪》,14.23 Krahn,《教育电影指南》,425。关于“内部叛徒”隐喻的用法,见Woglom,“肿瘤抵抗的批判”,284;哈扎姆,“阻止那个歹徒”,马丁内斯,“自然中的人”,45.26同上,299.27康托尔,“在幸存者之前”;康托,《选择生活》 28吉尔伯特:《愤怒的循环》;29 . Alton L. Blakeslee,“生物“黑帮”电影中与癌症抗争的故事”。奥克兰论坛报》。1950年4月2日:22- 30Pickett,“我们在癌症问题上的立场如何?”22.31斯宾塞,“问题”,509.32斯宾塞,“癌症研究的意义”,1362。参见约翰逊的《面对事实》,6.33“彩电破坏阅读就像癌症破坏身体一样。”《林肯星报》(内布拉斯加州)1975年12月29日:9.34美国版。国会。第83届国会,A368-9 at A369。更一般地说,关于意大利裔美国人对黑帮的种族形象的反应,见伯恩斯坦,《最大的威胁》,凯弗维尔,《美国的犯罪》,《接近‘贱民’》;瓦希马吉,《贱民》;威尔逊,《Gang Busters》;伯恩斯坦,《最大的威胁》,61-83.37美国癌症协会,1950年年度报告,15.38《内部叛徒》,1946年见“费城癌症电视节目”。巨蟹座新闻,1947年5月:12。"癌症电影最近在芝加哥播出由美国癌症协会和伊利诺伊集团制作"巨蟹座新闻,1948年2月:11;“如何告诉邻居。”其他电视剧请见“志愿者演员”“综艺”;美国癌症协会,1956年年度报告,27;“癌症招摇撞骗。”信号。[ACS]公众教育通讯第1期1. 1957年8月,4名;“江湖骗子”。信号。[ACS]公众教育通讯,第1期1. 1957年8月:4.39埃米尔·考文,《战术》《癌症新闻》第13期。1959年夏季:9-12.40“电视之眼”。" 41 "广播和电视材料。43《与心脏病作斗争》伯恩斯坦,《最大的威胁》255.44;奥尔索普,《走私者》,379.45詹姆斯·w·巴顿,《乳腺癌是如何传播的》新闻(纽波特,罗德岛)1956年1月31日:13.46达文波特和劳埃德:《公共政策是如何变成战争的》。47欲了解有关《教父》的大量文献,请参阅布朗,弗朗西斯·福特·科波拉的《教父》48页豪厄尔,《街头帮派史》关于捐助者的说明:大卫·康托,社会调查中心(CIS),社会研究中心Económico (IDES), Aráoz 2838,布宜诺斯艾利斯城Autónoma C1425 DGT,阿根廷;马里兰大学公共卫生学院,4200 Valley Drive, 2242 Suite, College Park, MD 20742-2611, USA。电子邮件:djcantor@hotmail.com
{"title":"Before The War on Cancer","authors":"David Cantor","doi":"10.1080/13688804.2023.2277261","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13688804.2023.2277261","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis paper explores how gangsters and cancers came to be metaphors of bodily and social disorder, beginning in a media world dominated by print, radio and film and ending in a world where television had come to displace older forms of mass communication. It is a study of the continuities and discontinuities between concerns about television and earlier forms of mass media, and how they shaped the trajectories of the two metaphors of cancer and the gangster. Indeed, I suggest that in the case of these metaphors, anxieties about whether print, film, and radio were polluting or purifying were later extended and adapted to television, and may have contributed to the different fates of the two metaphors. The metaphor of the gangster as applied to cancer faded from public view in the 1970s, while the metaphor of cancer applied to gangsterism seems to have had a longer life.KEYWORDS: Gangsterscancertelevisionfilmmetaphor AcknowledgementsEarly versions of this paper were presented at two meetings: ‘The Visual Culture of Medicine and its Objects,’ held at the Riggs Library, Georgetown University, 23 September 2014 and ‘Locating Medical Television. The Televisual Spaces of Medicine and Health in the 20th Century,’ held online, 11–13 November 2020. I thank participants at these meetings and Philipp Stiasny, Alex Mold, and the anonymous referee for their helpful comments on later drafts.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Douglas, Purity and Danger.2 For a portrayal of cancer as a sign of the moral corruption of the gangster: Shadoian, Dreams & Dead Ends, 162 and 207.3 Agnew, “Ecologies of Cancer Rhetoric.” See also Bourke, Fear, 300. Aronowitz, Unnatural History, 163.4 This paper has relied on a variety of digital and paper sources to identify the life of the metaphors of cancer and the gangster. Digital sources include various databases of historical newspapers, books, and television programs that allow word searches for variants of ‘gang’ and ‘cancer.’ These have been supplemented with searches in traditional archives, especially those of cancer organizations, and corpuses of cancer educational and gangster films. A full list of these archives and databases is available from the author.5 “Public Enemy Number 2.” “Public Enemy No. 2.” Facts Forum News. 5, no. 12, December 1956: 14–15 and 44–6. “Public Enemy Number 1.” Rock Island Lines News Digest. 7, no. 4, April 1948: 10. “The Scratchpad Man.” “Zanesville Fights Cancer.” The Rotarian, 73, no. 5, November 1948: 32–3, 32.6 Exceptions prior to 1930 include Edwin Newdick, “The Gang Factories.” New York Tribune, August 31, 1913: B1–B2 at B2; Hadley, Sinister Shadows, 321. McKinley, Crime and the Civic Cancer. For the post-1930s see: W.A.S. Douglas, “Chicago Crime Parley Called by Civic Group.” Baltimore Sun, June 15, 1930: 1.; “Russell’s Fate Up to ‘Big 4’.” Chicago Daily Tribune, June 15, 1930: 1 and 10, 10; “Dinner Honors Union Chieftain. Predic","PeriodicalId":44733,"journal":{"name":"Media History","volume":"40 11","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135818719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-30DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2023.2275077
Kevin E. Grimm
AbstractIn the 1950s, many Ghanaians identified with African Americans as they read about events involving American racial violence in Ghanaian newspapers. Yet the transnational connections appearing in those periodicals varied in depth, intensity, and sincerity depending on their political or commercial connections. This study analyzes the reactions in key Ghanaian newspapers, such as those affiliated with Kwame Nkrumah’s Convention People’s Party, the British-owned Daily Graphic, and the Ashanti Pioneer, to key moments in 1950s American race relations, including the Montgomery Bus Boycott, the events in Little Rock, and the infamous ‘Orange Juice’ incident involving discrimination against the Ghanaian minister of finance. By demonstrating that the Pioneer more often covered the personal angles of such events, while the tones of CPP-affiliated papers and even the Daily Graphic vacillated based on changing political needs, this study both shows the complicated nature of transnational racial identifications as they flowed west across the Atlantic and reveals the promises and limits of Ghanaian connections to members of the African diaspora during the decolonizing period in Ghana.KEYWORDS: GhanaKwame Nkrumahcivil rightsracial identificationsdecolonization Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Telegram, Roger Ross and Hyman Bloom to Department of State, “Gold Coast Newspapers,” July 27, 1951, 2, 945H.61/7-2751, Reel 27, CFBA 1950–54.2 Among others, see Borstelmann, Cold War and the Color Line and Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights.3 Treatments of African American views of foreign relations, Africa, and Ghana include Anderson, Eyes Off the Prize; Anderson, Bourgeois Radicals; Gaines, American Africans in Ghana; Grimm, “Gazing Toward Ghana”; Meriwether, Proudly We can be Africans; Plummer, Rising Wind; Plummer, ed. Window on Freedom; and Von Eschen, Race Against Empire.4 Jones-Quartey, Summary History, 24, 57.5 Faringer, Press Freedom in Africa, 44–5.6 Allman, “The Youngmen,” 279.7 Israel, “The Afrocentric Perspective,” 427; Hargrove, “Ashanti Pioneer,” 31.8 Jones-Quartey, Ghana Press, 28.9 Ibid., 34.10 Ibid..11 Gadzekpo, “Fifty Years,” 93–4.12 “World News in Brief,” Ashanti Pioneer, March 22, 1956, Reel 14, SCDCA.13 “World News in Brief,” Ashanti Pioneer, May 4, 1956, 5, Reel 14, SCDCA.14 “World News in Brief,” Ashanti Pioneer, March 23, 1956, 5, Reel 14, SCDCA.15 Ibid.16 United States Information Agency, “World-wide Press Comments on the Racial Problem in the U.S., 1956,” April 10, 1956, p. 30, Box 8, Office of Research, Intelligence Bulletins, Memorandums, and Summaries, 1954–56, USIA-NARA.17 Ibid., 30–1.18 Ibid., 31.19 Henry Lowrie, “Negro Student’s Case Now People’s Case,” Ashanti Pioneer, March 7, 1956, 2, Reel 14, SCDCA.20 Ibid.21 Ibid.22 “High Schools Remain Closed,” Ashanti Pioneer, September 16, 1958, Reel 15, SCDCA.23 “Little rock, Arkansas,” Ashanti Pioneer, October 14, 1958, p. 5, Reel 15,
{"title":"Views from West Africa","authors":"Kevin E. Grimm","doi":"10.1080/13688804.2023.2275077","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13688804.2023.2275077","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractIn the 1950s, many Ghanaians identified with African Americans as they read about events involving American racial violence in Ghanaian newspapers. Yet the transnational connections appearing in those periodicals varied in depth, intensity, and sincerity depending on their political or commercial connections. This study analyzes the reactions in key Ghanaian newspapers, such as those affiliated with Kwame Nkrumah’s Convention People’s Party, the British-owned Daily Graphic, and the Ashanti Pioneer, to key moments in 1950s American race relations, including the Montgomery Bus Boycott, the events in Little Rock, and the infamous ‘Orange Juice’ incident involving discrimination against the Ghanaian minister of finance. By demonstrating that the Pioneer more often covered the personal angles of such events, while the tones of CPP-affiliated papers and even the Daily Graphic vacillated based on changing political needs, this study both shows the complicated nature of transnational racial identifications as they flowed west across the Atlantic and reveals the promises and limits of Ghanaian connections to members of the African diaspora during the decolonizing period in Ghana.KEYWORDS: GhanaKwame Nkrumahcivil rightsracial identificationsdecolonization Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Telegram, Roger Ross and Hyman Bloom to Department of State, “Gold Coast Newspapers,” July 27, 1951, 2, 945H.61/7-2751, Reel 27, CFBA 1950–54.2 Among others, see Borstelmann, Cold War and the Color Line and Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights.3 Treatments of African American views of foreign relations, Africa, and Ghana include Anderson, Eyes Off the Prize; Anderson, Bourgeois Radicals; Gaines, American Africans in Ghana; Grimm, “Gazing Toward Ghana”; Meriwether, Proudly We can be Africans; Plummer, Rising Wind; Plummer, ed. Window on Freedom; and Von Eschen, Race Against Empire.4 Jones-Quartey, Summary History, 24, 57.5 Faringer, Press Freedom in Africa, 44–5.6 Allman, “The Youngmen,” 279.7 Israel, “The Afrocentric Perspective,” 427; Hargrove, “Ashanti Pioneer,” 31.8 Jones-Quartey, Ghana Press, 28.9 Ibid., 34.10 Ibid..11 Gadzekpo, “Fifty Years,” 93–4.12 “World News in Brief,” Ashanti Pioneer, March 22, 1956, Reel 14, SCDCA.13 “World News in Brief,” Ashanti Pioneer, May 4, 1956, 5, Reel 14, SCDCA.14 “World News in Brief,” Ashanti Pioneer, March 23, 1956, 5, Reel 14, SCDCA.15 Ibid.16 United States Information Agency, “World-wide Press Comments on the Racial Problem in the U.S., 1956,” April 10, 1956, p. 30, Box 8, Office of Research, Intelligence Bulletins, Memorandums, and Summaries, 1954–56, USIA-NARA.17 Ibid., 30–1.18 Ibid., 31.19 Henry Lowrie, “Negro Student’s Case Now People’s Case,” Ashanti Pioneer, March 7, 1956, 2, Reel 14, SCDCA.20 Ibid.21 Ibid.22 “High Schools Remain Closed,” Ashanti Pioneer, September 16, 1958, Reel 15, SCDCA.23 “Little rock, Arkansas,” Ashanti Pioneer, October 14, 1958, p. 5, Reel 15, ","PeriodicalId":44733,"journal":{"name":"Media History","volume":"37 5","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136068059","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-30DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2023.2277262
Marta García Cabrera
{"title":"British projection in Spain during the World Wars","authors":"Marta García Cabrera","doi":"10.1080/13688804.2023.2277262","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13688804.2023.2277262","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44733,"journal":{"name":"Media History","volume":"205 ","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136103717","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-02DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2023.2267404
Wesley Kirkpatrick
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1 Rice, “Early Edition.”2 Doherty, Hollywood and Hitler, 92.3 Ibid.4 Grieveson, “On Data, Media, and the Deconstruction.”
点击增大图像尺寸点击减小图像尺寸注1 Rice,“早期版本”。2 Doherty, Hollywood and Hitler, 92.3同上,4 griveson,《论数据、媒体与解构》
{"title":"The Newspaper Axis: Six Press Barons Who Enabled Hitler <b>THE NEWSPAPER AXIS: SIX PRESS BARONS WHO ENABLED HITLER</b> Kathryn S. Olmsted, 2022London, Yale University Press314 pp., ISBN 978-0-300-25642-0 (hbk £25.00)","authors":"Wesley Kirkpatrick","doi":"10.1080/13688804.2023.2267404","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13688804.2023.2267404","url":null,"abstract":"Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1 Rice, “Early Edition.”2 Doherty, Hollywood and Hitler, 92.3 Ibid.4 Grieveson, “On Data, Media, and the Deconstruction.”","PeriodicalId":44733,"journal":{"name":"Media History","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135901349","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}