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Flower Exhibitions for a Nationalistic Regime 一个民族主义政权的花展
IF 0.4 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-25 DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2021.2013184
A. Rodrigues, Ignacio García-Pereda
This article examines how the 1940s Lisbon Flower Exhibitions and their impact on the press served the propaganda of the Portuguese dictatorship as they fostered and disseminated a positive image of the government’s policies and competencies. The propaganda used the garden culture to fabricate an idea of national identity, bestowing Portugal as a modern and culturally elevated regime. Based on archive files and press clippings, this research demonstrates that constructing the concept of ‘national flowers’ was used to fuel the pride of nationalistic feelings according to the regime’s policy. However, the investigation also revealed an inconsistency between narrative and practice in designing and applying this concept, as exotic or ‘foreign’ plants continued to appear side by side with the native ones.
本文考察了20世纪40年代的里斯本花卉展览及其对媒体的影响如何为葡萄牙独裁统治的宣传服务,因为它们培养和传播了政府政策和能力的积极形象。宣传利用花园文化来制造一种民族认同的观念,赋予葡萄牙作为一个现代的、文化上高尚的政权。本研究以档案文件和剪报为基础,论证了建构“国花”概念是为了根据政权的政策来激发民族主义情绪的自豪感。然而,调查也揭示了在设计和应用这一概念的叙述和实践之间的不一致,因为外来或“外来”植物继续与本地植物并排出现。
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引用次数: 0
The Cultivation of Emotions in the Press 论新闻情感的培养
IF 0.4 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-19 DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2021.2013182
H. Hakkarainen
In early nineteenth-century German-speaking Europe, the press was a key cultural forum, in which emotions were discussed in public through newly emerging journalistic practices and discourses. The era of educational reforms created debates about the right kinds of means of cultivating the human. One of the key concepts of these debates was the concept of ‘education of the heart’ (Bildung des Herzens). The searchable collections of German-language newspapers and periodicals, such as the ANNO and digiPress repositories provided by the Austrian National Library and Bavarian State Library, open up new vistas of exploring the material across regional borders and established categories and genres, which provides new insight into the ways in which the press shaped ideas of and discourses surrounding the education of emotions in German-speaking Europe.
在19世纪初讲德语的欧洲,新闻界是一个关键的文化论坛,在这里,人们通过新出现的新闻实践和话语公开讨论情感。教育改革的时代引发了关于培养人的正确方式的争论。这些争论的关键概念之一是“心灵教育”的概念(Bildung des Herzens)。可搜索的德语报刊收藏,如奥地利国家图书馆和巴伐利亚州立图书馆提供的ANNO和digiPress资料库,开辟了跨越地区边界和既定类别和流派探索材料的新前景,这为新闻界塑造德语欧洲情感教育思想和话语的方式提供了新的见解。
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引用次数: 1
Regulating Leisure in State Socialism 论国家社会主义对休闲的规范
IF 0.4 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-17 DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2021.2013180
Sebastian Thalheim
This article will argue that the popularization of the amateur genre ‘family film’ in guides, manuals and a leisure film festival became a paternalistic strategy to regulate individual moviemakers in state socialism. It reveals the benefits of historical research on guiding literature and guidelines at an amateur festival in East Germany. Analyzing promoted norms diachronically points to a changing understanding of leisure in socialism. Additionally, it reveals a complex media history that is not reduced to top-down orders. On the contrary, guides display constant negotiations between state regulation and individualism. Thus, this paper questions a perspective on private media production in the GDR that is often politicized by categories such as propaganda or subversion.
本文认为,在指南、手册和休闲电影节中推广业余类型的“家庭电影”,成为了在国家社会主义中规范个人电影制作人的家长式策略。它揭示了历史研究在东德业余艺术节上指导文学和指南的好处。历时性地分析被提倡的规范,指出了对社会主义休闲的理解正在发生变化。此外,它揭示了一个复杂的媒体历史,而不是自上而下的顺序。相反,指南显示了国家监管和个人主义之间不断的谈判。因此,本文对民主德国私人媒体制作的观点提出了质疑,这种观点往往被宣传或颠覆等类别政治化。
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引用次数: 0
The Mediatization of Political Personae, 1880s–1930s 政治人物的媒介化,19世纪80年代至30年代
IF 0.4 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-13 DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2021.2010526
Betto van Waarden, M. Kohlrausch
It is no exaggeration to state that interactions between politics and media turned more complex in recent years. Unidirectional assumptions about the relationship of democracy and mediatization have been challenged. The modes of mediated politics established throughout the twentieth century are obviously under pressure. The nowadays ubiquitous but equally vague term ‘populism’ captures some of the underlying dynamics. At the core of the term’s genealogy is a bewilderment with the rise of a type of political strongman, who belongs to an older age of authoritarian politics yet simultaneously thrives in the modern world of social media and media-generated ‘realities’. The dynamics fuelling the careers of politicians such as Jair Bolsonaro, Victor Orbán and Donald Trump, specific as they are, constitute a new mode of personalized politics and may be seen as extreme— but in this sense telling—examples of broader changes in how politics is mediated. A striking feature of these personalized politics are leaders’ attempts to connect directly with their publics through media, like the yearly call-in show (‘direct line’) bringing Russian citizens in a more-or-less staged dialogue with Vladimir Putin. More recently, Donald Trump’s Twitter-based presidency evoked discussion and disbelief: not since the Italian fascist Benito Mussolini mounted his Roman balcony had a national leader merged so completely with a communication platform, Nicholas Carr judged. In particular, the Trump presidency triggered new interest in personalized politics and the fusion of entertainment and politics—the overarching theme of this special issue. A less evident explanation of Trumpism has discussed the American president as a product of the wrestling universe: What appears chaotic, improvised and grossly amateuristic actually follows simple but suggestive narratives—you have to stick to your role— and thus displays a certain professionalism. The link between Trump and wrestling works on two levels. First, the direct links, i.e. the connections of Trump to the wrestling world, a scene of white men among whom Trump figures himself—starring in the Hall of Fame or sharing a video of him ‘beating up’ a CNN journalist. More relevant to the questions we focus on in this issue is a second layer, the structural intermingling of reality and fiction, with wrestling catering to an audience that believes in something it recognizes as show (both the fights and bizarre stories
可以毫不夸张地说,近年来,政治与媒体之间的互动变得更加复杂。关于民主和调解关系的单向假设受到了挑战。整个二十世纪建立起来的调解政治模式显然受到了压力。如今无处不在但同样模糊的术语“民粹主义”抓住了一些潜在的动力。这个词谱系的核心是对一种政治强人崛起的困惑,这种人属于威权政治的旧时代,但同时又在社交媒体和媒体生成的“现实”的现代世界中茁壮成长。推动雅伊尔·博尔索纳罗(Jair Bolsonaro)、维克多·Orbán和唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)等政治家职业生涯的动力,虽然具体,但构成了一种个性化政治的新模式,可能被视为极端——但从这个意义上讲,这是政治如何被调解的更广泛变化的例子。这些个性化政治的一个显著特征是,领导人试图通过媒体直接与公众建立联系,比如每年一度的“热线节目”(“direct line”),让俄罗斯公民与弗拉基米尔•普京(Vladimir Putin)进行一场或多或少是在舞台上上演的对话。最近,唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)以twitter为基础的总统任期引发了讨论和怀疑:尼古拉斯·卡尔(Nicholas Carr)认为,自意大利法西斯贝尼托·墨索里尼(Benito Mussolini)登上他的罗马阳台以来,还没有一位国家领导人与一个沟通平台如此彻底地融合在一起。特别是,特朗普的总统任期引发了人们对个性化政治和娱乐与政治融合的新兴趣——这是本期特刊的首要主题。对特朗普主义的一种不那么明显的解释是,把这位美国总统视为摔跤世界的产物:看似混乱、即兴创作、非常业余的东西,实际上遵循着简单但暗示性的叙事——你必须坚持自己的角色——从而表现出一定的专业精神。特朗普和摔跤之间的联系有两个层面。首先是直接联系,即特朗普与摔跤界的联系,特朗普将自己视为名人堂的主角,或者分享他“殴打”CNN记者的视频。与我们在本期关注的问题更相关的是第二层,即现实与虚构的结构混合,摔跤迎合了相信某些东西(包括打斗和奇怪的故事)的观众
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引用次数: 3
‘His Political Life Story Told in Pictures’: The Visual Construction of the Political Persona of Joseph Chamberlain “他的政治人生故事用图画讲述”——张伯伦政治人物形象的视觉建构
IF 0.4 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-09 DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2021.2010524
Betto van Waarden
This article argues that the increasing use of press images around 1900 contributed to the construction of the political persona of the British Statesman Joseph Chamberlain. These images fused scenes from his public and private life and, paradoxically, the new focus on his private characteristics reinforced his public role. His private life did not replace his public side, nor was the private unrelated to politics as celebrity scholarship suggests, but these projected private characteristics widened the scope of what it meant to be a politician in a mass mediated environment. This argument is made through an analysis of the media context in which Chamberlain matured as a politician and the press images of his public and private life. Particularly the many (re)published images of Chamberlain during the ‘media event’ of his death in 1914 are used methodologically to trace the evolution of the visual depiction of politics through time.
本文认为,1900年前后,媒体图像的使用越来越多,这有助于英国政治家约瑟夫·张伯伦政治形象的构建。这些图像融合了他公共和私人生活的场景,矛盾的是,对他私人特征的新关注强化了他的公共角色。他的私生活并没有取代他的公共一面,也不像名人奖学金所表明的那样,私人生活与政治无关,但这些突出的私人特征扩大了在大众媒介环境中成为政治家的意义。这一论点是通过分析张伯伦作为一名政治家成熟的媒体背景以及他公共和私人生活的媒体形象而提出的。特别是张伯伦在1914年去世的“媒体事件”期间的许多(重新)发表的图像,在方法上被用来追踪政治视觉描绘随时间的演变。
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引用次数: 1
The Digitally Disposed: Racial Capitalism and the Informatics of Value 数字化:种族资本主义与价值信息学
IF 0.4 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-21 DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2021.2003126
S. Zieger
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引用次数: 10
International News Agencies: A History 国际新闻机构:历史
IF 0.4 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-18 DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2021.2003128
S. Potter
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引用次数: 0
Electric News in Colonial Algeria 阿尔及利亚殖民时期的电子新闻
IF 0.4 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-06 DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2021.1972635
C. Pettitt
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引用次数: 0
From Local to Translocal Experience 从本地到跨本地体验
IF 0.4 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-08-06 DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2021.1961575
H. Kokko
The phenomenon of letters to newspapers developed into a nationwide and pervasive culture of local letters in the mid-1800s Finnish-language press. A characteristic feature of this culture was that the readers’ letters published in the press were written in the names of local communities. Thus, the writer of the letter claimed to represent the entire local community. This interaction between different locations via the press transformed local into societal and societal into local. The culture of local letters had decisive influence on the development of Finnish society, nationalism and civic society in the nineteenth century.
19世纪中期,给报纸写信的现象发展成为一种全国性的、普遍存在的地方信件文化。这种文化的一个特点是,在媒体上发表的读者来信都是以当地社区的名义写的。因此,这封信的作者声称代表了整个当地社区。不同地点之间通过媒体的互动将地方转变为社会,将社会转变为地方。地方字母文化对19世纪芬兰社会、民族主义和公民社会的发展产生了决定性的影响。
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引用次数: 2
Televising the Partition of British India 英属印度分治的电视转播
IF 0.4 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-07-29 DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2021.1958672
Clelia Clini, J. Hornabrook, Emily Keightley
2017 marked the 70th anniversary of the end of colonial rule in British India and of the division of the country into the two independent states of India and Pakistan. To commemorate the event, in August 2017, the BBC broadcast a series of programmes focused specifically on Partition. Focusing on My Family, Partition and Me: India 1947, this article analyses the programme’s structure and rhetorical strategies, with particular reference to its representation of the empire and of contemporary postcolonial Britain. We argue that the show, by merging personal and national histories, successfully promotes an inclusive perspective on Britishness, in line with the BBC’s inclusivity remit, which also emphasises the multicultural character of Britain as a result of its colonial history. The emphasis on individualised account of suffering and resilience, however, leaves Partition circumscribed within the ‘temporary madness’ narrative, thus limiting the show’s engagement with the politics of colonialism and decolonisation.
2017年是英属印度结束殖民统治、分裂为印度和巴基斯坦两个独立国家70周年。为了纪念这一事件,2017年8月,英国广播公司播出了一系列专门针对分治的节目。本文以《我的家庭、分治和我:印度1947》为重点,分析了该节目的结构和修辞策略,特别提到了它对帝国和当代后殖民英国的代表。我们认为,该节目通过融合个人和国家的历史,成功地促进了对英国性的包容视角,这符合BBC的包容性职责,也强调了英国因其殖民历史而具有的多元文化特征。然而,强调对苦难和韧性的个性化描述,使《分区》局限在“暂时的疯狂”叙事中,从而限制了该展览与殖民主义和去殖民化政治的接触。
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