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The Colorado Delta, 1771–1776: Rereading Francisco Garcés 科罗拉多三角洲,1771年- 1776年:重读弗朗西斯科·伽西姆斯
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-24 DOI: 10.1080/00231940.2023.2267943
Peter M. Whiteley
AbstractThe ethnohistory of the Colorado River delta has been substantively misunderstood, owing to the widespread neglect and/or misinterpretations of the writings of Francisco Garcés. In 1771, 1774, and 1775–1776, Garcés undertook three entradas into the delta, and wrote a series of valuable ethnographic accounts. Not only have Garcés’s locations and routes frequently been misidentified by earlier scholars, his observations on agricultural production and population size have been ignored or marginalized, enabling misconceptions about delta historical demography and adaptation to flourish. The present paper seeks to restore Garcés’s accounts, making his locations and ethnographic observation intelligible and interpretable, and to show how these can help resolve extant misconceptions. Part I focuses on some key texts, tying his locations to a master map. Part II focuses on ethnolinguistic groups and settlement sites, discusses the implications for a better understanding of historical demography and agricultural adaptation in the delta.La etnohistoria del delta del río Colorado ha sido sustancialmente malinterpretada, debido al descuido generalizado y/o malas interpretaciones de los escritos de Francisco Garcés. En 1771, 1774 y 1775-76, Garcés realizó tres entradas al delta y escribió una serie de valiosos relatos etnográficos. No solo las ubicaciones y rutas de Garcés han sido identificadas erróneamente con frecuencia por académicos anteriores, sino que sus observaciones sobre la producción agrícola y el tamaño de la población han sido ignoradas o marginadas, lo que permite que florezcan conceptos erróneos sobre la demografía histórica del delta y la adaptación. El presente artículo busca restaurar los relatos de Garcés, haciendo inteligibles e interpretables sus ubicaciones y observaciones etnográficas, y mostrar cómo estas pueden ayudar a resolver conceptos erróneos existentes. La Parte I se enfoca en algunos textos clave, vinculando sus ubicaciones a un mapa maestro. La Parte II se centra en los grupos etnolingüísticos y los sitios de asentamiento, analiza las implicaciones para una mejor comprensión de la demografía histórica y la adaptación agrícola en el delta.KEYWORDS: Colorado deltaYumanethnohistorydemographyadaptationSpanish explorationindigenous interrelationsAnza expedition AcknowledgmentsArchival and field research into Garcés’s writings since 2010 has been supported by the Ogden Mills Fund, Division of Anthropology, American Museum of Natural History. I am most grateful to archivists at the following institutions: Bancroft Library (Berkeley), University of Arizona Special Collections Library (Tucson), Office of Ethnohistorical Research, Arizona State Museum (Tucson), Newberry Library (Chicago), Huntington Library (San Marino, CA), University of New Mexico Library Center for Southwest Research (Albuquerque), Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, University of Texas (Austin), Library of Congress Manuscript Division (Washington D.C
4德比(Citation1850)显示奥格登登陆地点在北纬32°18 ' 20″左右,而埃格洛夫斯坦(Ives Citation1861:地图1)将其定位在北纬32°22 ' 30″左右,西经114°50 ' 48″左右,而赛克斯(Citation1937:38,图15;埃格洛夫斯坦的河道——在整个19世纪末和20世纪(Sykes Citation1926:240)借用了许多关于河流主干的描述——也包括在Sykes (Citation1937)的第1版上,这是一张1933年的科罗拉多三角洲合成地图,其中奥格登登陆点的标签被拉伊斯利塔(后来的定居点)取代。La Islita的大致中心似乎是对圣罗莎的合理估计。5 Kroeber (citation1919:475)的陈述是garc<s:1>在河的西部定位了Halyikwamai,与Oñate相反,忽略了garc<s:1>对圣罗莎的描述。6与这一时期的大多数其他地图一样,Silsbee采用了Egloffstein (Ives Citation1861:map1)的主要描述,并将其覆盖在他的地图上。因此,河道不应被解读为1900年情况的代表(Steven M. Nelson个人通信3-15-2023)。请注意,我的图1是在不知道尼尔森在2023年3月发给我的Silsbee地图的情况下准备的(Steven M. Nelson的私人通信3-15-2023):Silsbee的地点与我对garcsamys在1775年的Halyikwamai地点的推断是巧合他1771年日记的A版(garc<s:1> Citation1771a: 9月16日)将渔民称为“Yumas”(B版为“Yndios”),但在1775年被更正为Cucapá.8garc<s:1>斯在北纬32°18′观测到拉斯拉加斯,但他的象限测量值与推断出的现代坐标有很大的波动(见第一部分)。德比(1850年)将潮汐头标记为大约32°04′22″N,而埃格洛夫斯坦(Ives Citation1861:地图1)与之非常一致(大约32°04′N)。然而,他们的经度不同:约114°44′45″W(德比),115°W(埃格洛夫斯坦)。这反映了经度计算的历史问题(例如,Sobel Citation1995),而不是1850年至1857年之间任何15英尺的河道移动,这从地图上其他不同经度的相同特征中可以明显看出福布斯(引文1965:6,144)将拉斯拉加斯定位在Río哈代河下游,就在它与科罗拉多主干汇合处的上方,显然太偏西南了。《福布斯》对河道的描述很奇怪:主河道显然是为了重建1905年前的河道而设计的,似乎借用了——但简化、扭曲和重新定位了——埃格洛夫斯坦的描述(Ives Citation1861:地图1)。福布斯显示,在中部地区,沿着河道形成了小三角洲,分隔了河流的连续性(例如,比较Bonillas和Urbina Citation1913[见图3a, 3b], Sykes Citation1926:在第254页之后)——这种现象表明,主河道的变化始于1905年。福布斯的地图没有引用任何来源,但部分依赖于赛克斯(Citation1937)在32°04 ' 17.2″N, 115°00 ' 15″W观测到“2号营地,Cocopa村”(Ives Citation1861:38;11 .附录B,第6页关于该地区已命名的Cocopah定居点,见Gifford (Citation1933:260)。吉尔拍摄的居住在这里的科科帕斯的照片出现在几个来源:Dellenbaugh (Citation1902);凯利(Citation1977);12 .威廉姆斯(Citation1974, Citation1983)福布斯(Citation1965:144)将圣马特奥描绘成火山湖东南的佩斯卡德罗河沿岸的一个单一的牧场;然而,加尔卡姆斯清楚地表明,圣马特奥在“十法里”长湖的两边都有几个牧场Forbes (Citation1965:163)和Kelly (Citation1977:7)也推断garcsamus在1775年12月19日的“serranos”指的是拍拍。Kelly(引文1942:679,n. 9)报告说,Cocopah-Paipai的关系至少可以追溯到100年前(即大约1840年):garc<s:1>在这里的隐含信息将这种关系推到了另一个世纪Hedges (Citation1975:71)认为,garc<s:1>的San Jacome等同于历史上位于jacum<s:1>的Kumeyaay山定居点,该定居点位于加利福尼亚州下加利福尼亚州泰卡特市,位于墨西卡利以西75公里处。然而,这肯定是不正确的。没有其他的分析家推断garc<s:1>在1771年到达那么远的西部,而Jacumba是与一个亚群Jacum相关的库梅耶山本地地名(Spier Citation1923:298, n. 7a);与西班牙语Jacome近似谐音是巧合“今天的派对是la primera rancheria de Yumas和sandias melones,主要是frijol。通过独自一人的努力,普韦布洛建立了一个军政府。这是一种不同种类的野生动物,它们的生长方式不同,它们的生长方式不同,它们的生长方式不同,它们的生长方式不同。 加尔卡萨梅斯解释说,圣雅克梅的逃兵是因为井干了。“Llegamos al pozo de San Jacome, a donde nos llevaron uns Yndios, que vimos que ya estava ciego, y vimos que ya estava ciego, y que se havia mudado la gente a la sierra, ya las rancherias inmediatas/我们到达了圣Jacome井,由住在附近的一些印第安人引导,我们看到它现在是盲目的,人们已经搬到山上和附近的定居点”(garcsamas Citation5-Citation21-Citation1775;比较Bolton Citation1930, II: 334-335)。抛弃可能是季节性的:他在1771年的访问是在9月,而在1774年是在2月至3月。根据Díaz, 1774年与garc<s:1>和Anza同行的人,来自附近的La Merced的当地人在3月3日建议说,圣雅各姆“目前因缺水而荒废”(Bolton Citation1930, II:276,强调添加)。在1775-1776年期间,garcsamuys并没有再次造访圣雅各姆,但是他把圣雅各姆列入了他对奎梅亚地区的总结中(garcsamuys Citation1777:12-6-1775,在上面的文本中引用了翻译)。因此,在这一时期,圣雅各姆显然是卡米亚的一个大型(“普韦布洛”大小)季节性觅食中心,而不是1774年冬天观察到的完全被遗弃的荒凉环境。然而,到20世纪20年代末吉福德进行卡米亚研究时,尽管塞罗普列托是一个命名的地点(
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引用次数: 0
No Place for a Lady: The Life Story of Archaeologist Marjorie F. Lambert No Place for a Lady: The Life Story of Archaeologist Marjorie F. Lambert by Shelby Tisdale, 229 pp., 29 illustrations, Acknowledgments, Abbreviations, Appendices, Notes, Bibliography, Index. The University of Arizona Press, Tucson. 2023. $30.00(Paperback). ISBN 978-0-8165-4971-9 《没有女人的位置:考古学家玛乔丽·f·兰伯特的生活故事》,谢尔比·蒂斯代尔著,229页,29幅插图,致谢,缩写,附录,注释,参考书目,索引。亚利桑那大学出版社,图森。2023。30.00美元(平装)。ISBN 978-0-8165-4971-9
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-11 DOI: 10.1080/00231940.2023.2255964
Michelle M. Ensey
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引用次数: 0
The Colorado Delta, 1771–1776: Rereading Francisco Garcés 科罗拉多三角洲,1771年- 1776年:重读弗朗西斯科·伽西姆斯
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-04 DOI: 10.1080/00231940.2023.2259258
Peter M. Whiteley
AbstractThe ethnohistory of the Colorado River delta has been substantively misunderstood, owing to the widespread neglect and/or misinterpretations of the writings of Francisco Garcés. In 1771, 1774, and 1775–76, Garcés undertook three entradas into the delta, and wrote a series of valuable ethnographic accounts. Not only have Garcés’s locations and routes frequently been misidentified by earlier scholars, his observations on agricultural production and population size have been ignored or marginalized, enabling misconceptions about delta historical demography and adaptation to flourish. The present paper seeks to restore Garcés’s accounts, making his locations and ethnographic observations intelligible and interpretable, and to show how these can help resolve extant misconceptions. Part I focuses on some key texts, tying his locations to a master map. Part II focuses on ethnolinguistic groups and settlement sites, and discusses the implications for a better understanding of historical demography and agricultural adaptation in the delta.La etnohistoria del delta del río Colorado ha sido mal entendida debido al descuido generalizado y/o malas interpretaciones de los escritos de Francisco Garcés. En 1771-1776, Garcés emprendió tres entradas al delta y escribió varios relatos valiosos. Pero las ubicaciones y rutas de Garcés han sido frecuentemente identificadas erróneamente por estudiosos anteriores, y sus observaciones sobre la agricultura y la población han sido ignoradas o marginadas, lo que ha permitido que florezcan conceptos erróneos sobre la demografía histórica y la adaptación del delta. Este artículo busca restaurar los relatos de Garcés, hacer inteligibles sus ubicaciones y observaciones, y mostrar cómo estos pueden ayudar a resolver conceptos erróneos existentes. La parte I se centra en algunos textos clave. La Parte II se centra en los grupos etnolingüísticos y los sitios de asentamiento, y analiza las implicaciones para una mejor comprensión de la demografía histórica y la adaptación agrícola en el delta.KEYWORDS: EthnohistoryYumanColorado deltapopulationagricultureSpanish explorationIndigenous interrelationsAnza expedition AcknowledgmentsArchival and field research into Garcés’s writings since 2010 has been supported by the Ogden Mills Fund, Division of Anthropology, American Museum of Natural History. I am most grateful to archivists at the following institutions: Bancroft Library (Berkeley), University of Arizona Special Collections Library (Tucson), Office of Ethnohistorical Research, Arizona State Museum (Tucson), Newberry Library (Chicago), Huntington Library (San Marino, CA), University of New Mexico Library Center for Southwest Research (Albuquerque), Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, University of Texas (Austin), Library of Congress Manuscript Division (Washington D.C.), National Anthropological Archives (Suitland, MD), Archivo General de Indias (Seville), Real Biblioteca (Madrid), Historical Archives, OFM (Rome), Bri
摘要由于对弗朗西斯科·加卡萨姆斯的著作的广泛忽视和/或误解,科罗拉多河三角洲的民族史一直被严重误解。在1771年、1774年和1775年至1776年,garcsamas三次进入三角洲,并写了一系列有价值的民族志报告。不仅garcsamus的位置和路线经常被早期的学者错误地识别,他对农业生产和人口规模的观察也被忽视或边缘化,使得关于三角洲历史人口和适应的错误观念得以蓬勃发展。本文试图还原garcmacims的描述,使他的地点和人种学观察变得易于理解和解释,并展示这些如何有助于解决现存的误解。第一部分着重于一些关键文本,将他的位置与主地图联系起来。第二部分侧重于民族语言群体和定居地点,并讨论了更好地理解三角洲历史人口和农业适应的含义。río科罗拉多三角洲民族史学:关于对弗朗西斯科·加西亚·卡萨梅斯的法律规定的解释。在1771年至1776年期间,garcsamas emprendió通过escribió各种相关的valioos建立了所有的entradas。通过对农村人口的普查和对农村人口的普查,发现了erróneamente贫困人口的普查;通过对农村人口的普查,发现了población贫困人口的普查;通过对农村人口的普查,发现了erróneos贫困人口的普查,发现了demografía histórica贫困人口的普查;通过对农业人口的普查,发现了erróneos贫困人口的普查,发现了demografía histórica贫困人口的普查。Este artículo busca restaurar los relos de garc<s:1>,这是一种可理解的现象,它是由观察到的现象组成的,大多数是cómo estos pueden ayudar和resolver概念erróneos存在。La partte I se centra en algunos textos clave。第2部分在两个组的中心etnolingüísticos通过两个组的情况,通过分析两个组的主要影响comprensión de La demografía histórica y La adaptación agrícola en el delta。关键词:民族历史科罗拉多三角洲人口农业西班牙探险土著相互关系探险致谢自2010年以来,美国自然历史博物馆人类学分部奥格登·米尔斯基金一直支持对garcsamus著作的档案和实地研究。我非常感谢以下机构的档案工作者:班克罗夫特图书馆(伯克利)、亚利桑那大学特别藏书图书馆(图森)、民族历史研究办公室、亚利桑那州立博物馆(图森)、纽伯里图书馆(芝加哥)、亨廷顿图书馆(加利福尼亚州圣马力诺)、新墨西哥大学西南研究图书馆中心(阿尔伯克基)、多尔夫·布里斯科美国历史中心、德克萨斯大学(奥斯汀)、国会图书馆手稿部(华盛顿特区)、国家人类学档案馆(马里兰州休特兰)、印度总档案馆(塞维利亚)、皇家图书馆(马德里)、历史档案馆、OFM(罗马)、大英图书馆(伦敦)和Nación总档案馆(墨西哥城)。我特别感谢三角洲地球科学家Steven M. Nelson,他在2022年6月和7月以及2023年2月至5月对科罗拉多三角洲的历史水文和地貌学进行了不可或缺的耐心指导,特别是他阅读了1939年的航空照片(见图3):在任何情况下,如果我的解释与他的解释不一样,我一个人负责。我也非常感谢KIVA的四位匿名读者,他们提供了非常有价值的建议。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1重建得益于其他几张早期地图,特别是:哈迪(Citation1829), Derby (Citation1850),艾维斯(Citation1861:图1),埃文斯(Citation1879),桑切斯和惠勒(Citation1879)、阅读(Citation1885) Silsbee (Citation1900),道格拉斯et al。(Citation1906),赛克斯Citation1907 (MacDougal Citation1907), Bonillas和乌尔比纳(Citation1913)们(Citation1916),罗梅罗(Citation1916),比尔(Citation1922),赛克斯(Citation1926)和赛克斯(Citation1937,特别是数字15、18和板I)。坐标不同,尤其是对经度。赛克斯(Sykes)的Citation1905年的西经115°落在道格拉斯等人(Citation1906)——最可靠的早期地图——的西侧约2 ' 15″,比他自己后来的地图(赛克斯(Sykes) Citation1926:第254页之后的地图;1937:38,图15)。其他差异包括Cerro Prieto的位置大约在西经115°22′,而不是西经115°18′,这表明一些扭曲的东西收缩。尽管有这些缺点,Sykes的Citation1905地图仍然是目前最有用的代理。参考地理坐标(即不是Sykes的坐标,参见图2)包含在图1.2中。他在1774年的日记、1774年给布卡雷总督的信(Bolton Citation1930, II: 361-372)、下面引用的《通告》和1775-76年的日记中都有更正。 博尔顿(引文1917:326)暗示它是“靠近山脉的一个大泻湖或河口”,而忽略了garcsamus的分析结论:它是一条河。
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引用次数: 0
The Bonito Paleochannel in Chaco Canyon, New Mexico: Recent Research and Implications for Causality and Effects 新墨西哥州查科峡谷的鲣鱼古河道:最近的研究及其因果关系和影响
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-04 DOI: 10.1080/00231940.2023.2258322
W. H. Wills, Katharine Williams, Patricia L. Crown, Wetherbee Dorshow
AbstractDuring the late eleventh century AD, a episode of erosion in Chaco Canyon, New Mexico, threatened to destroy portions of the Pueblo Bonito great house and possibly other large buildings. Known as the Bonito Paleochannel, this large arroyo meant the loss of significant amounts of surface water from valley-wide flooding originating in upstream and tributary sources. We believe that erosion was probably the result of an increasing size and frequency of floods. There is no compelling evidence that agriculture was affected by the paleochannel but we hypothesize that great house construction became extremely difficult. Consequently, the impact of the Bonito Paleochannel cycle may have been felt most in the political economy.A fines del siglo XI d. C., un episodio de erosión en el Cañón del Chaco, Nuevo México, amenazó con destruir partes de la gran casa de Pueblo Bonito y posiblemente otros edificios grandes. Conocido como el Paleocanal Bonito, este gran arroyo significó la pérdida de cantidades significativas de agua superficial debido a las inundaciones en todo el valle que se originaron en las fuentes río arriba y tributarias. Creemos que la erosión fue probablemente el resultado de un aumento en el tamaño y la frecuencia de las inundaciones. No hay evidencia convincente de que la agricultura se haya visto afectada por el paleocanal, pero planteamos la hipótesis de que la construcción de grandes casas se volvió extremadamente difícil. En consecuencia, el impacto del ciclo Bonito Paleochannel puede haberse sentido más en la economía política.KEYWORDS: Chaco CanyonBonito phasegreat housesBonito Palecochannelarroyo cyclepluvial periodmegadroughtpolitical economy AcknowledgementsField investigations and laboratory analyses were conducted under permits from Chaco Culture National Historical Park, United States National Park Service with funding from the National Science Foundation (BCS 1523224). David W. Love has provided critical geological insight throughout our research program and we have included some of his own original research in our Supplemental Material, but he is in no way responsible for any errors or misunderstandings in this article. Our deepest appreciation to Dabney Ford, Roger Moore and Wendy Bustard, as well as the many students who participated in the fieldwork. The authors are especially grateful to Gary Huckleberry and two anonymous reviewers for exceptionally close readings of the original manuscript and providing important insights and corrections.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).University of New Mexico People’s Land and Territory AcknowledgementFounded in 1889, the University of New Mexico sits on the traditional lands of the Pueblo of Sandia. Since time immemorial, the original peoples of New Mexico – Pueblo, Navajo and Apache – have deep connections to the land and have made significant contributions to the broader community statewide. We honor the land throughout the g
摘要公元11世纪晚期,新墨西哥州查科峡谷的一次侵蚀威胁着普韦布洛·博尼托的部分大房子和其他可能的大型建筑。被称为博尼托古河道,这个巨大的阿罗约意味着大量的地表水的损失,这些地表水来自上游和支流的洪水。我们认为,侵蚀可能是洪水规模和频率不断增加的结果。没有令人信服的证据表明农业受到古河道的影响,但我们假设建造大型房屋变得极其困难。因此,博尼托古水道旋回的影响可能在政治经济中最为明显。在查科、新墨西哥、amenazó、新墨西哥和新墨西哥,有可能在查科、新墨西哥和新墨西哥建立一个大庄园,并可能在查科和新墨西哥建立一个大庄园。Conocido科莫el Paleocanal鲣鱼,埃斯特还是格兰阿罗约significo la de cantidades significativas德阿瓜表面所对应las inundaciones en todo el山谷se originaron在拉斯维加斯fuentes里约热内卢arriba y tributarias。Creemos que la erosión fue probablemente el resultado de unaumentel tamaño通过la freureccia de las aciones。没有确凿的证据可以证明de que la agriculturse haya visectada por el paleocanal, perplanteamos la hipótesis de que la construcción de grandes casas se volvió extremadamente difícil。连续地,从古波尼托古通道的角度看,古波尼托古通道的影响是más En la economía política。关键词:查科峡谷、鲣鱼阶段、大房屋、鲣鱼古河道、罗royo循环、洪期、巨流、政治经济学致谢:在美国国家公园管理局查科文化国家历史公园的许可下,在国家科学基金会(BCS 1523224)的资助下,进行了实地调查和实验室分析。David W. Love在我们的研究项目中提供了重要的地质见解,我们在补充材料中加入了他自己的一些原始研究,但他对本文中的任何错误或误解概不负责。我们对Dabney Ford, Roger Moore和Wendy Bustard以及许多参加实地考察的学生表示最深切的感谢。作者特别感谢Gary Huckleberry和两位匿名审稿人,他们非常仔细地阅读了原始手稿,并提供了重要的见解和更正。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。新墨西哥大学人民的土地和领土承认新墨西哥大学成立于1889年,坐落在桑迪亚普韦布洛的传统土地上。自古以来,新墨西哥州的原住民——普韦布洛人、纳瓦霍人和阿帕奇人——就与这片土地有着深厚的联系,并为全州范围内更广泛的社区做出了重大贡献。我们世世代代尊重土地,承认我们与土著人民的坚定关系。我们感激地承认我们的历史。Lentz Notes1最近,et al。(Citation2021:1)认为,在普韦布洛印第安占领查科”当地的林地,特别是juniper组件,摧毁了数百年的连续提取一个增长缓慢的资源”主要基于七冲积物花粉样品来自两个测试坑极端西端的峡谷中识别juniper花粉百分比下降从公元前600年前的12 - 20% 4 - 8%在公元600年和公元1100年2%。Hall (Citation1977, Citation2010a)之前发现了大约公元前500年之后杜松的显著下降,但没有发现随后的时间趋势,因为在普韦布洛时期(大约公元400年至公元1250年)来自不同地点的单个样本的范围在0%到8%之间(只有三个超过4%),他解释说这反映了与当前条件相似的持续低密度杜松的存在。因为现代的地表花粉样品显示出同样的低百分比范围(见补充文件1,第6-12页)。Hall和其他孢粉学家和地质学家(Cully Citation1985, Citation1988;卡明斯Citation2001;Fredlund 1986;爱Citation1980:396;Smith Citation2020)在查科的工作一直小心翼翼地注意到各种地貌学问题(例如,相,风成沉积,重新加工的沉积物,孤立的附近树木),这些问题可能解释样品柱和其他环境中小花粉百分比的变化。考虑到在鲣鱼期之前和期间当地小松柏林地的未知生态和空间结构(Love Citation1980:398;Wills, Drake and Dorshow Citation2014;参见Vivian等人。Citation2006),任何关于人们在移除杜松和煽动“不稳定影响”中的作用的推论(Lentz等人)。引文2021:1)是推测性的。
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引用次数: 1
Linda S. Cordell: Innovating Southwest Archaeology Linda S. Cordell: Innovating Southwest Archaeology , edited by Maxine E. McBrinn and Deborah L. Huntley. 176 pp., 112 illustrations, 11 maps, Acknowledgements, Suggested Readings, Contributors Index. Museum of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 2022. $45.00(Jacketed Hardcover). ISBN 978-0-89013-669-0. 琳达·s·科德尔:创新西南考古学,由玛克辛·e·麦克布林和德博拉·l·亨特利编辑,176页,112幅插图,11幅地图,致谢,建议阅读,贡献者索引。新墨西哥出版社博物馆,阿尔伯克基,2022年。45.00美元(夹套精装)。ISBN 978-0-89013-669-0。
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/00231940.2023.2252172
Sandra Arazi-Coambs
{"title":"Linda S. Cordell: Innovating Southwest Archaeology <i>Linda S. Cordell: Innovating Southwest Archaeology</i> , edited by Maxine E. McBrinn and Deborah L. Huntley. 176 pp., 112 illustrations, 11 maps, Acknowledgements, Suggested Readings, Contributors Index. Museum of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 2022. $45.00(Jacketed Hardcover). ISBN 978-0-89013-669-0.","authors":"Sandra Arazi-Coambs","doi":"10.1080/00231940.2023.2252172","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00231940.2023.2252172","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44778,"journal":{"name":"Kiva-Journal of Southwestern Anthropology and History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135902772","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Western Ceramic Traditions: Prehistoric and Historic Native American Ceramics of the Western U.S. Western Ceramic Traditions: Prehistoric and Historic Native American Ceramics of the Western U.S. , edited by Suzanne Griset. 224 pp., 19 maps, 25 photographs, 14 charts, 3 drawings, 46 tables, Preface, References, List of Contributors. University of Utah Anthropological Papers Number 135, University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, 2022, $40.00(Paper). ISBN 9781647690427. eBook available. 《西方陶瓷传统:美国西部的史前和历史印第安陶瓷》,苏珊娜·格里塞特编辑,224页,19张地图,25张照片,14张图表,3张图纸,46张表格,前言,参考文献,贡献者名单。犹他大学人类学论文第135号,犹他大学出版社,盐湖城,2022,$40.00(论文)。ISBN 9781647690427。电子书。
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/00231940.2023.2252171
Lori Stephens Reed
{"title":"Western Ceramic Traditions: Prehistoric and Historic Native American Ceramics of the Western U.S. <i>Western Ceramic Traditions: Prehistoric and Historic Native American Ceramics of the Western U.S.</i> , edited by Suzanne Griset. 224 pp., 19 maps, 25 photographs, 14 charts, 3 drawings, 46 tables, Preface, References, List of Contributors. University of Utah Anthropological Papers Number 135, University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, 2022, $40.00(Paper). ISBN 9781647690427. eBook available.","authors":"Lori Stephens Reed","doi":"10.1080/00231940.2023.2252171","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00231940.2023.2252171","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44778,"journal":{"name":"Kiva-Journal of Southwestern Anthropology and History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135901557","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Sonora: The Elusive Site, the Debated Name, and Various Designations 索诺拉:难以捉摸的地点,有争议的名称和各种名称
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1080/00231940.2023.2258305
William E. Doolittle, William Steen, José Omar Montoya Ballesteros
AbstractA place named Sonora appears in seventeenth and eighteenth century documents and on later maps. Two sources place this site north of the present-day town of Huépac. Other sources place the site south of Huèpac. All of these sources place it on the east side of the Río Sonora, but use various designations. This paper analyzes documentary, cartographic, and geographic evidence and concludes that there were actually two places named Sonora. One was a relatively late Spanish mining settlement south of Huépac, but on the west side of the river, and known today as San Felipe de Jesús. The other place named Sonora was an ancient Ópata settlement called Sonota located at a spring on the east side of the Río Sonora north of Huépac. Correcting misunderstandings, mispronunciations, misspellings, and differences in Spaniards’ native language fluency over a century point to the river, valley, and state being named after this early site.Un lugar llamado Sonora aparece en documentos de los siglos XVII y XVIII y en mapas posteriores. Dos fuentes ubican este sitio al norte del actual pueblo de Huépac. Otras fuentes sitúan el sitio al sur de Huèpac. Todas estas fuentes lo sitúan en el lado este del Río Sonora, pero usan varias designaciones. Este artículo analiza evidencia documental, cartográfica y geográfica y concluye que en realidad existieron dos lugares denominados Sonora. Uno fue un asentamiento minero español relativamente tardío al sur de Huépac, pero en el lado oeste del río, y conocido hoy como San Felipe de Jesús. El otro lugar llamado Sonora era un antiguo asentamiento Ópata llamado Sonota ubicado en un manantial en el lado este del Río Sonora al norte de Huépac. La corrección de malentendidos, malas pronunciaciones, faltas de ortografía y diferencias en la fluidez del idioma nativo de los españoles durante más de un siglo apunta a que el río, el valle y el estado llevan el nombre de este sitio primitivo.KEYWORDS: SonoraSonotaReal de SonoraSeñoraOjo de AguaHuépacSan Felipe de JesúsRío Sonora Valley AcknowledgmentsWe thank Richard Flint and Adán Benavides for providing valuable translations of, and insights into sixteenth and seventeenth century Spanish documents; Dale Brenneman who helped retrieve a few documents from the Documentary Relations of the Southwest, The University of Arizona; the faculty and staff of the Escuela Secondaria Technica #17 for their gracious hospitality and guidance around the campus; Gayle Hartmann for commenting on an earlier version of this paper; and the reviewers whose insightful comments improved this manuscript.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Historical documents contain many different spellings of place names (e.g., Guepaca, Huepaca). Present-day place names are used throughout this article.2 Use of “digo” was standard scribal procedure of the day. It was used for correcting an error at the time of composition in order to guard against falsification (Fl
一个名为索诺拉的地方出现在十七、十八世纪的文献和后来的地图上。有两种资料表明,这个遗址位于今天的胡萨帕克镇以北。其他资料显示该地点位于hu pac南部。所有这些资料都把它放在Río索诺拉河的东侧,但使用不同的名称。本文分析了文献、地图和地理证据,得出结论认为,实际上有两个地方名叫索诺拉。一个是相对较晚的西班牙采矿定居点,位于husamupac以南,但在河的西侧,今天被称为圣费利佩Jesús。另一个名为索诺拉的地方是一个古老的Ópata定居点,名叫索诺塔,位于胡萨姆帕克北部Río索诺拉河东侧的一个泉边。纠正误解、发音错误、拼写错误,以及一个世纪以来西班牙人母语流利程度的差异,表明这条河、山谷和州都是以这个早期地点命名的。unlugar llamado Sonora出现在17至18世纪的los siglos文件中。他说:“我认为这是一个非常重要的问题。”Otras fuentes sitúan el sito sur de hu pac。Todas estas fuentes lo sitúan en el lado este del Río Sonora, perus和varias designones。Este artículo分析证据文件,cartográfica y geográfica y concluye que en realidad exists dos lugares denominados Sonora。Uno fute unentamiento minero español relativamente tardío al sur de husamacpac, perenel lado oeste del río, conconido hocomo San Felipe de Jesús。1 .电子邮件地址:电子邮件地址:电子邮件地址:电子邮件地址:电子邮件地址:电子邮件地址:电子邮件地址:电子邮件地址:电子邮件地址:Río电子邮件地址:电子邮件地址:电子邮件地址:电子邮件地址:电子邮件地址:电子邮件地址:电子邮件地址:电子邮件地址:电子邮件地址:电子邮件地址:电子邮件地址:我们的母语为corrección,我们的发音为malas,我们的母语为ortografía,我们的母语为españoles durante más我们的母语为españoles,我们的母语为río,我们的母语为río,我们的母语为río。SonoraSonotaReal de SonoraSeñoraOjo de aguahuacimacsan Felipe de JesúsRío Sonora Valley致谢我们感谢Richard Flint和Adán Benavides为16和17世纪西班牙文献提供了宝贵的翻译和见解;戴尔·布伦内曼(Dale Brenneman)帮助从亚利桑那大学的“西南纪录片关系”中检索了一些文件;第二技术学院17号的教职员工,感谢他们的热情好客和在校园内的指导;Gayle Hartmann对这篇论文早期版本的评论;还有审稿人,他们的真知灼见改进了这份手稿。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1历史文献包含许多不同的地名拼写(例如,Guepaca, Huepaca)。这篇文章通篇都使用了现代的地名使用“digo”是当时的标准抄写程序。它用于在作文时纠正错误,以防止伪造(Flint and Flint Citation2005:689, fn 598)。“Persona”是作者或抄写员写错的词,他们会立即更正自己,写“digo senora”或“我的意思是Sonora”。一位评论家指出了这一点,从而开始了我们对各种语言文本的搜索,这可能为Señora如何成为索诺拉提供线索。检查的文本是(Dávila Garibi Citation1950;梅森Citation1912;彭宁顿Citation1984:10-16;皮门特尔citation1874:305 - 307;(扫罗Citation1983:97-99, Citation1989, Citation2010:259-262)。不幸的是,我们的寻找没有结果San Juan Bautista矿于1657年开始运营(Borrero Silva Citation2009:244),并于1750年因洪水而废弃(West citation1994: 46,48)。本研究由个人资助进行。
{"title":"Sonora: The Elusive Site, the Debated Name, and Various Designations","authors":"William E. Doolittle, William Steen, José Omar Montoya Ballesteros","doi":"10.1080/00231940.2023.2258305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00231940.2023.2258305","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractA place named Sonora appears in seventeenth and eighteenth century documents and on later maps. Two sources place this site north of the present-day town of Huépac. Other sources place the site south of Huèpac. All of these sources place it on the east side of the Río Sonora, but use various designations. This paper analyzes documentary, cartographic, and geographic evidence and concludes that there were actually two places named Sonora. One was a relatively late Spanish mining settlement south of Huépac, but on the west side of the river, and known today as San Felipe de Jesús. The other place named Sonora was an ancient Ópata settlement called Sonota located at a spring on the east side of the Río Sonora north of Huépac. Correcting misunderstandings, mispronunciations, misspellings, and differences in Spaniards’ native language fluency over a century point to the river, valley, and state being named after this early site.Un lugar llamado Sonora aparece en documentos de los siglos XVII y XVIII y en mapas posteriores. Dos fuentes ubican este sitio al norte del actual pueblo de Huépac. Otras fuentes sitúan el sitio al sur de Huèpac. Todas estas fuentes lo sitúan en el lado este del Río Sonora, pero usan varias designaciones. Este artículo analiza evidencia documental, cartográfica y geográfica y concluye que en realidad existieron dos lugares denominados Sonora. Uno fue un asentamiento minero español relativamente tardío al sur de Huépac, pero en el lado oeste del río, y conocido hoy como San Felipe de Jesús. El otro lugar llamado Sonora era un antiguo asentamiento Ópata llamado Sonota ubicado en un manantial en el lado este del Río Sonora al norte de Huépac. La corrección de malentendidos, malas pronunciaciones, faltas de ortografía y diferencias en la fluidez del idioma nativo de los españoles durante más de un siglo apunta a que el río, el valle y el estado llevan el nombre de este sitio primitivo.KEYWORDS: SonoraSonotaReal de SonoraSeñoraOjo de AguaHuépacSan Felipe de JesúsRío Sonora Valley AcknowledgmentsWe thank Richard Flint and Adán Benavides for providing valuable translations of, and insights into sixteenth and seventeenth century Spanish documents; Dale Brenneman who helped retrieve a few documents from the Documentary Relations of the Southwest, The University of Arizona; the faculty and staff of the Escuela Secondaria Technica #17 for their gracious hospitality and guidance around the campus; Gayle Hartmann for commenting on an earlier version of this paper; and the reviewers whose insightful comments improved this manuscript.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Historical documents contain many different spellings of place names (e.g., Guepaca, Huepaca). Present-day place names are used throughout this article.2 Use of “digo” was standard scribal procedure of the day. It was used for correcting an error at the time of composition in order to guard against falsification (Fl","PeriodicalId":44778,"journal":{"name":"Kiva-Journal of Southwestern Anthropology and History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135581326","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Fuelwood Collection and Women’s Work in Ancestral Puebloan Societies on the Colorado Plateau 科罗拉多高原上普韦布洛部落祖先的薪柴收集和妇女工作
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1080/00231940.2023.2259250
Alan J. Osborn
AbstractAnthropologists have recently paid greater attention to gender and the division of labor in subsistence societies around the world. These studies have included Ancestral Puebloan societies in the United States Southwest, particularly on the Colorado Plateau. Based on ethnographic literature, women in this region have been responsible traditionally for a wide range of domestic activities, including child-rearing, farming, food preparation, cooking, pottery making, basket weaving, and collecting and transporting firewood and water. The present study presents a predictive model for prehistoric cooking energy systems on the Colorado Plateau. This model examines the causal links between environmental variables and fuelwood demand, acquisition, and use. These causal relationships have been delineated in contemporary cross-cultural research as well as studies of high-altitude cooking. Fuelwood collection, transport, and use form the core of women’s workload. This preliminary study serves to predict women’s annual workload based on the relationship between the number of fuelwood collecting trips and the elevation of Ancestral Puebloan settlements.Los antropólogos y arqueólogos han prestado recientemente mayor atención al género y la división del trabajo en las sociedades de subsistencia de todo el mundo. Estos estudios han incluido sociedades ancestrales Puebloan en el suroeste de Estados Unidos, particularmente en la meseta de Colorado. Según la literatura etnográfica, las mujeres de esta región han sido responsables de una amplia gama de actividades domésticas, incluida la crianza de los hijos, la agricultura, la preparación de alimentos, la cocina, la fabricación de cerámica, el tejido de cestas y la recolección y transporte de leña y agua. El presente estudio presenta un modelo explicativo para los sistemas prehistóricos de energía para cocinar en la meseta de Colorado. Este modelo examina los vínculos causales entre la demanda, adquisición y uso de leña basándose en investigaciones interculturales contemporáneas y las exigencias de la cocina a gran altitud.KEYWORDS: Ancestral PuebloColorado Plateauwomenworkloaddivision of laborfuelwoodaltitudecooking time AcknowledgementsI greatly appreciate the support of the following individuals: Melinda Kelly, Ralph J. Hartley, Matt G. Hill, Robert K. Hitchcock, Beth R. Ritter, and Richard L. Taylor. I benefited greatly from the instructive comments of two anonymous reviewers. Special thanks go to Dr. Tom Rocek, Kiva editor, for his diligence, insight, and patience.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 “In areas of low woody biomass, such as some areas of the Southwest, the availability of wood may have been a significant limiting factor on human behavior. For example, Whiting (Citation1939) suggests that, before the introduction of the mule and wagon, the Hopi had to make do with shrubby wood-producing plants, such as greasewood. With the introduction
摘要近年来,人类学家越来越关注世界各地自给社会中的性别和劳动分工。这些研究包括在美国西南部,特别是在科罗拉多高原的祖先普韦布洛人社会。根据民族志文献,该地区的妇女传统上负责广泛的家庭活动,包括抚养孩子、耕种、准备食物、烹饪、制作陶器、编织篮子,以及收集和运输木柴和水。本研究提出了科罗拉多高原史前烹饪能源系统的预测模型。该模型考察了环境变量与薪材需求、获取和使用之间的因果关系。这些因果关系已经在当代跨文化研究以及高海拔烹饪研究中被描绘出来。木柴的收集、运输和使用构成了妇女工作的核心。这项初步研究的目的是根据收集柴火的次数与普韦布洛人祖居地海拔之间的关系,预测妇女每年的工作量。Los antropólogos y arqueólogos han prestado recientemente mayor atención al - g ···················Estos工作室包括Estados Unidos,特别是科罗拉多州的meseta。Según文学协会etnográfica、墨西哥妇女协会región和其他组织负责国内 材料交换和其他组织的活动,包括农业协会、农业协会、preparación食品协会、墨西哥协会、fabricación协会cerámica、墨西哥协会、recolección协会和危地马拉运输协会leña协会。El presente estudio presente unmodelo explativo para los sistemas prehistóricos de energía para cocinar en la meseta de Colorado。Este modelo examina los vínculos causales entre la demanda, adquisición通过uso de leña basándose en investigaciones interculturales contemporáneas通过las exigencias de la cocina a gran。关键词:古老的普韦布洛,科罗拉多高原,妇女工作量,劳力,木材,海拔,烹饪时间致谢我非常感谢以下个人的支持:Melinda Kelly, Ralph J. Hartley, Matt G. Hill, Robert K. Hitchcock, Beth R. Ritter和Richard L. Taylor。我从两位匿名评论者的指导性评论中受益匪浅。特别感谢Kiva编辑Tom Rocek博士的勤奋、洞察力和耐心。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1“在木材生物量低的地区,例如西南的一些地区,木材的供应可能是人类行为的一个重要限制因素。例如,怀廷(Citation1939)认为,在引入骡子和马车之前,霍皮人不得不使用灌木状的木材生产植物,如油木。随着更好的交通工具的引入,霍皮人现在可以开采更理想但更远的杜松和piñon木材。显然,对史前木材使用模式的分析被忽视了。”Nelson and LeBlanc引文(1986:213).2“霍皮人村庄附近的木材和木柴供应非常稀少,几乎没有经济价值;为了获得用于工艺活动和烹饪的木材,探险队经常每隔一段时间就到黑台地森林或更遥远的北部去探险。一个人独自探险,或者两个朋友开着一辆马车,一起为他们的家庭收集木材。由于村庄附近的木材正在迅速枯竭,探险队不得不每年向北走得更远,以确保足够的供应。主要使用的木材是棉木,piñon,山橡木和山红木... .在大多数情况下,采集木材是一种非正式的活动,但偶尔也会举行正式的探险活动。(比格尔霍尔和比格尔霍尔引文1937:88)
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引用次数: 0
Cremated Animal Bone Piles in the Western Papaguería 火化动物骨堆在西方Papaguería
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1080/00231940.2023.2258314
Richard Martynec, Sandra Martynec
AbstractIn 1985 Julian Hayden reported 95 heaps of cremated animal bones in the Sierra Pinacate. For a variety of reasons, he concluded that the practice was long-lived and unique to that area. He attributed it to the Pinacateño Areneños, an isolated band of Areneños (also known as Hia-Ced O’odham or “Sand Papagos”). Fieldwork in Cabeza Prieta National Wildlife Refuge, Organ Pipe Cactus National Monument and the Barry M. Goldwater Range East and West over the last 30 years has located an additional 34 piles of cremated animal bones exactly like those described by Hayden (Figure 1). It is suggested that this practice is indeed long-lived and unique throughout Areneño (Hia-Ced O’odham) territory.En 1985 Julian Hayden reportó 95 montones de huesos de animales cremados en Sierra Pinacate. Por una variedad de razones, concluyó que la práctica era de larga duración y exclusiva de esa área. Lo atribuyó a los Pinacateños Areneños, una banda aislada de Areneños (también conocida como Hia-Ced O'odham o Sand Papagos). El trabajo de campo en el Refugio Nacional de Vida Silvestre Cabeza Prieta, el Monumento Nacional Organ Pipe Cactus y Barry M. Goldwater Range East durante los últimos 30 años ha localizado 34 pilas adicionales de huesos de animales cremados exactamente como los descritos por Hayden. Se sugiere que esta práctica es de hecho longeva y única en todo el territorio areneño (Hia-Ced O'odham o Sand Papago).KEYWORDS: Cremated animal bonesHia-Ced O'odhamSierra PinacateCabeza Prieta National Wildlife Refuge AcknowledgmentsMany people are responsible for the successful outcome of this project, an unexpected spin off from the general field recording on Cabeza Prieta National Wildlife Refuge in Ajo, Arizona. Whereas Assistant Managers Alfredo Soto and Mary Kralovec greatly aided facilitation of the field work and analysis, major credit should go to now retired Manager Sid Slone who “made things happen” when needed. This paper would never have been possible without them. And, extra thanks to Gayle Hartmann and three reviewers whose thoughtful editing made this far more readable.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
1985年,朱利安·海登(Julian Hayden)报道了在皮纳卡特山脉发现的95堆火化动物骨头。由于种种原因,他得出结论,这种做法长期存在,并且是该地区独有的。他将其归因于Pinacateño Areneños,一个孤立的Areneños乐队(也被称为Hia-Ced O 'odham或“沙帕戈斯”)。在过去的30年里,在Cabeza Prieta国家野生动物保护区、风琴管仙人掌国家纪念碑和巴里·m·戈德华特山脉东部和西部的田野调查中,发现了34堆与海登描述的完全相同的火化动物骨头(图1)。这表明,这种做法在Areneño (Hia-Ced O 'odham)领土上确实是长期存在的,而且是独一无二的。1985年朱利安·海登reportó 95 montones de huesos de animales cremados En Sierra Pinacate。穷得可怜,concluyó que la práctica era de larga duración y exclusiva de esa área。Lo atribuyó a los Pinacateños Areneños, una banda aislada de Areneños (tamamizan conocida como - cedo 'odham and Sand Papagos)。El trabajo de campo, El trabajo de Vida Silvestre Cabeza Prieta, El纪念碑国家管风琴管仙人掌,Barry M. Goldwater Range East durante los últimos 30 años ha localizado 34 pilas adicionales de huesos de animales cremados exactamente como los desrios por Hayden。Se sugiere que esta práctica es de hecho longeva y única en todo el territorio areneño (haa - ced O'odham O Sand Papago)。关键词:火化动物骨头——希西亚-塞德·奥哈姆塞拉·皮纳卡特——卡贝萨·普里塔国家野生动物保护区致谢这个项目的成功成果是由许多人负责的,这是亚利桑那州阿霍市卡贝萨·普里塔国家野生动物保护区一般野外记录的意外衍生。助理经理Alfredo Soto和Mary Kralovec为现场工作和分析提供了很大的帮助,但主要的功劳应该归功于现已退休的经理Sid Slone,他在需要的时候“让事情发生”。没有他们,这篇论文是不可能完成的。特别感谢盖尔·哈特曼和三位审稿人,他们深思熟虑的编辑使本书更具可读性。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Children in Mimbres Pithouse Society 米姆布雷斯监狱协会的孩子们
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1080/00231940.2023.2258317
Barbara J. Roth, Danielle Romero
AbstractChildren were active participants in past village life and reconstructing their activities and social roles can provide important insights into domestic and economic dynamics at archaeological sites. In this paper, we use data from two excavated pithouse sites in the Mimbres region of southwestern New Mexico and data from cross-cultural studies of children’s activities to explore children’s roles and contributions to Mimbres pithouse society. This work seeks to build on work being done on children and childhood in other regions. Our data show that children were active and productive participants at these sites and their roles extended beyond just economic production.Los niños participaron activamente en la vida antigua de la aldea y la reconstrucción de sus actividades y roles sociales puede proporcionar información importante sobre la dinámica doméstica y económica dentro de los sitios arqueológicos. En este documento, utilizamos la información de dos sitios pithouses (con casas semi-subterraneas) excavados en la región de Mimbres en el suroeste de Nuevo México y datos de estudios interculturales de las actividades infantiles para explorar los roles y las contribuciones que los niños tuvieron dentro de la sociedad pithouse en la región Mimbres. Este trabajo busca adicionar sobre el trabajo que se está realizando sobre los niños y la infancia en otras regiones. Nuestros datos muestran que los niños eran participantes activos y productivos en estos sitios y que sus roles se extendían más allá de solo una producción económica.KEYWORDS: Mimbreschildrenlearning frameworksUS southwest AcknowledgmentsWe thank the many students and volunteers who helped with these projects, especially volunteers from the Grant County Archaeological Society. We thank the Nature Conservancy for granting permission to excavate at La Gila Encantada. Finally, thanks to three anonymous reviewers for their very helpful comments on a previous draft of this article.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Many of the pottery vessels with depictions of children are from private collections with limited to no provenience information, so only general inferences can be made from them.2 Burials examined as part of UNLV’s work at the site were done under a burial permit from the State of New Mexico with engagement of relevant tribal groups.Additional informationFundingFunding for fieldwork at the Harris site was provided in part by a grant from the National Science Foundation [#1049434].
摘要儿童是过去乡村生活的积极参与者,重建他们的活动和社会角色可以为考古遗址的家庭和经济动态提供重要的见解。本文利用新墨西哥州西南部米布雷斯地区出土的两个坑屋遗址的数据和儿童活动的跨文化研究数据,探讨儿童在米布雷斯坑屋社会中的角色和贡献。这项工作旨在以其他区域正在开展的关于儿童和童年的工作为基础。我们的数据显示,在这些地方,孩子们是积极和富有成效的参与者,他们的角色不仅仅是经济生产。Los niños参与活动在社会生活中发挥的作用,在社会生活中发挥的作用,在社会生活中发挥的作用,在社会生活中发挥的作用,在dinámica国内生活中发挥的作用,在económica社会生活中发挥的作用,在arqueológicos。利用este documentento,利用información de dos sitios pithouse (con casas半地下),挖掘和利用región de Mimbres,对新Mimbres进行调查,并通过数据,研究和利用跨文化的数据,研究和利用儿童的数据,探索和利用las contribuciciones的作用。niños tuvieron dentro,利用社会的数据,研究和利用región Mimbres。Este trabajo busca adar trabajo del trabajo que se estest realizando trabajo los niños by la infanca en tras region。Nuestros datos muestran que los niños为参与者的活动提供了生产力,并为参与者的活动提供了独特的角色,例如extendían más allde solo una producción económica。我们感谢为这些项目提供帮助的许多学生和志愿者,特别是来自格兰特县考古学会的志愿者。我们感谢大自然保护协会允许我们在La Gila Encantada进行挖掘。最后,感谢三位匿名审稿人对本文前一稿非常有帮助的评论。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1:许多绘有儿童图案的陶器都是私人收藏,出处信息有限,甚至没有,因此只能作一般的推断作为UNLV在该地点工作的一部分,检查的埋葬是在新墨西哥州的埋葬许可下进行的,并得到了有关部落团体的参与。附加信息:哈里斯现场实地考察的资金部分由国家科学基金会提供[#1049434]。
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引用次数: 0
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Kiva-Journal of Southwestern Anthropology and History
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