Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2213071
Charles J Burgess
ABSTRACT For the 20 years before the outbreak of the Pacific War, Great Britain based its grand strategy in the Far East around the presence – and potential – of the Singapore Naval Base. The Americans, for a time, agreed in the project’s potential in the face of increasing Japanese belligerence. This analysis examines the place of the Singapore Naval Base in Anglo-American planning for the defence of Southeast Asia. It focuses on British efforts to lobby the Americans to deploy the Pacific Fleet to Singapore to deter Japan, the evolution of American plans for the defence of the Far East, and how all these interacted. It argues that the British desire to use the Pacific Fleet as a deterrent force based at Singapore, and the American assessments of how the Pacific Fleet would actually fight Japan from Singapore, represented a conceptual disconnect they could not overcome until faced with imminent hostilities. Scrutinizing the discussions and plans related to this understudied episode provides additional understanding not only how the aspirant allies viewed the growing threat from Japan, but also how they viewed each other.
{"title":"Pacific Fleet to Singapore?: Deterrence, Warfighting, and Anglo-American Planning for the Defense of Southeast Asia, 1937-1941","authors":"Charles J Burgess","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2023.2213071","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2023.2213071","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT For the 20 years before the outbreak of the Pacific War, Great Britain based its grand strategy in the Far East around the presence – and potential – of the Singapore Naval Base. The Americans, for a time, agreed in the project’s potential in the face of increasing Japanese belligerence. This analysis examines the place of the Singapore Naval Base in Anglo-American planning for the defence of Southeast Asia. It focuses on British efforts to lobby the Americans to deploy the Pacific Fleet to Singapore to deter Japan, the evolution of American plans for the defence of the Far East, and how all these interacted. It argues that the British desire to use the Pacific Fleet as a deterrent force based at Singapore, and the American assessments of how the Pacific Fleet would actually fight Japan from Singapore, represented a conceptual disconnect they could not overcome until faced with imminent hostilities. Scrutinizing the discussions and plans related to this understudied episode provides additional understanding not only how the aspirant allies viewed the growing threat from Japan, but also how they viewed each other.","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41731358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2213070
M. Bain
ABSTRACT This article uses a qualitative historical analysis to scrutinise previously underutilised documents housed in the Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Cuba (MINREX) archive in Havana to examine Cuban-Soviet relations during 1991, the final tumultuous year of close Havana-Moscow relations. Specific focus will be given to the MINREX reaction to the August 1991 coup in Moscow and its aftermath. This article will offer several new findings. Principally that throughout 1991 MINREX officials firstly attempted to affect the bilateral relationship by both lobbying Soviet officials while in Cuba, and they proposed utilising glasnost for their own purposes. This proposal was despite a conceptual aversion to the Soviet process. Secondly, MINREX officials endeavoured to lobby Russian officials, including trying to facilitate a meeting with Andrei Kozyrev the Russian Foreign Minister. These endeavours were notwithstanding the adverse reporting of Boris Yeltsin, the Russian President, and his actions during 1991 in both the MINREX documents and Cuban state media.
{"title":"The End of the Soviet Union Revisited. Evidence from Ministerial de Relaciones Exteriores de Cuba (MINREX)","authors":"M. Bain","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2023.2213070","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2023.2213070","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article uses a qualitative historical analysis to scrutinise previously underutilised documents housed in the Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Cuba (MINREX) archive in Havana to examine Cuban-Soviet relations during 1991, the final tumultuous year of close Havana-Moscow relations. Specific focus will be given to the MINREX reaction to the August 1991 coup in Moscow and its aftermath. This article will offer several new findings. Principally that throughout 1991 MINREX officials firstly attempted to affect the bilateral relationship by both lobbying Soviet officials while in Cuba, and they proposed utilising glasnost for their own purposes. This proposal was despite a conceptual aversion to the Soviet process. Secondly, MINREX officials endeavoured to lobby Russian officials, including trying to facilitate a meeting with Andrei Kozyrev the Russian Foreign Minister. These endeavours were notwithstanding the adverse reporting of Boris Yeltsin, the Russian President, and his actions during 1991 in both the MINREX documents and Cuban state media.","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42588401","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2213076
Andrew Patrick
ABSTRACT Scholars have rarely acknowledged that international oil companies first entered the Middle East to sell oil rather than to seek sources of it. The arrival of American kerosene in 1864 began this understudied preamble to the region’s oil history, with Standard Oil dominating the Ottoman market until the 1880s. Russian oil then flooded the market and pushed Standard Oil out by the 1890s, though Standard had regained a foothold before World War I. This article draws two major conclusions from this market battle. First, the competition for the Ottoman market demonstrates that it was the contest for oil markets, more than the fight for oil sources, that led to the global oil industry’s cartelisation in the early twentieth century. Second, this study shows how an American multinational pressured the United States government to expand its regional presence, thus helping to elucidate the deepening of American engagement with the Middle East.
{"title":"Standard Oil and the Battle for the Ottoman Market, 1864-1914","authors":"Andrew Patrick","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2023.2213076","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2023.2213076","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Scholars have rarely acknowledged that international oil companies first entered the Middle East to sell oil rather than to seek sources of it. The arrival of American kerosene in 1864 began this understudied preamble to the region’s oil history, with Standard Oil dominating the Ottoman market until the 1880s. Russian oil then flooded the market and pushed Standard Oil out by the 1890s, though Standard had regained a foothold before World War I. This article draws two major conclusions from this market battle. First, the competition for the Ottoman market demonstrates that it was the contest for oil markets, more than the fight for oil sources, that led to the global oil industry’s cartelisation in the early twentieth century. Second, this study shows how an American multinational pressured the United States government to expand its regional presence, thus helping to elucidate the deepening of American engagement with the Middle East.","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49305193","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2213074
Felix Kuhn
ABSTRACT Diplomatic equality, the equality that exists between states in their diplomatic interactions, is one important feature of contemporary diplomacy. The objective of this article is to show how and why diplomatic equality developed over the last centuries. This exploration begins in early modern Europe, then turns to the nineteenth century to illustrate changes and continuities, and then moves on to Japan to illustrate how regional European practices became globalised. Finally, it discusses how diplomatic equality became dominant in the twentieth century and then suggests some major reasons for this transformation in diplomatic practices.
{"title":"The Development of Diplomatic Equality Since the Congress of Vienna","authors":"Felix Kuhn","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2023.2213074","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2023.2213074","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Diplomatic equality, the equality that exists between states in their diplomatic interactions, is one important feature of contemporary diplomacy. The objective of this article is to show how and why diplomatic equality developed over the last centuries. This exploration begins in early modern Europe, then turns to the nineteenth century to illustrate changes and continuities, and then moves on to Japan to illustrate how regional European practices became globalised. Finally, it discusses how diplomatic equality became dominant in the twentieth century and then suggests some major reasons for this transformation in diplomatic practices.","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59632292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2213077
Lubna Qureshi
{"title":"Uncertain Allies: Nixon, Kissinger, and the Threat of a United Europe","authors":"Lubna Qureshi","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2023.2213077","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2023.2213077","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46577607","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2213075
P. Pechlivanis
ABSTRACT Going beyond the external functions of a diplomat this article places itself within the New Diplomatic History field and engages with an intricate aspect of the diplomatic self, that of duty. By telling the story of Christos Xanthopoulos-Palamas, one of the most prominent Greek diplomats, it examines how diplomatic duty is rationalised and imported in the realm of politics under authoritarian rule. Based on memoires, archival material, published diaries and the press of the time, this study follows Xanthopoulos-Palamas’ career and examines how the experienced diplomat justified his cooperation with the regime of the colonels despite his distaste for their antidemocratic practices. The belief in a concept of duty to the nation that surpasses the ephemeral existence of political structures and thus compelling him to strive to keep the ‘national aircraft’ afloat is at the core of his rationalisation behind his decision to get involved in domestic politics during the dictatorship.
{"title":"“Duty? Ambition? Mistake?”: A Greek Diplomat’s Politics Under Authoritarian Rule","authors":"P. Pechlivanis","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2023.2213075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2023.2213075","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Going beyond the external functions of a diplomat this article places itself within the New Diplomatic History field and engages with an intricate aspect of the diplomatic self, that of duty. By telling the story of Christos Xanthopoulos-Palamas, one of the most prominent Greek diplomats, it examines how diplomatic duty is rationalised and imported in the realm of politics under authoritarian rule. Based on memoires, archival material, published diaries and the press of the time, this study follows Xanthopoulos-Palamas’ career and examines how the experienced diplomat justified his cooperation with the regime of the colonels despite his distaste for their antidemocratic practices. The belief in a concept of duty to the nation that surpasses the ephemeral existence of political structures and thus compelling him to strive to keep the ‘national aircraft’ afloat is at the core of his rationalisation behind his decision to get involved in domestic politics during the dictatorship.","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45150838","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2186620
D. Lomas
{"title":"Estimative Intelligence in European Foreign Policymaking: Learning Lessons for an Era of Surprise","authors":"D. Lomas","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2023.2186620","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2023.2186620","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42154972","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2186617
David W. Kearn
interconnections. Its priority is ensuring the harmony of the whole. Its emphases include preserving diversity, mutual adaptation, and cooperation. It is informed by ancient cosmologies and indigenous pre-colonial diplomatic practices including the symbolic exchanges and visits that are prominent in Asian and African cultures. Diplomats need to work with all three logics, an argument which Zaharna makes visually, by elegantly combining symbols that she adopts for each logic (an arrow for individual, an infinity sign for relational and a circle for holistic) into a single figure. Having explained how differences of culture make communication more difficult, Zaharna goes on to demonstrate the potential for culturally-informed communication to bring people together. It is here that her argument returns to the more familiar territory of culture in diplomacy. She argues that collaboration and communication in the cultural field is the best way to use all three of her logics. Her book is hands down the best justification for international relations through the arts since the publication of Nye’s Soft Power in 2004, and – most significantly – her argument is made without falling back on the idea of one people exercising influence or winning over another that is implicit Nye’s book. Zaharna emphasises the win-win of mutual benefit. International actors able to work in these terms stand to develop their reputations even as they benefit from the collective solutions to the world’s problems. Hence Zaharna has arrived at a mechanism to enhance what I term ‘Reputational Security’, that element of security that comes from being known in the world and which is endangered by being unknown. One shared problem looms especially large. Zaharna’s work draws powerfully on the experience of the COVID-19 pandemic. Memes from the crisis are reproduced in the text. The argument is brave. Having drawn on insights from anthropology throughout, her book steers away from that discipline’s emphasis on cultural distinctiveness to emphasise the astonishing degree of similarity between people. Her final chapters focus on the potential for mutual understanding and empathy based on the things that all humans share. In all, this is an original and valuable work which rethinks the links between communication, culture and diplomacy. The great joy of this book is its eclecticism and the comprehensiveness of Zaharna’s ‘world tour’ with the multiple insights she brings. The result is a consistently illuminating and fun to read in equal measure. This is a book to celebrate and, for those of us in the position so to do, to assign as required reading for anyone setting out of the journey of an international communicator or in Zaharna’s terms ‘Boundary Spanner of Humanity’.
{"title":"Euromissiles: The Nuclear Weapons That Nearly Destroyed NATO","authors":"David W. Kearn","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2023.2186617","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2023.2186617","url":null,"abstract":"interconnections. Its priority is ensuring the harmony of the whole. Its emphases include preserving diversity, mutual adaptation, and cooperation. It is informed by ancient cosmologies and indigenous pre-colonial diplomatic practices including the symbolic exchanges and visits that are prominent in Asian and African cultures. Diplomats need to work with all three logics, an argument which Zaharna makes visually, by elegantly combining symbols that she adopts for each logic (an arrow for individual, an infinity sign for relational and a circle for holistic) into a single figure. Having explained how differences of culture make communication more difficult, Zaharna goes on to demonstrate the potential for culturally-informed communication to bring people together. It is here that her argument returns to the more familiar territory of culture in diplomacy. She argues that collaboration and communication in the cultural field is the best way to use all three of her logics. Her book is hands down the best justification for international relations through the arts since the publication of Nye’s Soft Power in 2004, and – most significantly – her argument is made without falling back on the idea of one people exercising influence or winning over another that is implicit Nye’s book. Zaharna emphasises the win-win of mutual benefit. International actors able to work in these terms stand to develop their reputations even as they benefit from the collective solutions to the world’s problems. Hence Zaharna has arrived at a mechanism to enhance what I term ‘Reputational Security’, that element of security that comes from being known in the world and which is endangered by being unknown. One shared problem looms especially large. Zaharna’s work draws powerfully on the experience of the COVID-19 pandemic. Memes from the crisis are reproduced in the text. The argument is brave. Having drawn on insights from anthropology throughout, her book steers away from that discipline’s emphasis on cultural distinctiveness to emphasise the astonishing degree of similarity between people. Her final chapters focus on the potential for mutual understanding and empathy based on the things that all humans share. In all, this is an original and valuable work which rethinks the links between communication, culture and diplomacy. The great joy of this book is its eclecticism and the comprehensiveness of Zaharna’s ‘world tour’ with the multiple insights she brings. The result is a consistently illuminating and fun to read in equal measure. This is a book to celebrate and, for those of us in the position so to do, to assign as required reading for anyone setting out of the journey of an international communicator or in Zaharna’s terms ‘Boundary Spanner of Humanity’.","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47233029","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2186619
G. Johnson
{"title":"After the Great War: Economic Warfare and the Promise of Peace in Paris, 1919","authors":"G. Johnson","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2023.2186619","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2023.2186619","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47130768","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2188793
Su-Jean Paek, Dong Sun Lee
ABSTRACT This article explains the US curtailment of South Korean nuclear development by attributing this success primarily to the inducements President Ronald Reagan offered. These inducements were reliable because the US as a superpower operating under bipolarity, cared about its reputation as a trustworthy ally and was eager to provide inducements to its interest-sharing client. The inducements exposed Seoul to only a small risk of subordination, given the US’s position as a remote patron. By contrast, the sanctions Reagan’s predecessors threatened to impose were marginally effective, and could only delay Seoul’s nuclear pursuit because geographical remoteness gave them modest credibility.
{"title":"The American Success to Denuclearise South Korea: Global Bipolarity, Geographical Remoteness, and Nuclear Alliance Restraint","authors":"Su-Jean Paek, Dong Sun Lee","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2023.2188793","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2023.2188793","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article explains the US curtailment of South Korean nuclear development by attributing this success primarily to the inducements President Ronald Reagan offered. These inducements were reliable because the US as a superpower operating under bipolarity, cared about its reputation as a trustworthy ally and was eager to provide inducements to its interest-sharing client. The inducements exposed Seoul to only a small risk of subordination, given the US’s position as a remote patron. By contrast, the sanctions Reagan’s predecessors threatened to impose were marginally effective, and could only delay Seoul’s nuclear pursuit because geographical remoteness gave them modest credibility.","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42507701","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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