Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2022.2143128
Magnus Petersson
intelligence itself. While the detail of the book does not extend to modern-day intelligence, many of Herman’s observations are timeless: today, intelligence does what is has always done, offered information to improve decisions. Another important theme is intelligence as power. Just as intelligence has shaped diplomacy, it also remains an important strand in UK ties to allies, especially the US. Reflecting on post-Cold War issues in a 1997 paper reproduced here, Herman observes that UK intelligence ‘has a unique “upper second class” status in world terms’, underpinned by our transatlantic ties. Today, it can be argued that the UK remains an intelligence power, still retaining a significant global reach. Michael Herman’s scholarship has been immensely influential for generations of academics. Intelligence Power in Practice is an important addition to the scholarship, and the editing of the volume by David Schaefer is a worthy tribute to the importance of Herman’s scholarship and his legacy. Naturally, while heralding the ‘revolution’ in satellites (p.278) appears dated, the volume provides timeless lessons on the past, present, and future of intelligence. As such, this volume is a valuable collection of Herman’s writings and a fitting tribute to his life.
{"title":"Military Alliances in the Twenty-First Century","authors":"Magnus Petersson","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2022.2143128","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2022.2143128","url":null,"abstract":"intelligence itself. While the detail of the book does not extend to modern-day intelligence, many of Herman’s observations are timeless: today, intelligence does what is has always done, offered information to improve decisions. Another important theme is intelligence as power. Just as intelligence has shaped diplomacy, it also remains an important strand in UK ties to allies, especially the US. Reflecting on post-Cold War issues in a 1997 paper reproduced here, Herman observes that UK intelligence ‘has a unique “upper second class” status in world terms’, underpinned by our transatlantic ties. Today, it can be argued that the UK remains an intelligence power, still retaining a significant global reach. Michael Herman’s scholarship has been immensely influential for generations of academics. Intelligence Power in Practice is an important addition to the scholarship, and the editing of the volume by David Schaefer is a worthy tribute to the importance of Herman’s scholarship and his legacy. Naturally, while heralding the ‘revolution’ in satellites (p.278) appears dated, the volume provides timeless lessons on the past, present, and future of intelligence. As such, this volume is a valuable collection of Herman’s writings and a fitting tribute to his life.","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46167362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2022.2113258
Jonathan Grossman
ABSTRACT This article analyses Brazil’s 1975 vote in favour of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3379, which equated Zionism with racism and racial discrimination. Historians and political scientists have investigated extensively the causes for this vote. However, all these analyses focus on Brazil’s relations with other state actors whilst ignoring the possibility that domestic factors, including Brazilian leaders’ attitudes towards Zionism, influenced the decision to support the anti-Zionist resolution. Drawing on archival materials from Brazil and Israel, the article introduces domestic and normative factors into the analysis of this controversial vote. It argues that Brazil’s desire to secure oil imports and financial investments from Arab countries, combined with its repudiation of diasporic allegiances, best explain its support for the resolution. Whilst the Brazilian dictatorship’s delegitimisation of diasporic loyalties was not the primary reason for the decision, it constituted an important element in the normative framework that enabled it.
{"title":"Diaspora, Delegitimisation, and Foreign Policy: Unpacking Brazil’s Vote for the “Zionism is Racism” United Nations Resolution","authors":"Jonathan Grossman","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2022.2113258","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2022.2113258","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyses Brazil’s 1975 vote in favour of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3379, which equated Zionism with racism and racial discrimination. Historians and political scientists have investigated extensively the causes for this vote. However, all these analyses focus on Brazil’s relations with other state actors whilst ignoring the possibility that domestic factors, including Brazilian leaders’ attitudes towards Zionism, influenced the decision to support the anti-Zionist resolution. Drawing on archival materials from Brazil and Israel, the article introduces domestic and normative factors into the analysis of this controversial vote. It argues that Brazil’s desire to secure oil imports and financial investments from Arab countries, combined with its repudiation of diasporic allegiances, best explain its support for the resolution. Whilst the Brazilian dictatorship’s delegitimisation of diasporic loyalties was not the primary reason for the decision, it constituted an important element in the normative framework that enabled it.","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47954732","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2022.2113255
David Morgan-Owen
ABSTRACT This study examines whether “invasion scares” before 1914 period had an impact on the course of British strategy. It shows that contemporary observers perceived a clear link between the ways in which British society depicted and understood issues of strategy and the ways in which the state could prepare for and conduct a future war. This was particularly so when it came to the language used to describe issues of security in Britain and the ideological consensus that these discourses reflected. The prominent place of discussions about how to defend the British Isles against invasion before 1914 therefore convinced some observers that Briton’s preoccupation with passive defence was rendering the nation vulnerable by robbing it of the capacity to adopt credible policies of deterrence and offensive action.
{"title":"Scares, Panics, and Strategy: The Politics of Security and British Invasion Scares before 1914","authors":"David Morgan-Owen","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2022.2113255","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2022.2113255","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study examines whether “invasion scares” before 1914 period had an impact on the course of British strategy. It shows that contemporary observers perceived a clear link between the ways in which British society depicted and understood issues of strategy and the ways in which the state could prepare for and conduct a future war. This was particularly so when it came to the language used to describe issues of security in Britain and the ideological consensus that these discourses reflected. The prominent place of discussions about how to defend the British Isles against invasion before 1914 therefore convinced some observers that Briton’s preoccupation with passive defence was rendering the nation vulnerable by robbing it of the capacity to adopt credible policies of deterrence and offensive action.","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46796378","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2022.2113265
Alanna O'malley
{"title":"Fulfilling the Sacred Trust, The UN Campaign for International Accountability for Dependent Territories in the Era of Decolonization","authors":"Alanna O'malley","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2022.2113265","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2022.2113265","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41367907","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2022.2113254
M. Šedivý
ABSTRACT In reaction to numerous international disputes, crises, and wars, trust in the strength of the written law in the relations amongst European countries began to weaken before the mid-nineteenth century. One reaction to this gradual loss of faith in international justice was the rise of the power-oriented nationalist movements in Germany and Italy advocating not only national unity but also the creation of strong national armed forces and defensible frontiers. This response to international insecurity also contained the seeds of imperialist and colonial aspirations during the 1840s in both disunited Germany and Italy. It was for this reason that the growth of Italian nationalism during that decade remained closely connected with colonial ambitions. A colonial policy would bring Italians additional material strength to enable them to achieve a sufficiently strong and therefore safer place in a world seen as increasingly predatory.
{"title":"A Response to International Insecurity: The Origins of Colonial Aspirations in Italy","authors":"M. Šedivý","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2022.2113254","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2022.2113254","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In reaction to numerous international disputes, crises, and wars, trust in the strength of the written law in the relations amongst European countries began to weaken before the mid-nineteenth century. One reaction to this gradual loss of faith in international justice was the rise of the power-oriented nationalist movements in Germany and Italy advocating not only national unity but also the creation of strong national armed forces and defensible frontiers. This response to international insecurity also contained the seeds of imperialist and colonial aspirations during the 1840s in both disunited Germany and Italy. It was for this reason that the growth of Italian nationalism during that decade remained closely connected with colonial ambitions. A colonial policy would bring Italians additional material strength to enable them to achieve a sufficiently strong and therefore safer place in a world seen as increasingly predatory.","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42440620","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2022.2113259
J. Pressman
ABSTRACT Most scholars writing on Arab-Israeli matters barely address the Egyptian-Israeli autonomy talks, and what has been written largely dismisses them as Egyptian and United States capitulation to Israeli expansion. But a focus on archival documents from the first months of the talks in 1979 demonstrates three points at odds with this conventional narrative. Whilst Egyptian negotiators were ultimately rebuffed, Egypt pushed for significant moves towards Palestinian national self-determination, especially in their proposal of 25 June 1979. Consistent with the Carter Administration’s mixed approach, the United States stood in a middle ground during these talks, sometimes siding with Egypt such as with the need for Palestinian representation and other times with Israel such as in discouraging political discussions. Lastly, by explicitly discussing which officials were at the table, we see the United States negotiating approach reinforces a notion from the mediation literature that sustained, high-level engagement is crucial if a mediating country hopes to achieve a breakthrough.
{"title":"Egypt, Israel, and the United States at the Autonomy Talks, 1979","authors":"J. Pressman","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2022.2113259","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2022.2113259","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Most scholars writing on Arab-Israeli matters barely address the Egyptian-Israeli autonomy talks, and what has been written largely dismisses them as Egyptian and United States capitulation to Israeli expansion. But a focus on archival documents from the first months of the talks in 1979 demonstrates three points at odds with this conventional narrative. Whilst Egyptian negotiators were ultimately rebuffed, Egypt pushed for significant moves towards Palestinian national self-determination, especially in their proposal of 25 June 1979. Consistent with the Carter Administration’s mixed approach, the United States stood in a middle ground during these talks, sometimes siding with Egypt such as with the need for Palestinian representation and other times with Israel such as in discouraging political discussions. Lastly, by explicitly discussing which officials were at the table, we see the United States negotiating approach reinforces a notion from the mediation literature that sustained, high-level engagement is crucial if a mediating country hopes to achieve a breakthrough.","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43758588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2022.2113260
S. Kieninger
ABSTRACT The collapse of the Soviet Union posed the greatest non-proliferation problem since the beginning of the atomic age. Would Ukraine be willing to abandon the nuclear weapons on their territory and join the Non-Proliferation Treaty as a non-nuclear weapon state? Based on recently declassified archival sources, this article investigates how the Geoge H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton administrations pursued Ukraine’s nuclear dismantlement through a mix of three types of policy action including trilateral diplomacy with Ukraine and Russia, United States financial and technical assistance in the denuclearisation process and a policy to address Ukraine’s broader security dilemma.
{"title":"The Bush and Clinton Administrations and Ukraine’s Nuclear Dismantlement, 1991–1994","authors":"S. Kieninger","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2022.2113260","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2022.2113260","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The collapse of the Soviet Union posed the greatest non-proliferation problem since the beginning of the atomic age. Would Ukraine be willing to abandon the nuclear weapons on their territory and join the Non-Proliferation Treaty as a non-nuclear weapon state? Based on recently declassified archival sources, this article investigates how the Geoge H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton administrations pursued Ukraine’s nuclear dismantlement through a mix of three types of policy action including trilateral diplomacy with Ukraine and Russia, United States financial and technical assistance in the denuclearisation process and a policy to address Ukraine’s broader security dilemma.","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44606727","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2022.2113261
S. Tyulenev
ABSTRACT Boundaries of social systems stratify into internal and external layers with respective social agencies. Diplomacy is an internal – endohomorous – phenomenon that cannot reach the other side of the boundary without an external – ectohomorous – phenomenon such as translation. Translation is the outmost contact point where the system meets the environment – another system. Ectohomorous phenomena can fulfil their social-systemic function without endohomorous, but not the other way round. Diplomats can deal with systems in the environment only indirectly via translation, which specialises in direct contacting the system’s other. Distinguishing between endohomorous and ectohomorous phenomena helps to appreciate the difference in social functioning of diplomacy and translation.
{"title":"Translation and Diplomacy: The Ins and Outs of Social-Systemic Boundaries","authors":"S. Tyulenev","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2022.2113261","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2022.2113261","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Boundaries of social systems stratify into internal and external layers with respective social agencies. Diplomacy is an internal – endohomorous – phenomenon that cannot reach the other side of the boundary without an external – ectohomorous – phenomenon such as translation. Translation is the outmost contact point where the system meets the environment – another system. Ectohomorous phenomena can fulfil their social-systemic function without endohomorous, but not the other way round. Diplomats can deal with systems in the environment only indirectly via translation, which specialises in direct contacting the system’s other. Distinguishing between endohomorous and ectohomorous phenomena helps to appreciate the difference in social functioning of diplomacy and translation.","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47616293","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2022.2113263
G. Kennedy
{"title":"The War Lords and the Gallipoli Disaster: How Globalized Trade led Britain to its Worst Defeat of the First World War","authors":"G. Kennedy","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2022.2113263","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2022.2113263","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48235853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：