Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2188793
Su-Jean Paek, Dong Sun Lee
ABSTRACT This article explains the US curtailment of South Korean nuclear development by attributing this success primarily to the inducements President Ronald Reagan offered. These inducements were reliable because the US as a superpower operating under bipolarity, cared about its reputation as a trustworthy ally and was eager to provide inducements to its interest-sharing client. The inducements exposed Seoul to only a small risk of subordination, given the US’s position as a remote patron. By contrast, the sanctions Reagan’s predecessors threatened to impose were marginally effective, and could only delay Seoul’s nuclear pursuit because geographical remoteness gave them modest credibility.
{"title":"The American Success to Denuclearise South Korea: Global Bipolarity, Geographical Remoteness, and Nuclear Alliance Restraint","authors":"Su-Jean Paek, Dong Sun Lee","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2023.2188793","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2023.2188793","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article explains the US curtailment of South Korean nuclear development by attributing this success primarily to the inducements President Ronald Reagan offered. These inducements were reliable because the US as a superpower operating under bipolarity, cared about its reputation as a trustworthy ally and was eager to provide inducements to its interest-sharing client. The inducements exposed Seoul to only a small risk of subordination, given the US’s position as a remote patron. By contrast, the sanctions Reagan’s predecessors threatened to impose were marginally effective, and could only delay Seoul’s nuclear pursuit because geographical remoteness gave them modest credibility.","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":"34 1","pages":"30 - 56"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42507701","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2186616
Nicholas J. Cull
{"title":"Boundary Spanners of Humanity: Three Logics of Communication and Public Diplomacy for Global Collaboration","authors":"Nicholas J. Cull","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2023.2186616","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2023.2186616","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":"34 1","pages":"145 - 146"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44504352","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2188794
B. McKercher
ABSTRACT Despatching ground forces – the Field Force – to the continent constituted a cardinal element of British grand strategy from early 1934 to early 1938. In winter 1933-1934, through the Defence Requirements Sub-Committee [DRC], senior Foreign Office and Treasury officials, working with the Chiefs of Staff, advised the Cabinet to begin moderate rearmament – ultimately £52 million – with a deadline of 1939. Central to DRC recommendations was the Field Force to underwrite British maintaining the European balance of power through military support for France and the Low Countries to deter possible German aggression. When reporting in February 1934, the DRC identified two adversary Powers requiring improved British defences: Germany, the ‘ultimate potential enemy’, and Japan, of lesser importance. The War Office immediately began creating the Force, built around four divisions. In 1935, given the Abyssinian crisis, Italy joined the list of potential adversaries, and the Cabinet approved almost £400 million DRC-recommended additional defence spending, again, by 1939. The government guided by the Foreign Office monitored the balance; and War Office planning now centred on a 16-division Field Force. However, in May 1937, Neville Chamberlain rose to the premiership and initiated a defence review requiring more spending – £1.625 billion in two tranches: 1939 and 1941 – but eliminating the Field Force. Eschewing the balance, Britain would rely on powerful air and naval forces to maintain national and imperial security. However, after Germany’s conquest of Czechoslovakia in March 1939 and a darkened continental milieu, the Field Force was reborn to underpin British strategy.
{"title":"Commitment to the Continent: The Foreign Office, the War Office, and the British Field Force, 1934-1938","authors":"B. McKercher","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2023.2188794","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2023.2188794","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Despatching ground forces – the Field Force – to the continent constituted a cardinal element of British grand strategy from early 1934 to early 1938. In winter 1933-1934, through the Defence Requirements Sub-Committee [DRC], senior Foreign Office and Treasury officials, working with the Chiefs of Staff, advised the Cabinet to begin moderate rearmament – ultimately £52 million – with a deadline of 1939. Central to DRC recommendations was the Field Force to underwrite British maintaining the European balance of power through military support for France and the Low Countries to deter possible German aggression. When reporting in February 1934, the DRC identified two adversary Powers requiring improved British defences: Germany, the ‘ultimate potential enemy’, and Japan, of lesser importance. The War Office immediately began creating the Force, built around four divisions. In 1935, given the Abyssinian crisis, Italy joined the list of potential adversaries, and the Cabinet approved almost £400 million DRC-recommended additional defence spending, again, by 1939. The government guided by the Foreign Office monitored the balance; and War Office planning now centred on a 16-division Field Force. However, in May 1937, Neville Chamberlain rose to the premiership and initiated a defence review requiring more spending – £1.625 billion in two tranches: 1939 and 1941 – but eliminating the Field Force. Eschewing the balance, Britain would rely on powerful air and naval forces to maintain national and imperial security. However, after Germany’s conquest of Czechoslovakia in March 1939 and a darkened continental milieu, the Field Force was reborn to underpin British strategy.","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":"34 1","pages":"57 - 85"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42708149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2186621
S. Meredith
{"title":"March of the Moderates: Bill Clinton, Tony Blair, and the Rebirth of Progressive Politics","authors":"S. Meredith","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2023.2186621","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2023.2186621","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":"34 1","pages":"151 - 153"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45980612","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2188792
Richard Drake
ABSTRACT Beginning with the publication of An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States in 1913, Charles Austin Beard gained fame and notoriety as a historian by writing about the power of money over politics and policy. In his analysis of American history, he did not make an exception for the Second World War or the Cold War. Those conflicts, too, had an economic subtext. Yet, in his two most famous books dealing with the dawn of the American Century, American Foreign Policy in the Making, 1932–1940: A Study in Responsibilities (1946) and President Roosevelt and the Coming of the War, 1941: A Study in Appearances and Realities (1948), he focused narrowly on Roosevelt’s foreign policy decisions. These books contributed to the impression that in his later years he had moved beyond the economic interpretation of history. A leading public intellectual, Beard also wrote numerous magazine articles about the motives behind America’s interwar, wartime, and post-war foreign policy. His journalistic first draft of history crucially supplements the last books that he published and shows him to have retained the view that there is no politics without economics.
{"title":"Charles Austin Beard’s Economic Interpretation of the American Century through His Journalistic Writings","authors":"Richard Drake","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2023.2188792","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2023.2188792","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Beginning with the publication of An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States in 1913, Charles Austin Beard gained fame and notoriety as a historian by writing about the power of money over politics and policy. In his analysis of American history, he did not make an exception for the Second World War or the Cold War. Those conflicts, too, had an economic subtext. Yet, in his two most famous books dealing with the dawn of the American Century, American Foreign Policy in the Making, 1932–1940: A Study in Responsibilities (1946) and President Roosevelt and the Coming of the War, 1941: A Study in Appearances and Realities (1948), he focused narrowly on Roosevelt’s foreign policy decisions. These books contributed to the impression that in his later years he had moved beyond the economic interpretation of history. A leading public intellectual, Beard also wrote numerous magazine articles about the motives behind America’s interwar, wartime, and post-war foreign policy. His journalistic first draft of history crucially supplements the last books that he published and shows him to have retained the view that there is no politics without economics.","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":"34 1","pages":"1 - 29"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46570574","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2186614
A. Caiani
‘Accession must be understood not only in its short-term context, but as the outcome of a long-term process during which Britain’s foreign and domestic policies were readjusted to place greater emphasis on European affairs’ (p.278). UK government ministers and officials would benefit from reading Aqui’s work to understand that the UK’s membership was, and has been, controversial, and that discussions around the expected transformation of the UK’s relationship with Europe are part of a longer narrative than more recent discussions on Brexit might suggest.
{"title":"Metternich, the German Question and the Pursuit of Peace, 1840–1848","authors":"A. Caiani","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2023.2186614","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2023.2186614","url":null,"abstract":"‘Accession must be understood not only in its short-term context, but as the outcome of a long-term process during which Britain’s foreign and domestic policies were readjusted to place greater emphasis on European affairs’ (p.278). UK government ministers and officials would benefit from reading Aqui’s work to understand that the UK’s membership was, and has been, controversial, and that discussions around the expected transformation of the UK’s relationship with Europe are part of a longer narrative than more recent discussions on Brexit might suggest.","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":"34 1","pages":"142 - 143"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42156776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2186615
F. Carroll
Habsburg monarchy was unable to compete with Prussia for mastery of Central Europe. Pásztorová’s excellent book is divided into several case studies chronicling Metternich’s German policy during the 1840s. She examines specifically: the rise of German nationalism during the Rhine crisis, the failure to find a peaceful solution to the SchleswigHolstein question, the fallout occasioned by the annexation of the free republic of Krakow and the Swiss civil war of the Sonderbund in 1847. At all of these turningpoints, Metternich proved unable to salvage what he could of the delicate equilibrium that had been established in 1815 between Austria and Prussia. The accession of Frederick-William IV on 7 June 1840 made matters worse. Unlike his docile father this monarch wanted to play a leading role in German affairs. Metternich time and again failed in his attempts to contain German nationalism and the growing tide of liberalism that was emerging on the margins of the Austrian Empire. The international fallout from the annexation of Krakow saw him portrayed as a vicious reactionary unwilling to respect his own rules. This event exposed just how vulnerable the Vienna settlement could be to revision. Finally, the war of the Sonderbund highlighted the tenuousness of Austrian influence over southern Germany. Metternich proved unable to prevent the Catholic cantons from being overwhelmed by their more powerful neighbours. Most distressing for Metternich was the Catholic monarchs of Southern Germany’s refusal to intervene or seal the Swiss-German border. German nationalists became enthused and inspired by the apparent regeneration of Switzerland, expressing the unconcealed hope that the same might be achieved in Germany. This is a wide-ranging study which is a masterclass in the new diplomatic history. It is based on an impressive sifting of published and unpublished diplomatic papers throughout Germany, Austria, and Scandinavia. This study presents readers with much untapped material from the Acta Clementina (Metternich’s private papers) from Prague’s national archives. As a good student of international relations Pásztorová’s enquiry is not relegated to elite politics but examines the public sphere too by analysing painstakingly a wide array of newspapers and pamphlets. The result is an original, meticulously researched and rigorous study. Thanks to Pásztorová’s work we now have a much better and lucid understanding of the slow drift towards the 1848 revolutions in Germany (and the slow road to Königgrätz in 1866). This book will be invaluable and relished by scholars and students of nineteenth-century European History and the Vormärz period.
{"title":"International Law and the Politics of History","authors":"F. Carroll","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2023.2186615","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2023.2186615","url":null,"abstract":"Habsburg monarchy was unable to compete with Prussia for mastery of Central Europe. Pásztorová’s excellent book is divided into several case studies chronicling Metternich’s German policy during the 1840s. She examines specifically: the rise of German nationalism during the Rhine crisis, the failure to find a peaceful solution to the SchleswigHolstein question, the fallout occasioned by the annexation of the free republic of Krakow and the Swiss civil war of the Sonderbund in 1847. At all of these turningpoints, Metternich proved unable to salvage what he could of the delicate equilibrium that had been established in 1815 between Austria and Prussia. The accession of Frederick-William IV on 7 June 1840 made matters worse. Unlike his docile father this monarch wanted to play a leading role in German affairs. Metternich time and again failed in his attempts to contain German nationalism and the growing tide of liberalism that was emerging on the margins of the Austrian Empire. The international fallout from the annexation of Krakow saw him portrayed as a vicious reactionary unwilling to respect his own rules. This event exposed just how vulnerable the Vienna settlement could be to revision. Finally, the war of the Sonderbund highlighted the tenuousness of Austrian influence over southern Germany. Metternich proved unable to prevent the Catholic cantons from being overwhelmed by their more powerful neighbours. Most distressing for Metternich was the Catholic monarchs of Southern Germany’s refusal to intervene or seal the Swiss-German border. German nationalists became enthused and inspired by the apparent regeneration of Switzerland, expressing the unconcealed hope that the same might be achieved in Germany. This is a wide-ranging study which is a masterclass in the new diplomatic history. It is based on an impressive sifting of published and unpublished diplomatic papers throughout Germany, Austria, and Scandinavia. This study presents readers with much untapped material from the Acta Clementina (Metternich’s private papers) from Prague’s national archives. As a good student of international relations Pásztorová’s enquiry is not relegated to elite politics but examines the public sphere too by analysing painstakingly a wide array of newspapers and pamphlets. The result is an original, meticulously researched and rigorous study. Thanks to Pásztorová’s work we now have a much better and lucid understanding of the slow drift towards the 1848 revolutions in Germany (and the slow road to Königgrätz in 1866). This book will be invaluable and relished by scholars and students of nineteenth-century European History and the Vormärz period.","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":"34 1","pages":"143 - 145"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49226836","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2188795
Aliaksandr Piahanau
ABSTRACT Even a short breakdown in fuel supplies can have profound and dramatic consequences for modern economies. This paper explores a major coal shortage in Central Europe after WWI which shook local societies for two years. The dissolution of the Habsburg Empire in 1918 provides a narrower context to this study, while its immediate focus lies upon the development of diplomatic and economic relationships between Czechoslovakia – a WWI victor and an important coal exporter, and Hungary – a war losing state that was a net coal importer. This paper underlines the scale of the Hungarian reliance on fuels from Czechoslovakia, and suggests that this dependency was one of the chief arguments that motivated Budapest to cede Slovakia to Prague’s control and, more generally, to accept the peace terms proposed at the Paris conference. It is safe to conclude that economic considerations played a much greater, if not dominant, role in the adoption of the peace treaty of Trianon of 1920 in Hungary. Overall, the paper demonstrates that cross-border energy interdependence substantially influenced diplomatic relations in Central Europe immediately after WWI, privileging coal-exporting states over coal-importing states.
{"title":"‘Each Wagon of Coal Should Be Paid for with Territorial concessions.’ Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and the Coal Shortage in 1918–21","authors":"Aliaksandr Piahanau","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2023.2188795","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2023.2188795","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Even a short breakdown in fuel supplies can have profound and dramatic consequences for modern economies. This paper explores a major coal shortage in Central Europe after WWI which shook local societies for two years. The dissolution of the Habsburg Empire in 1918 provides a narrower context to this study, while its immediate focus lies upon the development of diplomatic and economic relationships between Czechoslovakia – a WWI victor and an important coal exporter, and Hungary – a war losing state that was a net coal importer. This paper underlines the scale of the Hungarian reliance on fuels from Czechoslovakia, and suggests that this dependency was one of the chief arguments that motivated Budapest to cede Slovakia to Prague’s control and, more generally, to accept the peace terms proposed at the Paris conference. It is safe to conclude that economic considerations played a much greater, if not dominant, role in the adoption of the peace treaty of Trianon of 1920 in Hungary. Overall, the paper demonstrates that cross-border energy interdependence substantially influenced diplomatic relations in Central Europe immediately after WWI, privileging coal-exporting states over coal-importing states.","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":"34 1","pages":"86 - 116"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49202866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2022.2143122
R. Pee
ABSTRACT This article analyses the failure of American democracy promotion in Egypt before and during the 2011 Arab Spring, through a comparison with successful American support for democratic transitions in allied authoritarian regimes during the 1980s, executed through a combination of top-down diplomatic pressure and bottom-up democracy building by non-governmental organisations (NGOs). In Egypt, American policymakers misjudged the stability of the Mubarak regime and relaxed top-down pressure for liberalisation before the Arab Spring, while greater implementation of bottom-up democracy programs by United States government agencies resulted in the obstruction of these programs by the Mubarak regime and American policymakers. The case of Egypt illustrates the importance of American policymakers’ perceptions of regime stability for the priority which Washington accords to democracy promotion in policy towards allied authoritarian regimes, and the impact of American government control of bottom-up democracy programs on democracy building in allied authoritarian states.
{"title":"Reforming Allied Authoritarian States: The Failure of United States Democracy Promotion in Egypt before the ‘Arab Spring’","authors":"R. Pee","doi":"10.1080/09592296.2022.2143122","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2022.2143122","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyses the failure of American democracy promotion in Egypt before and during the 2011 Arab Spring, through a comparison with successful American support for democratic transitions in allied authoritarian regimes during the 1980s, executed through a combination of top-down diplomatic pressure and bottom-up democracy building by non-governmental organisations (NGOs). In Egypt, American policymakers misjudged the stability of the Mubarak regime and relaxed top-down pressure for liberalisation before the Arab Spring, while greater implementation of bottom-up democracy programs by United States government agencies resulted in the obstruction of these programs by the Mubarak regime and American policymakers. The case of Egypt illustrates the importance of American policymakers’ perceptions of regime stability for the priority which Washington accords to democracy promotion in policy towards allied authoritarian regimes, and the impact of American government control of bottom-up democracy programs on democracy building in allied authoritarian states.","PeriodicalId":44804,"journal":{"name":"Diplomacy & Statecraft","volume":"33 1","pages":"772 - 793"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47883610","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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