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Worldmaking in the Long Great War: How Local and Colonial Struggles Shaped the Modern Middle East 漫长大战中的世界形成:地方和殖民斗争如何塑造了现代中东
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-08 DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2024.2303865
Jessi A. J. Gilchrist
Published in Diplomacy & Statecraft (Vol. 35, No. 1, 2024)
发表于《外交与国务》(第 35 卷第 1 期,2024 年)
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引用次数: 0
Götterdämmerung Averted: Winston Churchill, Flensburg and the Unthinkable 避免了哥特达默龙:温斯顿-丘吉尔、弗伦斯堡和不可思议的事情
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-08 DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2024.2303856
Matthew Gerth
This article explores the anti-Soviet undertakings of Winston Churchill and the Flensburg Reich government during the spring of 1945. It contends that British and German strategic goals closely ali...
本文探讨了 1945 年春季温斯顿-丘吉尔和弗伦斯堡帝国政府的反苏行动。文章认为,英国和德国的战略目标密切相关。
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引用次数: 0
To Assure and Conceal: Revisiting Secret Agreements (Mitsuyaku) in the U.S.-Japan Alliance 保证与隐瞒:重新审视美日同盟中的秘密协定(Mitsuyaku)
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-29 DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2024.2303858
Yukinori Komine
Informed by the concept of plausible deniability and newly-declassified U.S. and Japanese documents, this study explores the interconnectedness between public and private security assurances made d...
本研究以 "似是而非的否认 "概念和最新解密的美国和日本文件为基础,探讨了美国和日本在公共和私人安全保证之间的相互联系。
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引用次数: 0
Time to treat the climate and nature crisis as one indivisible global health emergency 是时候将气候和自然危机视为一个不可分割的全球卫生紧急事件
3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-03 DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2276509
Kamran Abbasi, Parveen Ali, Virginia Barbour, Thomas Benfield, Kirsten Bibbins-Domingo, Gregory E. Erhabor, Stephen Hancocks, Richard Horton, Laurie Laybourn-Langton, Robert Mash, Peush Sahni, Wadeia Mohammad Sharief, Paul Yonga, Chris Zielinski
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引用次数: 0
Postcolonial Security: Britain, France, and West Africa’s Cold War Postcolonial Security: Britain, France, and West Africa’s Cold War , by Marco Wyss, Oxford and New York, Oxford University Press, 2021, 352 pp., £75.00 (hardback), ISBN: 9780198843023 后殖民安全:英国、法国和西非的冷战,马可·维斯著,牛津和纽约,牛津大学出版社,2021年,352页,75英镑(精装本),ISBN: 9780198843023
3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2270323
Andrew W.M. Smith
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引用次数: 0
India-Latin America Relations, 2000-22: Their Encounter and Shared Gains 印度-拉丁美洲关系,2000-22:他们的相遇和共同收获
3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2270318
Jorge I. Domínguez
ABSTRACTIndia’s relations with Latin American countries are of long-standing but they had had low salience for both sides. During the early 21st century, the salience increased for both. What explains this change? The confluence of shifts in the structure of the international system, economic and political regime change, and the rise to office of new governments in India and key Latin American countries, in particular Brazil and Mexico, permitted and fostered an acceleration and intensification of relations between India and such countries. The heightened inter-country partnerships during 2004–14 resulted from statecraft, that is, the deliberate actions of the governments of India and its key Latin American partners in response to new international system opportunities and the subsequent actions of their respective business communities. Prime ministers and presidents acted on the structural opportunity to enact innovative foreign policies. These governments coordinated their policies in multilateral institutions, helped to reshape them, and innovated in creating new multilateral entities. They also opened new avenues for business investment and trade. In time, democratic politics – the transfer of power from incumbent parties and leaders to the opposition – converted one administration’s policy into the foreign policy of the State. AcknowledgmentsI am grateful to Rafael Fernández de Castro, Rejaul Laskar, and Bernabé Malacalza for comments on an earlier version of this article. I am solely responsible for all mistakes of fact or interpretation.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Nagesh Kumar, “Internationalisation of India’s Enterprises: Patterns, Strategies, Ownership Advantages, and Implications,” Asian Economic Policy Review 3 (2008): 242–61.2. International Monetary Fund, International Financial Statistics, various years.3. Cesar Ross, “India, Latin America, and the Caribbean during the Cold War,” Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 56, no. 2 (2013): 23–44.4. Deepak Bhojwani, “India’s Prospects in Latin America and the Caribbean,” Indian Foreign Affairs Journal 7, no. 4 (2012), 433, 436; Jorge Heine, “Much to Gain by Working Together in the Emerging International Order,” Indian Foreign Affairs Journal 6, no. 1 (2011), 19, 25–26.5. Jorge Heine and Hari Seshasayee, “Recasting South-South links: Indo-Latin American relations,” in Latin America and the Asian Giants, ed. Riordan Roett and Guadalupe Paz (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 2016), 49.6. Quoted in Daniel Flemes, “India-Brazil-South Africa (IBSA) in the New Global Order: Interests, Strategies and Values of the Emerging Coalition,” International Studies 46, no. 4 (2009), 404.7. Arundhati Sharma, “India-Brazil-South Africa (IBSA) Trilateral Forum: An Appraisal of Summits,” Indian Council of World Affairs, 28 Dec. 2017, https://www.icwa.in/show_content.php?lang=1&level=3&ls_id=2336&lid=1758&kval=IBSA accessed (Ma
【摘要】印度与拉美国家的关系源远流长,但双方都不太重视这一关系。在21世纪初,两者的重要性都有所增加。如何解释这种变化?国际体系结构的变化、经济和政治体制的变化,以及印度和主要拉美国家(特别是巴西和墨西哥)新政府的上台,这些因素的共同作用,允许并促进了印度与这些国家之间关系的加速和加强。2004 - 2014年期间国家间伙伴关系的加强是治国方略的结果,即印度政府及其主要拉丁美洲伙伴为应对新的国际体系机遇而采取的深思熟虑的行动,以及各自商业界随后采取的行动。各国总理和总统抓住结构性机遇,制定创新的外交政策。这些政府在多边机构中协调其政策,帮助重塑这些机构,并在创建新的多边实体方面进行创新。它们还为商业投资和贸易开辟了新的途径。随着时间的推移,民主政治- -将权力从现任政党和领导人移交给反对派- -将一个行政当局的政策转变为国家的外交政策。感谢Rafael Fernández de Castro、Rejaul Laskar和bernab<s:1> Malacalza对本文早期版本的评论。我对所有事实或解释上的错误负全部责任。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。Nagesh Kumar,“印度企业国际化:模式、战略、所有权优势及其启示”,《亚洲经济政策评论》2008年第3期,第242-61.2页。《国际货币基金组织》、《国际金融统计》,历年。塞萨尔·罗斯,“冷战期间的印度、拉丁美洲和加勒比地区”,《巴西回顾》Política国际版56期,第6期。2(2013): 23-44.4。Deepak Bhojwani,“印度在拉丁美洲和加勒比地区的前景”,《印度外交杂志》第7期。4 (2012), 433, 436;豪尔赫·海涅,《在新兴的国际秩序中共同努力将大有收获》,《印度外交事务杂志》第6期。1(2011), 19, 25-26.5。Jorge Heine和Hari Seshasayee,“重塑南南联系:印度-拉丁美洲关系”,《拉丁美洲和亚洲巨人》,Riordan Roett和Guadalupe Paz主编(华盛顿特区:布鲁金斯学会出版社,2016),第49.6页。引用自Daniel Flemes,“全球新秩序中的印度-巴西-南非(IBSA):新兴联盟的利益、战略和价值观”,《国际研究》第46期。4(2009), 404.7。Arundhati Sharma,“印度-巴西-南非(IBSA)三边论坛:峰会评估”,印度世界事务委员会,2017年12月28日,https://www.icwa.in/show_content.php?lang=1&level=3&ls_id=2336&lid=1758&kval=IBSA访问(2022年3月22日);Oliver Stuenkel,“IBSA不确定的未来”,卡内基国际和平基金会,2015年2月18日,https://carnegieendowment.org/2015/02/18/uncertain-future-of-ibsa-pub-59108(访问日期为2022年3月22日)。Cedric de Coning,《金砖国家:全球化的最后一道防线?》崛起的力量季刊,第3期。4(2017): 83-93.9。迪利普·辛哈:《印度、金砖国家与世界经济》,《印度外交》第10期。2 (2015): 160-173;Oliver Stuenkel,“金融危机、合法性争议和金砖国家内部合作的起源”,《全球治理》(2013):611-630.10。Marcelo de Almeida Medeiros, Mikelli Marzzini L. A. Ribeiro和Mariana P. O. de Lyra,“En busca de la afirmación:金砖国家的安全问题”,《国际论坛》第57期。3(2017): 607-639.11。Ivan Filipe Fernandes, Vinicius Ruiz Albino de Freitas和Janina Onuki,“金砖国家和巴西公众舆论:软平衡或经济战略”,《巴西评论》Política国际版,第64期。2 (2021), doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034 -7329202100212(访问日期:2022年3月15日)。另见Eduardo Viola和Larissa Basso,《飘忽的脱碳:金砖国家作为保守的气候大国》,《巴西评论》Política international 59期第1期(2016), doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034 -7329201600101(访问日期:2022年3月15日)。Aniruddh Mohan,“从里约到巴黎:全球气候政治中的印度”,《崛起的力量季刊》第2期,第3期(2017): 39-60;Blanca Torres,“在cambio的物质上的行动主义climático en la búsqueda del reicionamiento international de mmacxico”,《国际论坛》第53期,第3期。3-4(2013): 897-932.14。Benjamín Preciado Solís,“2000-2006年,印度与其他国家的关系”,《国际论坛》第48期。1-2(2008): 487-493.15。桑杰·斯里瓦斯塔瓦:《谈判分析:WTO的坎昆部长级会议》,《国际研究》第45期。1(2008): 23-43.16。 玛格丽特·迈尔斯和史蒂文·霍姆斯,《加强印度与拉丁美洲的经济关系》,《贸易》第9期,第1期(2022年7月- 9月):21-25.37。38.世界银行,https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.KD?end=2020&locations=BR&start=2014(访问日期:2022年3月22日)。39.印度工业联合会,印度-lac秘密会议2021,1-3,www.ciu.com.uy/innovaportal/91311/1/India-lac-conclave-note(访问于2022年3月24日)。罗伯塔·罗德里格斯·马奎斯·达席尔瓦和爱德华多·罗德里格斯·戈麦斯,《金砖国家作为跨地区的倡导联盟》,《巴西战略与国际关系杂志》第8期。15(2019): 25-44。参见Charles Pennaforte和Ricardo Luigi,“金砖国家的[重新]出现和当代地缘政治中的权力重组”,《巴西战略与国际关系杂志》第9期,第18期(2020): 85 - 104.40。Carlos R. S. Milani和Magno Klein,“南南合作与外交政策:巴西外交官认知中的挑战与困境”,《国际关系》第35期。2 (2021): 277-298;Helio Caetano Farias和Leonardo Pace Alves,“巴西国际影响力的下降:从一个新兴国家到一个内向型国家”,《巴西战略与国际关系杂志》第9期,第17期(2020): 14-
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引用次数: 0
Reconsidering Japan’s War Reparations and Economic Re-Entry into Southeast Asia 反思日本战争赔款与经济重返东南亚
3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2270320
Hiroyuki Hoshiro
Japan’s war reparations began to be paid to Burma and the Philippines in 1956 and ended in 1976. Approximately 65 years have passed since the reparation payment began. The nature of Japan’s Official Development Assistance, which has been based on economic infrastructure and prioritises Asia, began with war reparations. Although post-war reparations are relevant to Japan’s economic statecraft, previous studies have analysed only the negotiation process for individual countries. No comprehensive historical analysis of war reparations has been conducted so far. This paper fills this gap by analysing the declassified materials of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the state-of-the-art Japanese literature based on those materials. It also clarifies the characteristics of war reparations as part of Japan’s Official Development Assistance by looking at the projects and goods paid by the reparations in each country. Furthermore, this paper challenges the conventional understanding of previous research on Japan’s economic re-entry into Southeast Asia through reparations. The study concludes that reparations were unimportant in increasing Japan’s exports to Asian countries.
日本于1956年开始向缅甸和菲律宾支付战争赔款,并于1976年结束。自从开始支付赔款以来,大约已经过去了65年。日本的官方发展援助以经济基础设施为基础,优先考虑亚洲,其性质始于战争赔偿。虽然战后赔偿与日本的经济策略有关,但以前的研究只分析了个别国家的谈判过程。迄今为止,还没有对战争赔款进行全面的历史分析。本文通过分析外务省的解密资料和以这些资料为基础的最新日本文献,填补了这一空白。它还通过查看每个国家的赔款所支付的项目和货物,澄清了作为日本官方发展援助一部分的战争赔款的特点。此外,本文还挑战了以往关于日本经济通过赔款重新进入东南亚研究的传统认识。该研究的结论是,赔款对于增加日本对亚洲国家的出口并不重要。
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引用次数: 0
Interwoven Models of Peacemaking – the Israeli-Palestinian Case and Beyond 建立和平的相互交织的模式-以色列-巴勒斯坦案例及其他
3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2270319
Sapir Handelman
ABSTRACTTwo competitive approaches are dominant in the debate about the optimal strategy to cope with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict: Conflict-Management and Conflict-Resolution. This paper suggests looking at them as complementary. It presents four models of peacemaking. The first, the Strong Leader Model, involves drastic unilateral initiatives taken by one of the parties. The second, the Social Reformer Model, encourages domestic reforms within each of the parties. The third, the Political Elite Model, offers various forms of diplomatic interactions and is the dominant experience in Middle East peace processes. The fourth, the Public Assembly Model, proposes the creation of a major Israeli-Palestinian Public Negotiating Congress, based on the multiparty talks used in South Africa and Northern Ireland during the 1990s. This paper concludes that a multifaceted approach, which uses insights from all models in an integrated fashion, has the potential to create a momentum for a revolutionary peacemaking process. AcknowledgmentThe author is grateful to Gloria Morgenstern and Israel Cohen for reviewing and editing the paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. For a further discussion on the classical symptoms of intractable conflict, see, for example, Louis Kriesberg ‘Intractable conflicts’, Peace Review, 5/4 (1993), 417–21; Daniel Bar-Tal, ‘Societal beliefs in times of intractable conflict: The Israeli case’, International Journal of Conflict Management, 9/1 (1998), 22–50; Peter Coleman, ‘Intractable Conflict’, in Morton Deutsch and Peter Coleman, eds., The Handbook of Conflict Resolution: Theory and Practice (San Francisco, CA, 2000), 428–50; Herbert Kelman, ‘Social-psychological dimensions of international conflict’ in William. Zartman, ed., Peacemaking in international conflict: Methods & techniques (rev. ed.) (Washington, DC: U.S. Institute of Peace, 2007a), 61–107.2. Ian Bickerton and Carla L. Klausner, A Concise History of the Arab Israeli Conflict, fifth edition (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2007)3. ‘Revolution’ as Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy has written, ‘brings on the speaking of new, unheard of language, another logic, a revaluation of all values’. (Friedrich, Carl J. (ed.), Revolution (New York: Atherton Press, 1966), p. 4). The need for a different approach to peacemaking is a lesson that can be learned from the peacemaking processes of the 1990s that led to a revolutionary transformation in two other cases of intractable conflict: the struggle against the Apartheid system in South Africa and The Troubles in Northern Ireland. See Allister Sparks, Tomorrow Is Another Country: The Inside Story of South Africa’s Negotiated Revolution (Sandton, South Africa: Struik Book Distributors, 1994) and George Mitchell, Making Peace (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1999).4. Friedrich Hayek, 1967, Studies in Philosophy: Politics and Economics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967), 22–425.
此外,本文的假设是,可以导致和平与稳定的一方的明显胜利不是一个可行的选择。本文的四个模型来自学者和实践者之间正在进行的争论-冲突管理与冲突解决。巴基纳强调需要一个多方面的建立和平进程来处理国内冲突。他认为,哥伦比亚的多维和平进程——包括领导人、人民和外国政府——促成了2016年的和平协议。相比之下,土耳其的一维和平进程——只涉及政治精英——失败了。参见Onur Bakiner的《为什么和平谈判会成功或失败?》哥伦比亚(2012-2016)和土耳其(2012-2015)和平谈判中的法律承诺、透明度和包容性[j],《谈判学报》,35/4(2019),471-513.14。坚强的领袖可以看作是一个隐喻。例如,它可能是一个国际或地区大国,导致一个激烈的举动,以塑造冲突的地缘政治结构。Niccolò马基雅维利,彼得·邦达尼拉和马克·穆萨编的《君主论》。,《便携的马基雅维利》(企鹅经典出版社,1979),第16页。托马斯·霍布斯,《利维坦》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,1985).17。塞缪尔·亨廷顿,《社会变迁中的政治秩序》(纽黑文:耶鲁大学出版社,2006),第18页。摘自对弗里德里希·冯·哈耶克的采访,《在智利圣地亚哥的采访》(1981年),网址:https://puntodevistaeconomico.com/2016/12/21/extracts-from-an-interview-with-friedrich-von-hayek-el-mercurio-chile-1981/19。Leonard Wantchekon:“军阀民主的悖论:一个理论调查”,《美国政治科学评论》,1998 /1(2004),17-33.20。https://puntodevistaeconomico.com/2016/12/21/extracts-from-an-interview-with-friedrich-von-hayek-el-mercurio-chile-1981/21。参见Ignazio Silone,《独裁者的学校》(纽约和伦敦:Harper & Brothers出版社,1938),第22页。关于《君主论》的共和制解释的进一步讨论,请参见萨皮尔·汉德尔曼的《在君主与通往农奴制之路之间:挑战他们时代传统智慧的两本政治小册子》,《预言》28(2008),102-03页;利奥·施特劳斯的《政治哲学导论:十篇论文》(底特律:韦恩州立大学出版社,1989),44 - 47页。Kelman,“以色列-巴勒斯坦和平进程及其变迁:态度理论的见解”,287-303.24。大卫·赫斯特和艾琳·比森,萨达特(伦敦:费伯&费伯出版社,1981),252-54.25。Bickerton和Klausner声称埃及的内部事务是和平的驱动力。获得资源的潜力——这将使埃及能够重建苏伊士运河并将埃及从苏联的控制中解放出来——促使萨达特与以色列达成和平。此外,根据这一分析,贝京认为萨达特急于确保埃及对西奈半岛的控制,以至于他会忽视巴勒斯坦人对独立国家的要求。见Bickerton & Klausner,《阿拉伯-以色列冲突简史》,第188和191.26页。参见1977年11月20日萨达特在以色列议会的演讲:https://www.knesset.gov.il/description/eng/doc/Speech_sadat_1977_eng.htm27。Herbert Kelman,“萨达特访问对以色列社会的心理影响”,《和平与冲突:和平心理学杂志》,11/2(2005),111-36.28。Bickerton & Klausner,《阿拉伯-以色列冲突简史》,1929年。Bickerton & Klausner,《阿拉伯-以色列冲突简史》,1930年。Alastair Smith和Allan Stam,“内战和国家间战争的随机游走模型中的调解与维和”,《国际研究评论》,5/4(2003),115-135.31。Kelman,“萨达特访问对以色列社会的心理影响”,130-31.32。Eytan Gilboa,“电视时代的秘密外交”,Gazette: the International Journal of Communication Studies, 60/3(1998), 211-25.33。Kelman Herbert,“奥斯陆突破的一些决定因素”,《国际谈判》,1997年第2期,183-194.34页。Elie Podeh & Onn Winckler,《反思纳赛尔主义:现代埃及的革命与历史记忆》(Gainesville:佛罗里达大学出版社,2004),第35页。阿加西指出,泛阿拉伯主义将民族认同与民族主义认同联系在一起。相反,政治伊斯兰教将宗教认同与民族主义认同联系在一起。参见约瑟夫·阿加西,《以色列的自由民族主义:走向以色列的民族认同》(耶路撒冷和纽约:Gefen Pub)。房子,1999)36。Sapir Handelman,“维和契约主义:应对棘手冲突困境的维和方法”,全球变化,和平与安全28/1(2016),123-144.37。赫伯特·凯尔曼:《冲突解决与和解:从社会心理学角度看身份群体间暴力冲突的结束》,《暴力景观》,2010年第1期,第1-9.38页。例如:https://www.latimes。 184.103. 伦纳德·汤普森,《南非历史》,第三版(纽黑文和伦敦:耶鲁大学出版社,2001年),243.104。南非总统p·w·博塔于1978年上台。他发起了种族隔离制度的自由主义改革。然而,他并不打算结束白人的统治。这些改革刺激了黑人对充分民主的强烈要求。建立一个更加自由的国家的良好意愿导致了暴力和不稳定。军事力量恢复了秩序。见撒母耳。亨廷顿:“国家如何民主化”,《政治科学季刊》第106/4期(1992),第596 - 597.105页。斯帕克斯,明天是另一个国家,189-90.106。斯帕克斯,《明天是另一个国家》,一九四七年。《缔造和平》,35-36.108。米切尔:《缔造和平》,第126页;大卫·麦基特里克和大卫·麦克维亚,《让麻烦变得有意义:北爱尔兰冲突的故事》(芝加哥:新阿姆斯特丹出版社,2002年),第109页。米切尔,缔造和平,117.110。《缔造和平》,143-83.111。Curran和Sebenius,“作为联盟建设者的调解人”,111-47.112。Ibid.113。《缔造和平》,184.114。例如,请看汉德尔曼的《和平的思想实验》。访问http://mindsofpeace.org/115。澳大利亚公共电视台SBS:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U4I7Jt9BCpg&feature=youtu.be&fbclid=IwAR0u3Nm2_fsAJbnZ3JQOlvWbBh6doCZOTJahrjKlFjH0_EST-an_ORp1sZQ116报道了这项倡议。Stephen Walt,“革命与战争”,世界政治,44/3(1992),321-68117。纳尔逊·曼德拉,《漫漫自由路:纳尔逊·曼德拉
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引用次数: 0
‘A Supremely Good Chinovik’: William Strang, Europe, and the Role of the Official, 1919–1949 “一个极好的奇诺维克”:威廉·斯特朗,《欧洲与官员的角色》,1919-1949
3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2270327
Oliver Yule-Smith
Sir William Strang was the Permanent Under-Secretary of the Foreign Office from 1949 to 1953, he was the most senior Foreign Office official at an important period in British foreign policy. Prior to this appointment, he enjoyed a Foreign Office career that spanned some three decades, where he was involved in notable episodes such as the Munich Agreement, the Moscow Conference (1939), the workings of the European Advisory Commission, and the post-war occupation of Germany. Strang’s career, however, has been subject to little scholarly attention. He is often regarded as a competent, yet singularly dull individual lacking the intellect or the original thinking of his contemporaries, such as Robert Vansittart, Alexander Cadogan, Orme Sargent, or Gladwyn Jebb. This article challenges this interpretation, arguing that while Strang has a clearly identifiable worldview, this was intrinsically tied to his view of the proper function of a Foreign Office official. For Strang, it was not the role of the official to sway a minister’s mind with well-argued memoranda, but to make vast quantities of information and arguments comprehensible to allow a minister to make as informed a decision as possible. This fundamental tenet of Strang’s worldview must be understood when examining his career prior to his appointment as Permanent Under-Secretary of the Foreign Office.
威廉·斯特朗爵士于1949年至1953年担任外交部常务副部长,是英国外交政策重要时期外交部级别最高的官员。在此之前,他在外交部工作了大约30年,参与了慕尼黑协定、莫斯科会议(1939年)、欧洲咨询委员会的运作以及战后对德国的占领等著名事件。然而,斯特朗的职业生涯却很少受到学术界的关注。他经常被认为是一个有能力的人,但却非常迟钝,缺乏他同时代人的智力或原创思维,比如罗伯特·范西塔特、亚历山大·卡多根、奥姆·萨金特或格拉德温·杰布。这篇文章对这种解释提出了挑战,认为尽管斯特朗有一个明确的世界观,但这与他对外交部官员应有职能的看法有着内在的联系。对斯特朗来说,官员的角色不是用论证充分的备忘录来左右部长的思想,而是让大量的信息和论点变得容易理解,以便部长做出尽可能明智的决定。在考察斯特朗被任命为外交部常务副部长之前的职业生涯时,必须理解他世界观的这一基本原则。
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引用次数: 0
‘Tired of Waking Up on the Floor’ the Temptations and Horror of Cold War Multilateral Diplomacy “厌倦了在地板上醒来”——冷战多边外交的诱惑与恐怖
3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2023.2270315
Floribert Baudet
ABSTRACTFootnote1This article discusses non-conventional diplomatic tools. It does so by focussing on the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) and the Multilateral Balanced Force Reduction (MBFR) talks and suggests that individuals and individual creativity to make use of non-conventional tools, in combination with attention to working conditions, impact the outcome. CSCE ventured in entirely new territory and promoted such novel concepts as the indivisibility of security, and the free flow of individuals, information, and ideas. As such it appealed to negotiatiors’ creativity; by contrast, MBFR was about reducing conventional forces in the given constellation of a divided Europe – it treated this division as a fact of life; as such it may have offered far less opportunities for individual diplomats’ creativity to fully blossom. Taken together a discussion of these tools also contribute to the structure – agency debate: they provide additional evidence that individual diplomats – though often simply seen as tools of their respective governments and merely acting within a certain constellation – and close attention to the conditions they have to work in, do matter, even when, of course, it is governments, not diplomats, that will have to sanction the results they achieve. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. The title ‘Tired of Waking Up on the Floor’ is taken from The No No Song, composed by David P. Jackson Jr and Hoyt Wayne Axton where the singer announces he will stop drinking and taking drugs because he’s ‘Tired of Waking Up on the Floor’. It was recorded in 1974 by Ringo Starr and released on his Goodnight Vienna. At the end of the song Starr murmurs he really needs another drink. Perhaps this is not the best place to thank the two anonymous reviewers of an earlier version of this article, but I’d like to express my gratitude for their valuable comments and suggestions.2. ‘Oh, When These Bloody Talks Are Over’ (to the melody of ‘Oh, What a Friend We Have in Jesus’) in Documents on British Policy Overseas, series III, vol. III (London: The Stationary Office, 1997), 479. This contribution is partly based on an earlier Dutch language piece I wrote. This earlier piece was called ‘After hours late in the bar. De verlokkingen en verschrikkingen van de multilaterale diplomatie’, and was published in a liber amicorum edited by Bob de Graaff and Duco Hellema: Instrumenten van buitenlandse politiek. Achtergronden en praktijk van de Nederlandse diplomatie (Instruments of Foreign Policy. Dutch Diplomacy’s Backgrounds and Practice) (Amsterdam: Boom, 2007), 114–22. The present text was thoroughly revised and substantially expanded.3. For other examples, see: Jennifer Mori, The Culture of Diplomacy: Britain in Europe, c. 1750–1830 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010), and Brian Vick, The Congress of Vienna: Power and Politics after Napoleon (Cambridge, MA, and London: Har
摘要脚注1本文讨论了非传统的外交工具。它通过关注欧洲安全与合作会议(欧安会)和多边平衡裁军(MBFR)会谈来做到这一点,并建议个人和个人创造力利用非常规工具,结合对工作条件的关注,影响结果。欧安会冒险进入了一个全新的领域,并提倡诸如安全的不可分割性以及个人、信息和思想的自由流动等新概念。因此,它吸引了谈判者的创造力;相比之下,MBFR的目标是在一个分裂的欧洲中削减常规力量——它将这种分裂视为一种生活事实;因此,它可能给个别外交官充分发挥创造力的机会要少得多。对这些工具的综合讨论也有助于结构-机构辩论:它们提供了额外的证据,证明个别外交官——尽管经常被简单地视为各自政府的工具,只是在一定的范围内行动——密切关注他们必须工作的条件确实重要,当然,即使是政府,而不是外交官,将不得不批准他们取得的成果。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。歌曲的标题“厌倦了在地板上醒来”取自小大卫·杰克逊和霍伊特·韦恩·阿克克斯顿共同创作的《No No Song》,杰克逊宣布他将停止喝酒和吸毒,因为他“厌倦了在地板上醒来”。这首歌是由林戈·斯塔尔于1974年录制的,并在他的《晚安维也纳》中发行。歌曲结束时,斯塔尔低声说他真的需要再喝一杯。也许在这里感谢这篇文章早期版本的两位匿名审稿人不是最好的地方,但我想对他们宝贵的意见和建议表示感谢。“哦,当这些血腥的谈话结束时”(伴随着“哦,我们在耶稣里有一个多么好的朋友”的旋律),《英国海外政策文件》,第三系列,第三卷(伦敦:固定办公室,1997年),479页。这篇文章部分是基于我早先写的一篇荷兰语文章。这首早前的作品叫做《在酒吧里待了几个小时后》。由鲍勃·德·格拉夫和杜科·海勒马编辑的《多边外交的工具》一书出版。《荷兰外交政策文书》。《荷兰外交的背景与实践》(阿姆斯特丹:Boom出版社,2007),114-22页。本案文经过彻底修订和大量扩充。有关其他例子,请参见:詹妮弗·莫里,外交文化:英国在欧洲,c. 1750-1830(曼彻斯特:曼彻斯特大学出版社,2010年)和布莱恩·维克,维也纳会议:拿破仑之后的权力和政治(剑桥,马萨诸塞州和伦敦:哈佛大学出版社,2014年)。当然,在规则、外交程序等方面也有大量的学术研究,如布里吉德·斯塔基、乔纳森·威尔肯菲尔德和马克·a·博耶所著的《复杂世界的谈判:国际谈判概论》第二版。(Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield出版社,2005)。Paul Meerts,“外交谈判性质的变化”,载于Jan Melissen主编的《外交实践中的创新》(Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan 1999),第79-93页,第86页。4 . Cf. Raymond Cohen,《国际政治:游戏规则》(伦敦和纽约:Longman出版社,1981)。克里斯特Jönsson和马丁霍尔,《外交的本质》(伦敦:帕尔格雷夫麦克米伦出版社,2005),第84.6页。诺伊曼,《外交网站》7。近年来,MBFR引起了有限的学术兴趣。例外情况包括劳伦斯·弗里德曼,《军备控制管理或改革》(阿宾顿,奥克斯;7 . Routledge & Keegan Paul Ltd, 2021)。Martin D. Brown和Angela Romano,“执行者还是创造性的交易制定者?”《外交官在建立赫尔辛基欧安会中的作用》,尼古拉斯·巴达拉西和萨拉·b·斯奈德主编。《欧安会与冷战的结束:1972-1990年的外交、社会和人权》(纽约和牛津:伯格哈恩出版社,2019),第43-73页;罗杰·比瑟姆:《英国外交与欧安会进程的观察》,《英国学者》第3期。1 (September 2010): 127-38, at 132.9。这导致了一个博士学位:他离开了一个地方。《东欧洲的荷兰与丹麦》Joegoslavië, 1972-1989年(阿姆斯特丹:Boom出版社,2001年),以及Carol Fink、Lubor Jilek和Antoine Fleury主编的“荷兰与丹麦的排名”等文章和书籍章节。《1945年后的欧洲人权——Les droits de l’homme en Europe depuis 1945》(伯尔尼:彼得·朗出版社,2003),333-54页;“danciente or human rights:荷兰和苏联”,P.R. Baehr, M.C. castmans和F。 格兰<s:1>恩菲尔德,《荷兰外交政策中的人权》(安特卫普,牛津和纽约:Intersentia, 2002), 123-48页;“传统秩序kalk<e:1>。Die niederländische Menschenrechtspolitik mit Hinblick auf Jugoslawien,”in Jahrbuch Zentrum f<e:1> Niederlande studen 2002,13 (m<s:1> nster: Zentrum f<e:1> Niederlande studen, 2003), 99-114;“我是奥斯汀晚间新闻”。De veilighidsdimensie van De CVSE in Nederlandse gen”,《军事观察家》第174期。3 (2005): 125-30;这是冷战,我们想赢。《人权与欧安会》,载于安德烈亚斯·温格、沃伊特赫·马斯特尼和克里斯蒂安·纽维希特主编。《欧洲安全体系的起源》。赫尔辛基进程重访,1965-75(伦敦:劳特利奇,2008),183-98;“‘那个波兰还是波兰’?荷兰对波兰的政策,1975-1979”,见d.a Hellema, R. Zelichowski和A.C. van der Zwan(编),《波兰和荷兰》。欧洲关系个案研究(多德雷赫特:文学共和国,2011),185-210。“北约需要的不仅仅是飞机、坦克和枪炮”,见P.A.L. Ducheine和F.P.B. Osinga主编的《不杀戮的胜利:危机中非动能能力的战略和作战效用》。NL ARMS 2017(海牙2017),55-66.10。英国海外政策文件,第三系列,第三卷(伦敦:常驻办公室,1997年);Alice n<e:1> mcov<e:1>主编,欧安会证言。11.《1972-1989年赫尔辛基最后法案的前因后果》(布拉格:欧安组织,2013年),以及美国外交研究与培训协会网站(https://adst.org)等。米克·贾格尔和基思·理查德,《Sing This All Together》,选自滚石乐队1967年的LP《撒旦陛下的请求》。关于欧安会的报道很多;最近的文献包括迈克尔·科蒂·摩根的《最后的行动:赫尔辛基协议与冷战的转变》(普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2018年);paul Villaume和Odd Arme Westad编。《穿破铁幕:1965-1985年欧洲人的变性、跨大西洋关系和冷战》(哥本哈根,2010);Nicolas Badalassi和Sarah B. Snyder主编,《欧安会与冷战的结
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