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Civil-Military Engagement During Public Health Emergencies: A Comparative Analysis of Domestic Responses to COVID 19 突发公共卫生事件中的军民接触:国内应对COVID - 19的比较分析
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5334/sta.859
Samuel T. Boland, Rob Grace, Josiah Kaplan
Despite the central role that domestic militaries regularly play in supporting civilian disease outbreak responses, the dynamics of civil-military coordination during major health emergencies remain largely under-explored in public health, humanitarian, and security literatures. Previous research has found, furthermore, that existing international civil-military guidelines hold limited relevance during pandemics, especially at national and local levels, which is currently evidenced by the observable lack of coherence and high variance in domestic military approaches to COVID-19 worldwide. This article presents a comparative analysis of three of these approaches—in the United Kingdom, China, and the Philippines—and maps these countries’ military contributions to the COVID-19 response across a number of domains. Analysis of these case studies builds knowledge and provides important insights into the ways that humanitarian civil-military engagement exists in unacknowledged contexts and forms; how militaries are often ‘first responders’ rather than a ‘last resort’ in crisis contexts; the confusion surrounding how to understand various non-military armed and security actors; and how pandemics represent a unique domain for humanitarian civil-military engagement that tests both the international system and international norms. This paper concludes with policy, guidance development, and research recommendations for improved practice during localised humanitarian civil-military engagement.
尽管国内军队经常在支持平民疾病暴发应对方面发挥核心作用,但在公共卫生、人道主义和安全文献中,重大卫生突发事件期间军民协调的动态仍未得到充分探讨。此外,以往的研究发现,在大流行期间,特别是在国家和地方层面,现有的国际军民指导方针的相关性有限,这一点目前可以从全球国内军队应对COVID-19的方法缺乏一致性和高度差异中看出。本文对其中三种方法在英国、中国和菲律宾进行了比较分析,并绘制了这些国家的地图。在多个领域为应对COVID-19作出军事贡献。对这些案例研究的分析可以积累知识,并为人道主义军民接触以未被承认的背景和形式存在的方式提供重要见解;军队为何经常是第一反应者?而不是最后的手段。在危机背景下;围绕如何理解各种非军事武装和安全行为体的困惑;流行病是人道主义军民合作的一个独特领域,考验着国际体系和国际准则。本文最后提出了在地方人道主义军民接触中改进实践的政策、指导、发展和研究建议。
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引用次数: 0
Deriving Countermeasures to the Use of Housing, Land and Property Rights as a War-Financing Commodity 住房、土地和产权作为战争融资商品的对策探讨
IF 1.2 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5334/sta.860
J. Unruh
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引用次数: 0
Challenging how Danger is Understood: A Research Practitioners’ Note on Migration in Africa 挑战如何理解危险:研究从业者对非洲移民的说明
IF 1.2 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5334/sta.789
Lucy Hovil, M. Gill
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引用次数: 0
Housing, Land and Property Rights as War-Financing Commodities: A Typology with Lessons from Darfur, Colombia and Syria 住房、土地和产权作为战争融资商品:从达尔富尔、哥伦比亚和叙利亚吸取教训的类型学
IF 1.2 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5334/sta.811
J. Unruh
The ongoing use of landscape-based conflict commodities — diamonds and other minerals, timber, wildlife, etc. — to finance wars continues to evolve. The success with which such commodities can be transacted to support militaries, militias and insurgencies has led belligerents to innovate with additional commodities. Housing, land and property (HLP) rights within war zones have belatedly joined the list of conflict commodities that are subject to transaction, and to such an extent as to warrant significant concern. However, the use of ‘conflict HLP rights’ has not yet been operationally described in the way that other conflict commodities have been. This is a necessary first step towards deriving and designing countermeasures. This article makes a preliminary attempt to delineate the exploitation of conflict HLP rights by examining how they are transacted to support belligerent groups in three conflicts: Darfur, Colombia and Syria.
持续使用以景观为基础的冲突商品-钻石和其他矿物,木材,野生动物等-为战争提供资金的情况继续发展。这些商品可以成功地用于支持军队、民兵和叛乱活动,这促使交战各方利用更多的商品进行创新。战争地区内的住房、土地和财产权利姗姗来迟地加入了受交易的冲突商品清单,其程度足以引起重大关注。然而,“冲突HLP权利”的使用尚未以其他冲突商品的方式进行操作描述。这是推导和设计对策的必要的第一步。本文通过考察在达尔富尔、哥伦比亚和叙利亚这三场冲突中如何利用冲突HLP权利来支持交战团体,初步尝试描述冲突HLP权利的利用。
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引用次数: 3
Reflections on the Evolution of Conflict Early Warning 冲突预警演变的思考
IF 1.2 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5334/sta.857
Robert Muggah, Mark Whitlock
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引用次数: 2
Legitimate Targets: What is the Applicable Legal Framework Governing the Use of Force in Rio de Janeiro? 合法目标:在里约热内卢使用武力的适用法律框架是什么?
IF 1.2 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5334/sta.826
C. Foley
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引用次数: 0
Civil-Military Engagement During Public Health Emergencies: A Comparative Analysis of Domestic Responses to COVID-19 突发公共卫生事件中的军民接触:国内应对COVID-19的比较分析
IF 1.2 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-08-20 DOI: 10.21203/rs.3.rs-801094/v1
S. Boland, R. Grace, J. Kaplan
BackgroundDespite the central role that domestic militaries regularly play in supporting civilian disease outbreak responses, the dynamics of domestic civil-military engagement (CME) during major health emergencies remain largely under-explored in public health, humanitarian, and security literatures. Previous research has found, furthermore, that existing international and domestic civil-military guidelines hold limited relevance during public health emergencies, including epidemics and pandemics, currently evidenced by the observable lack of coherence and high variance in both international and domestic military approaches to supporting COVID-19 responses worldwide.MethodsThis article presents a comparative analysis of three of these approaches—in China, the United Kingdom, and the Philippines—and maps these countries’ military contributions to the COVID-19 response across a number of domains.ResultsAnalysis of these case studies provides important insights into the ways that CME exists in unacknowledged contexts and forms; how militaries, particularly domestic forces acting as first responders, play an important role in major health crisis contexts; the confusion surrounding how to understand various non-military armed and security actors; and how pandemics, in particular—and other types of largescale health emergencies more broadly—represent a unique domain for CME that tests both the international system and international norms.ConclusionThis paper concludes with policy, guidance development, and research recommendations for improved practice for localised CME during public health emergencies.
背景:尽管国内军队在支持平民疾病暴发应对方面经常发挥核心作用,但在公共卫生、人道主义和安全文献中,重大卫生突发事件期间国内军民接触(CME)的动态仍未得到充分探讨。此外,先前的研究发现,现有的国际和国内军民指南在突发公共卫生事件(包括流行病和大流行)期间的相关性有限,目前国际和国内军方支持全球COVID-19应对的方法缺乏一致性和高度差异就证明了这一点。方法本文对其中三种方法(中国、英国和菲律宾)进行了比较分析,并绘制了这些国家在多个领域对COVID-19应对的军事贡献图。结果对这些案例研究的分析提供了重要的见解,以了解CME在未被承认的环境和形式中存在的方式;军队,特别是作为第一反应者的国内部队如何在重大卫生危机背景下发挥重要作用;围绕如何理解各种非军事武装和安全行为体的困惑;特别是流行病,以及更广泛的其他类型的大规模突发卫生事件,是CME的一个独特领域,对国际体系和国际规范都是考验。结论提出了突发公共卫生事件中地方CME改进实践的政策、指南制定和研究建议。
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引用次数: 0
A Comparative Analysis of One-Sided Violence and Civil War Peace Agreement Implementation 单方面暴力与内战和平协议执行的比较分析
IF 1.2 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-05-29 DOI: 10.5334/sta.774
M. Joshi
Does one-sided violence create a negative cascading effect on the success of peace agreement implementation? If violence influences peace accord implementation negatively, how can such violence be contained to safeguard the implementation process? While post-conflict one-sided violence can be viewed as residual, the use of such violence can significantly influence peacebuilding outcomes. Implementing the agreement is a contentious process as both sides expect to maximize their benefits and minimize their losses from intended reforms negotiated in the agreement. Implementation success is achieved by minimizing the difference in policy reforms through mutual trust, reciprocity, and sequential policy moves. In such a contentious implementation setting, the use of one-sided violence by any actor undermines trust and reciprocity between signatories and subsequently forestalls implementation success. Empirical analyses of a global sample of comprehensive peace agreements since 1989 show a significant and negative relationship between the use of one-sided violence and the peace agreement implementation rate. Rebel one-sided violence has a larger negative effect on implementation compared to state and other non-state one-sided violence.
单方面的暴力是否会对和平协议的成功实施产生负面的连锁效应?如果暴力对和平协定的执行产生消极影响,如何才能遏制这种暴力,以保障执行进程?虽然冲突后的单方面暴力可被视为残余,但使用这种暴力可对建设和平的成果产生重大影响。执行协议是一个有争议的过程,因为双方都希望从协议中谈判的预期改革中获得最大的利益,并将损失降到最低。通过相互信任、互惠互利和循序渐进的政策举措,使政策改革的差异最小化,才能实现实施成功。在这种有争议的执行环境中,任何行为者单方面使用暴力都会破坏签署国之间的信任和互惠,从而阻碍执行的成功。对1989年以来全球全面和平协定样本的实证分析表明,使用单方面暴力与和平协定执行率之间存在显著的负相关关系。与国家和其他非国家的单方面暴力相比,叛军的单方面暴力对实施的负面影响更大。
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引用次数: 1
‘They Were Going to the Beach, Acting like Tourists, Drinking, Chasing Girls’: A Mixed-Methods Study on Community Perceptions of Sexual Exploitation and Abuse by UN Peacekeepers in Haiti “他们去海滩,像游客一样,喝酒,追逐女孩”:一项关于社区对联合国驻海地维和人员性剥削和性虐待看法的混合方法研究
IF 1.2 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-05-21 DOI: 10.5334/sta.766
Carla King, Sabine Lee, S. Bartels
The United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) has been marred by reports of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) perpetrated against local women/girls. However, there is very limited empirical evidence on the community’s perceptions regarding these sexual interactions. Through a mixed-methods approach, this article examines community experiences and perceptions of SEA, with three prominent themes arising: peacekeepers as tourists, peacekeepers as sexual exploiters and abusers, and peacekeepers as ideal partners. Uruguayan (n = 107, 28.1 per cent) and Brazilian personnel (n = 83, 21.8 per cent) were most commonly named in SEA narratives. We explore how these perceptions of MINUSTAH peacekeepers undermine the purpose and legitimacy of UN peace support operations, and propose strategies to prevent and address peacekeeper-perpetrated SEA.
联合国海地稳定特派团(联海稳定团)受到关于对当地妇女/女孩进行性剥削和性虐待的报告的损害。然而,关于社区对这些性互动的看法的经验证据非常有限。通过混合方法,本文研究了社区经验和对SEA的看法,其中出现了三个突出主题:维和人员是游客,维和人员是性剥削者和施虐者,维和人员是理想的合作伙伴。乌拉圭人(n = 107, 28.1%)和巴西人(n = 83, 21.8%)是SEA叙述中最常提到的。我们探讨了对联海稳定团维和人员的这些看法是如何破坏联合国和平支持行动的目的和合法性的,并提出了预防和解决维和人员犯下的SEA的战略。
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引用次数: 16
‘The Swarm Principle’: A Sub-National Spatial Analysis of Aid Targeting and Donor Coordination in Sub-Saharan Africa “群体原则”:撒哈拉以南非洲援助目标和捐助者协调的次国家空间分析
IF 1.2 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-05-15 DOI: 10.5334/sta.669
Josiah F. Marineau, Michael G. Findley
Do bilateral and multilateral foreign aid donors target poverty? To answer that question, we present a framework for assessing the quality of aid targeting sub-nationally. If donors cluster aid in areas with concentrated poverty, or spread out aid in areas of diffuse poverty, then we conclude that donors are targeting aid well. Furthermore, because co-financing may be a mechanism that improves coordination and information-sharing among donors, we examine whether the frequency of donor co-financing increases the quality of aid targeting. Recently released sub-national georeferenced foreign aid data for all bilateral and multilateral donors are available in five sub-Saharan African countries, making it possible to map the placement of foreign aid along with sub-national poverty levels. Results indicate that foreign donors target poverty in some countries but not others, and higher co-financing is associated with lower quality targeting across all cases.
双边和多边外援捐助者是否以贫困为目标?为了回答这个问题,我们提出了一个评估次国家援助质量的框架。如果捐助国将援助集中在贫困集中的地区,或者将援助分散在贫困分散的地区,那么我们得出的结论是,捐助国的援助目标很好。此外,由于联合融资可能是一种改善捐助者之间协调和信息共享的机制,我们研究了捐助者联合融资的频率是否提高了援助目标的质量。撒哈拉以南非洲的五个国家最近发布了所有双边和多边捐助者的地方地理参考外援数据,从而可以绘制外援安置与地方贫困水平的分布图。结果表明,外国捐助者针对一些国家而不是其他国家的贫困,而且在所有情况下,较高的联合融资与较低的目标质量有关。
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引用次数: 7
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Stability-International Journal of Security and Development
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