This paper examines security in Syria through the conceptual lens of the security gap, understood as the gap between security practices and objectives which have implications for individual and collective security. Practices of security can be the state apparatus, the military, and militias. The objective – safety – can refer to the safety or security of a range of collectives including the state, political parties, and ethnic groups, while individual security refers to the general safety of inhabitants and the protection of human rights. This paper compares the security situation in so-called ‘rebel-held’ areas of Syria where alternative governance structures have emerged, examining the security approaches of Local Administrative Councils and Rebel Councils in Deir Azzor, Manbij, Dera, and areas dominated by the Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD). It argues that security and safety are strongly influenced by authority formation and the nature of deals and relationships involved in the formation of these nascent authorities. It also argues that security in these areas is strongly influenced by the Syrian government, which disrupts collectives that threaten its own collective security while giving limited support to those which serve its agenda of retaining power. It also demonstrates the limited utility of the ‘regime’ vs. ‘rebel-held’ dichotomy, as rebel groups at times must accommodate the Syrian state in limited ways for instrumental purposes. The article is based on fieldwork conducted in Turkey in 2013–2014, interviews conducted in 2015, and secondary sources based on field research.
{"title":"The Security Gap in Syria: Individual and Collective Security in ‘Rebel-held’ Territories","authors":"A. Ali","doi":"10.5334/STA.GD","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/STA.GD","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines security in Syria through the conceptual lens of the security gap, understood as the gap between security practices and objectives which have implications for individual and collective security. Practices of security can be the state apparatus, the military, and militias. The objective – safety – can refer to the safety or security of a range of collectives including the state, political parties, and ethnic groups, while individual security refers to the general safety of inhabitants and the protection of human rights. This paper compares the security situation in so-called ‘rebel-held’ areas of Syria where alternative governance structures have emerged, examining the security approaches of Local Administrative Councils and Rebel Councils in Deir Azzor, Manbij, Dera, and areas dominated by the Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD). It argues that security and safety are strongly influenced by authority formation and the nature of deals and relationships involved in the formation of these nascent authorities. It also argues that security in these areas is strongly influenced by the Syrian government, which disrupts collectives that threaten its own collective security while giving limited support to those which serve its agenda of retaining power. It also demonstrates the limited utility of the ‘regime’ vs. ‘rebel-held’ dichotomy, as rebel groups at times must accommodate the Syrian state in limited ways for instrumental purposes. The article is based on fieldwork conducted in Turkey in 2013–2014, interviews conducted in 2015, and secondary sources based on field research.","PeriodicalId":44806,"journal":{"name":"Stability-International Journal of Security and Development","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2015-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76898031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper investigates to what extent different aspects of security correlate. It distinguishes four concepts covered by the term ‘security’: technical safety, perceived safety, technical security and perceived security. It is shown that these concepts need not correlate conceptually. Furthermore, the paper shows empirically that these concepts correlate weakly in two cases. This has implications for policy and research. First, it leaves open the possibility that interventions targeting one aspect of security do not affect, or even adversely affect, another aspect of security: an expression of a security gap. Second, research is commonly motivated by individual-level arguments relating to safety, whilst relying on aggregate indicators more likely capturing security.
{"title":"Does Security Imply Safety? On the (Lack of) Correlation Between Different Aspects of Security","authors":"Anouk S. Rigterink","doi":"10.5334/STA.FW","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/STA.FW","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates to what extent different aspects of security correlate. It distinguishes four concepts covered by the term ‘security’: technical safety, perceived safety, technical security and perceived security. It is shown that these concepts need not correlate conceptually. Furthermore, the paper shows empirically that these concepts correlate weakly in two cases. This has implications for policy and research. First, it leaves open the possibility that interventions targeting one aspect of security do not affect, or even adversely affect, another aspect of security: an expression of a security gap. Second, research is commonly motivated by individual-level arguments relating to safety, whilst relying on aggregate indicators more likely capturing security.","PeriodicalId":44806,"journal":{"name":"Stability-International Journal of Security and Development","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2015-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86664738","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ebola has provided the greatest test of the Sierra Leonean security sector – and, in turn, of the UK-led reforms of the past ten-to-fifteen years. The performance of the country's security forces at the height of the crisis suggests that there are sound structures in place; however, Ebola has shown that the Government of Sierra Leone's national security architecture still lacks maturity in responding to such a scenario. Drawing on first-hand interviews with advisers on the ground, this article explores the Sierra Leone government’s response to the Ebola crisis and the performance of the security sector so far, within the wider context of UK-led security-sector reform (SSR) since the end of the civil war. In doing so, it highlights a number of lessons to have emerged from the crisis, exploring what these reveal about the nature of the reforms implemented since the end of the country's civil war. In turn, it explores what these suggest for future SSR, which continues to be a core component of the UK’s approach to development and overseas capacity-building.
{"title":"Containing Ebola: A Test for Post-Conflict Security Sector Reform in Sierra Leone","authors":"Cathy Haenlein, A. Godwin","doi":"10.5334/STA.GB","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/STA.GB","url":null,"abstract":"Ebola has provided the greatest test of the Sierra Leonean security sector – and, in turn, of the UK-led reforms of the past ten-to-fifteen years. The performance of the country's security forces at the height of the crisis suggests that there are sound structures in place; however, Ebola has shown that the Government of Sierra Leone's national security architecture still lacks maturity in responding to such a scenario. Drawing on first-hand interviews with advisers on the ground, this article explores the Sierra Leone government’s response to the Ebola crisis and the performance of the security sector so far, within the wider context of UK-led security-sector reform (SSR) since the end of the civil war. In doing so, it highlights a number of lessons to have emerged from the crisis, exploring what these reveal about the nature of the reforms implemented since the end of the country's civil war. In turn, it explores what these suggest for future SSR, which continues to be a core component of the UK’s approach to development and overseas capacity-building.","PeriodicalId":44806,"journal":{"name":"Stability-International Journal of Security and Development","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2015-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77143031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The citizen security service provided by the Colombian State is unequal. It focuses mainly on large cities and municipal capitals, and is absent in vast expanses of the national geography. In these regions, state incapacity to enforce the law, resolve citizen conflicts, and protect and promote social order based on peaceful coexistence is painfully evident. Also, in a context of armed conflict, the State has placed special emphasis on the fight against illegal armed groups (national security), rather than respond to coexistence and security challenges (citizen security). Post-conflict, the transition from national security to citizen security in rural areas requires the design of security strategies with a regional focus. It should consider institutional adjustments, construction of legal authorities, and the strengthening of local capacities.
{"title":"Rural Security in Colombia: An Opportunity for State Consolidation","authors":"Patricia Bulla, S. Guarín","doi":"10.5334/STA.GA","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/STA.GA","url":null,"abstract":"The citizen security service provided by the Colombian State is unequal. It focuses mainly on large cities and municipal capitals, and is absent in vast expanses of the national geography. In these regions, state incapacity to enforce the law, resolve citizen conflicts, and protect and promote social order based on peaceful coexistence is painfully evident. Also, in a context of armed conflict, the State has placed special emphasis on the fight against illegal armed groups (national security), rather than respond to coexistence and security challenges (citizen security). Post-conflict, the transition from national security to citizen security in rural areas requires the design of security strategies with a regional focus. It should consider institutional adjustments, construction of legal authorities, and the strengthening of local capacities.","PeriodicalId":44806,"journal":{"name":"Stability-International Journal of Security and Development","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2015-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76566747","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The possibility of ending the armed conflict in Colombia will depend, to a large extent, on the state’s ability to prevent multiple criminal economies, and inhibit the actors who participate in them from damaging the implementation of the final peace agreements. This article analyzes criminal economies’ ability to destabilize and thereby damage the post-conflict phase, and identifies dilemmas the state must confront in responding to this situation. The article’s objective is to provide an analytical model to understand the complex relationship between actors involved in the peace process and criminal economies, and to thereby identify risks and possible models for intervention. The theoretical referent of this work is the discussion about peacebuilding in fragile states and literature that identifies organized crime as a spoiler. This is the first attempt to apply this perspective to Colombia, and to take the particular characteristics of the country into account while making comparisons with other countries that exhibit similar features in their own post-conflict and transitional phases. The article comes to the conclusion that in Colombia it is necessary to consider Interim Stabilization Measures, which allow the state to provide an effective response that takes advantage of available resources without losing sight of the need to strengthen local institutions in the mid-term.
{"title":"Avoiding the Perfect Storm: Criminal Economies, Spoilers, and the Post-Conflict Phase in Colombia","authors":"Juan Carlos Garzón-Vergara","doi":"10.5334/STA.FX","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/STA.FX","url":null,"abstract":"The possibility of ending the armed conflict in Colombia will depend, to a large extent, on the state’s ability to prevent multiple criminal economies, and inhibit the actors who participate in them from damaging the implementation of the final peace agreements. This article analyzes criminal economies’ ability to destabilize and thereby damage the post-conflict phase, and identifies dilemmas the state must confront in responding to this situation. The article’s objective is to provide an analytical model to understand the complex relationship between actors involved in the peace process and criminal economies, and to thereby identify risks and possible models for intervention. The theoretical referent of this work is the discussion about peacebuilding in fragile states and literature that identifies organized crime as a spoiler. This is the first attempt to apply this perspective to Colombia, and to take the particular characteristics of the country into account while making comparisons with other countries that exhibit similar features in their own post-conflict and transitional phases. The article comes to the conclusion that in Colombia it is necessary to consider Interim Stabilization Measures, which allow the state to provide an effective response that takes advantage of available resources without losing sight of the need to strengthen local institutions in the mid-term.","PeriodicalId":44806,"journal":{"name":"Stability-International Journal of Security and Development","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2015-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81869537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I. Gagliardone, Ashnah Kalemera, Lauren Kogen, Lillian Nalwoga, N. Stremlau, Wakabi Wairagala
This article explores whether, and to what extent, local knowledge features in research on the role of ICTs in statebuilding and peacebuilding in Africa, with a particular focus on neighboring Somalia, Kenya, and Ethiopia. We question whether the claims of the transformative power of ICTs are backed by ‘evidence’ and whether local knowledge – e.g., traditional mechanisms for conflict resolution – is taken into consideration by ICT-based development initiatives. To assess this, we systematically reviewed literature in the region, focusing on academic outputs as well as research published by non-governmental and governmental organizations. Several key findings emerged, including: 1) empirical evidence on the successful use of ICTs to promote peacebuilding and statebuilding is thin; 2) few differences exist between scholarship emanating from the Global North and from Africa; and 3) overall, the literature exhibits a simplistic assumption that ICTs will drive democratic development without sufficient consideration of how ICTs are actually used by the public.
{"title":"In Search of Local Knowledge on ICTs in Africa","authors":"I. Gagliardone, Ashnah Kalemera, Lauren Kogen, Lillian Nalwoga, N. Stremlau, Wakabi Wairagala","doi":"10.5334/STA.FV","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/STA.FV","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores whether, and to what extent, local knowledge features in research on the role of ICTs in statebuilding and peacebuilding in Africa, with a particular focus on neighboring Somalia, Kenya, and Ethiopia. We question whether the claims of the transformative power of ICTs are backed by ‘evidence’ and whether local knowledge – e.g., traditional mechanisms for conflict resolution – is taken into consideration by ICT-based development initiatives. To assess this, we systematically reviewed literature in the region, focusing on academic outputs as well as research published by non-governmental and governmental organizations. Several key findings emerged, including: 1) empirical evidence on the successful use of ICTs to promote peacebuilding and statebuilding is thin; 2) few differences exist between scholarship emanating from the Global North and from Africa; and 3) overall, the literature exhibits a simplistic assumption that ICTs will drive democratic development without sufficient consideration of how ICTs are actually used by the public.","PeriodicalId":44806,"journal":{"name":"Stability-International Journal of Security and Development","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2015-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84785969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
No one city in the world has a greater experience in urban wars, demobilization and reintegration processes than Medellin. Over the past 30 years Medellin has suffered successive wars, sometimes simultaneously, involving drug cartels, urban militias, guerrillas and paramilitary forces. The city underwent military operations, peace negotiations and the return of thousands of fighters, all while facing ordinary violence. This article demonstrates that the central state interventions were crucial to producing needed changes to reduce violence, while efforts at the local level have been responsible for the changes in the local infrastructure and the sustainability of these improvements. Success depends on many vulnerable factors, though the main challenges to achieve the normalization of security in the city have been exposed.
{"title":"Medellín, from Theater of War to Security Laboratory","authors":"Jorge Giraldo-Ramírez, Andrés Preciado-Restrepo","doi":"10.5334/STA.FY","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/STA.FY","url":null,"abstract":"No one city in the world has a greater experience in urban wars, demobilization and reintegration processes than Medellin. Over the past 30 years Medellin has suffered successive wars, sometimes simultaneously, involving drug cartels, urban militias, guerrillas and paramilitary forces. The city underwent military operations, peace negotiations and the return of thousands of fighters, all while facing ordinary violence. This article demonstrates that the central state interventions were crucial to producing needed changes to reduce violence, while efforts at the local level have been responsible for the changes in the local infrastructure and the sustainability of these improvements. Success depends on many vulnerable factors, though the main challenges to achieve the normalization of security in the city have been exposed.","PeriodicalId":44806,"journal":{"name":"Stability-International Journal of Security and Development","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2015-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81729485","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Almost two years after the deployment of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) in July 2013, the increasing number of asymmetric terrorist attacks targeting UN peacekeepers – in the context of a drawn-out peace process – has raised a number of questions in Mali, the sub-region, and in New York, over the relevance and adequacies of MINUSMA’s mandate and capabilities. It also raises a broader issue, of whether the consent-based UN peacekeeping tool is appropriate and can be effective in carrying out stabilization mandates in such a context and what doctrine such operations should be based on. The UN is indeed under increasing pressure from host countries and some African troop-contributing countries to go on the offensive. Member States have also increasingly recognized terrorism and organized crime as a strategic threat, and while opposed to the UN directly engaging in counterterrorism (CT) operations, some may wish to see the UN playing a greater stabilization role following the January 2013 French military intervention in Mali. However, little guidance and means have been given so far to UN missions for dealing with such threats and implementing effective stabilization mandates. The High-Level Panel on Peace Operations, which recently released its report, noted that the usage of the term “stabilization” by the UN requires clarification. This article analyses the complex and evolving nature of threats in northern Mali and implications for MINUSMA and describes the military and political tools – including mediation – so far available within and outside the UN. The article concludes that the UN is bound to move towards stabilization when and if deployed in contexts such as Mali’s if it wants to remain relevant. However, such a move should be based on an overarching UN stabilization doctrine and context-specific UN-wide stabilization strategies which are first and foremost political, and should not be confused with the reestablishment of state authority. Such a move should also be accompanied by reforms in the design of ‘lighter’ but more capable UN operations, and partnership with non-UN parallel fighting forces with shared stabilization objectives, but with a clear division of labor
{"title":"Can the UN Stabilize Mali? Towards a UN Stabilization Doctrine?","authors":"Arthur Boutellis","doi":"10.5334/STA.FZ","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/STA.FZ","url":null,"abstract":"Almost two years after the deployment of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) in July 2013, the increasing number of asymmetric terrorist attacks targeting UN peacekeepers – in the context of a drawn-out peace process – has raised a number of questions in Mali, the sub-region, and in New York, over the relevance and adequacies of MINUSMA’s mandate and capabilities. It also raises a broader issue, of whether the consent-based UN peacekeeping tool is appropriate and can be effective in carrying out stabilization mandates in such a context and what doctrine such operations should be based on. The UN is indeed under increasing pressure from host countries and some African troop-contributing countries to go on the offensive. Member States have also increasingly recognized terrorism and organized crime as a strategic threat, and while opposed to the UN directly engaging in counterterrorism (CT) operations, some may wish to see the UN playing a greater stabilization role following the January 2013 French military intervention in Mali. However, little guidance and means have been given so far to UN missions for dealing with such threats and implementing effective stabilization mandates. The High-Level Panel on Peace Operations, which recently released its report, noted that the usage of the term “stabilization” by the UN requires clarification. This article analyses the complex and evolving nature of threats in northern Mali and implications for MINUSMA and describes the military and political tools – including mediation – so far available within and outside the UN. The article concludes that the UN is bound to move towards stabilization when and if deployed in contexts such as Mali’s if it wants to remain relevant. However, such a move should be based on an overarching UN stabilization doctrine and context-specific UN-wide stabilization strategies which are first and foremost political, and should not be confused with the reestablishment of state authority. Such a move should also be accompanied by reforms in the design of ‘lighter’ but more capable UN operations, and partnership with non-UN parallel fighting forces with shared stabilization objectives, but with a clear division of labor","PeriodicalId":44806,"journal":{"name":"Stability-International Journal of Security and Development","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2015-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77094042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In both academic and policy circles international interventions tend to mean ‘military’ interventions and debates tend to focus on whether such interventions are ‘good’ or ‘bad’ in general. This article aims to open up scholarly engagement on the topic of the thorny reality of interventions in different contexts by reconceptualising international interventions as ‘security interventions.’ The article draws attention to the ambiguous meaning of ‘security’ as both an objective (i.e. safety) as well as a practice (military forces, police, intelligence agencies and their tactics), something that is reflected in the different approaches to be gleaned from the security studies literature. From this ambiguity, it derives two interlinked concepts: ‘security culture’ and ‘security gap,’ as analytical tools to grasp the complexity of international interventions. The concept of ‘security culture’ captures specific combinations of objectives and practices. The concept of ‘security gap’ captures the particular relationship or the distinct kind of ‘mismatch’ between objectives and practices as it occurs in a ‘security culture.’ This reading of international interventions through the concept of ‘security culture’ and the interlinked analytical tool ‘security gap’ allows an analysis and understanding that goes beyond simplistic assumptions both about traditional military capabilities and the role of the ‘international community’ as a unitary actor.
{"title":"From Military to ‘Security Interventions’: An Alternative Approach to Contemporary Interventions","authors":"M. Kaldor, S. Selchow","doi":"10.5334/STA.FU","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/STA.FU","url":null,"abstract":"In both academic and policy circles international interventions tend to mean ‘military’ interventions and debates tend to focus on whether such interventions are ‘good’ or ‘bad’ in general. This article aims to open up scholarly engagement on the topic of the thorny reality of interventions in different contexts by reconceptualising international interventions as ‘security interventions.’ The article draws attention to the ambiguous meaning of ‘security’ as both an objective (i.e. safety) as well as a practice (military forces, police, intelligence agencies and their tactics), something that is reflected in the different approaches to be gleaned from the security studies literature. From this ambiguity, it derives two interlinked concepts: ‘security culture’ and ‘security gap,’ as analytical tools to grasp the complexity of international interventions. The concept of ‘security culture’ captures specific combinations of objectives and practices. The concept of ‘security gap’ captures the particular relationship or the distinct kind of ‘mismatch’ between objectives and practices as it occurs in a ‘security culture.’ This reading of international interventions through the concept of ‘security culture’ and the interlinked analytical tool ‘security gap’ allows an analysis and understanding that goes beyond simplistic assumptions both about traditional military capabilities and the role of the ‘international community’ as a unitary actor.","PeriodicalId":44806,"journal":{"name":"Stability-International Journal of Security and Development","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2015-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84668428","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Waving placards that read “Sonele zizikoli, sanele yicrime (we have had enough of crime and thugs),” more than 60 angry residents protested outside the Khayelitsha Police Station on Tuesday. [ . . . ] Residents’ leader Unathi Mabengwana said: “Given the high crime rate in our area, we are of the view that whatever cops do to fight crime here is not enough. We demand that cops should be more harsh when dealing with criminals.” Greg Wagner, spokesman for community safety department said [Member of the Executive Council] Dan Plato will meet with the Western Cape police commissioner, General Arno Lamoer, to discuss the issue next week. Wagner said the meeting would also be a follow up on the recent vigilante attacks, in which three alleged crime suspects were burnt to death at Enkanini squatter camp (Mnyakama 2012).
{"title":"Violence and Democracy in Khayelitsha, Governing Crime through the ‘Community’","authors":"Gail Super","doi":"10.5334/STA.FT","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/STA.FT","url":null,"abstract":"Waving placards that read “Sonele zizikoli, sanele yicrime (we have had enough of crime and thugs),” more than 60 angry residents protested outside the Khayelitsha Police Station on Tuesday. [ . . . ] Residents’ leader Unathi Mabengwana said: “Given the high crime rate in our area, we are of the view that whatever cops do to fight crime here is not enough. We demand that cops should be more harsh when dealing with criminals.” Greg Wagner, spokesman for community safety department said [Member of the Executive Council] Dan Plato will meet with the Western Cape police commissioner, General Arno Lamoer, to discuss the issue next week. Wagner said the meeting would also be a follow up on the recent vigilante attacks, in which three alleged crime suspects were burnt to death at Enkanini squatter camp (Mnyakama 2012).","PeriodicalId":44806,"journal":{"name":"Stability-International Journal of Security and Development","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2015-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77620436","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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