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Prospects for Accessing Justice for Sexual Violence in Liberia’s Hybrid System 利比里亚混合系统中性暴力诉诸司法的前景
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-05-01 DOI: 10.5334/STA.603
F. M'Cormack
This paper explores the prospects of complementary rather than competitive dispute resolution and justice systems in Liberia. It specifically considers women’s access to justice in relation to sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), which remains prevalent in the post-conflict period, and in the context of a highly hybridised justice system. While the formal system has made great progress in reforming laws and institutions but is vastly under-resourced. Informal and traditional systems are widely considered more accessible and affordable. They are, however, also susceptible to corruption and co-option, and the state’s oversight and curtailing of specific conflict resolution and punishment practices is considered to have rendered these systems less effective. Significantly, some cultural and traditional practices are themselves considered to facilitate and promote SGBV. These factors make complementary systems an imperative while working to address the deficiencies of both systems.
本文探讨了利比里亚互补而非竞争的争端解决和司法系统的前景。它特别考虑了妇女在性暴力和基于性别的暴力(SGBV)方面获得司法救助的机会,这种暴力在冲突后时期和高度混合的司法系统中仍然普遍存在。虽然正式系统在改革法律和制度方面取得了很大进展,但资源严重不足。非正式和传统的系统被广泛认为更容易获得和负担得起。然而,它们也容易受到腐败和拉拢的影响,而国家对具体冲突解决和惩罚措施的监督和限制被认为使这些系统的效率降低。值得注意的是,一些文化和传统习俗本身被认为促进和促进了性暴力。这些因素使得在努力解决两个系统的不足之处时,必须建立互补的系统。
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引用次数: 6
Democratically Transformed or Business as Usual: The Sierra Leone Police and Democratic Policing in Sierra Leone 民主转型还是一切如常:塞拉利昂警察和塞拉利昂的民主警务
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-04-27 DOI: 10.5334/STA.601
I. Bangura
Democratic policing has emerged as a key strategy in security sector reform (SSR), especially in post-conflict settings. Sierra Leone’s post-conflict reconstruction agenda occasioned a SSR programme with an emphasis on the democratisation of the then-Sierra Leone Police Force. These reforms were aimed at transforming the once oppressive and corrupt, regime-focused institution, into a people centred and accountable force. Yet, after fifteen years of SSR, there has been little attempt to gauge the extent and nature of the impact of these reforms. In doing so, this paper draws heavily on the experiences of both state and non-state actors, while providing a reflection on what is required to further strengthen democratic policing in Sierra Leone.
民主警务已成为安全部门改革(SSR)的一项关键战略,特别是在冲突后环境中。塞拉利昂的冲突后重建议程促成了一项SSR方案,其重点是使当时的塞拉利昂警察部队民主化。这些改革的目的是将曾经压迫和腐败、以政权为中心的机构转变为以人民为中心和负责任的力量。然而,经过15年的SSR,几乎没有人试图衡量这些改革影响的程度和性质。在此过程中,本文大量借鉴了国家和非国家行为体的经验,同时反思了进一步加强塞拉利昂民主警务所需要做的事情。
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引用次数: 2
Hybrid Security Governance Responses to Crises: The Case of the Ebola Response in Sierra Leone 对危机的混合安全治理反应:塞拉利昂埃博拉应对的案例
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-04-27 DOI: 10.5334/STA.612
Osman Gbla
This paper examines how hybrid security structures, enabled by international support, responded to the Ebola outbreak in Sierra Leone. The main objective of this article is to critically discuss the manifestation of hybrid security governance in practice, to consider the constraints and analyze the sustainability of internationally supported security governance interventions in post-conflict Sierra Leone. Specifically, the diverse networks and processes of the formal and informal security, policing and justice institutions are analyzed to generate an understanding of how their interwoven nature affects operational responses to national crises. Using secondary resources, the argument presented here finds that despite international intervention efforts, the hybrid security structures response to the Ebola outbreak show-cased the challenges of operationalizing hybridity due in part to international post-conflict reconstruction efforts prioritizing formal structures with too little support given to informal structures in the years before the Ebola crisis.
本文考察了在国际支持下的混合安全结构如何应对塞拉利昂的埃博拉疫情。本文的主要目的是批判性地讨论混合安全治理在实践中的表现,考虑限制因素并分析冲突后塞拉利昂国际支持的安全治理干预措施的可持续性。具体而言,分析了正式和非正式安全、警务和司法机构的各种网络和过程,以了解它们的相互交织性质如何影响对国家危机的行动反应。本文通过使用二手资源得出的结论是,尽管国际社会努力进行干预,但应对埃博拉疫情的混合型安全结构显示了混合型安全结构在实施过程中面临的挑战,部分原因是在埃博拉危机爆发前的几年里,国际冲突后重建工作优先考虑正式结构,而对非正式结构的支持太少。
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引用次数: 2
The Conundrum of DDR Coordination: The Case of South Sudan DDR协调的难题:以南苏丹为例
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-04-27 DOI: 10.5334/STA.628
G. Lamb, T. Stainer
This article analyses the nature of coordination between the various stakeholders during the design and implementation of a disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) process. It makes detailed reference to the contemporary DDR programme in South Sudan as this African country is a relevant example of significant international and local efforts to facilitate DDR coordination in a fragile and complex political and operational environment. The analyses showed that in South Sudan, coordination appeared to have been negatively affected by hierarchical, convoluted and inflexible organisational structures and arrangements. In addition, further contributing factors included: inadequate communication; uncertainty over roles and responsibilities; and unequal access to financial resources. Moreover it was apparent that these arrangements and dynamics fostered inter-organisational tensions and eroded trust between stakeholders. This ultimately resulted in fragmented and sub-standard DDR outcomes.
本文分析了在设计和实施解除武装、复员和重返社会(DDR)进程期间各利益攸关方之间协调的性质。报告详细提到了南苏丹的当代复员方案,因为这个非洲国家是在脆弱和复杂的政治和行动环境中为促进复员方案协调作出重大国际和地方努力的相关例子。分析表明,在南苏丹,协调似乎受到了等级、复杂和不灵活的组织结构和安排的负面影响。此外,进一步的影响因素包括:沟通不足;角色和责任的不确定性;以及获得财政资源的不平等。此外,很明显,这些安排和动态助长了组织间的紧张关系,侵蚀了利益相关者之间的信任。这最终导致了分散和不合标准的DDR结果。
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引用次数: 4
The Need for Progress in an Era of Transformation: South African Professional Military Education and Military Effectiveness 转型时代进步的需要:南非专业军事教育和军事效能
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-04-20 DOI: 10.5334/STA.610
A. Esterhuyse, Benjamin P. O. Mokoena
The article explores the link between defence sector reform, military effectiveness, and education. During the post-1994 transition, defence sector reform in South Africa primarily involved the ‘transformation’ of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF). The transformation of the military, though, was predominantly driven by the notion of racial representation with little emphasis on embedding military effectiveness as a central element of the transformation effort. While, education was recognised as a key element in the transformation of the military, the emphasis was on the programmes of the National War and Defence Colleges in Pretoria, targeting senior military officers. However, the accreditation of these institutional programmes through alignment with civilian universities was problematic and has forced the military to critically evaluate the pathway for the development of its officer corps. The evolving approach of the SANDF towards military education provides a useful case study to highlight the importance of a long-term view of military effectiveness, underpinned by a committed and educated officer corps, as a central component of defence reform initiatives.
本文探讨了国防部门改革、军事效能和教育之间的联系。在1994年后的过渡时期,南非的国防部门改革主要涉及南非国防军(SANDF)的“转型”。然而,军队的转型主要是由种族代表性的概念驱动的,很少强调将军事效能作为转型努力的核心要素。虽然教育被认为是军事改革的一个关键因素,但重点是比勒陀利亚国家战争和国防学院针对高级军官的方案。然而,通过与民用大学合作对这些机构课程进行认证是有问题的,这迫使军方严格评估其军官队伍发展的途径。SANDF对军事教育的不断发展的方法提供了一个有用的案例研究,以强调军事有效性的长期观点的重要性,以忠诚和受过教育的军官队伍为基础,作为国防改革倡议的核心组成部分。
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引用次数: 2
War economy, governance and security in Syria’s opposition-controlled areas 叙利亚反对派控制地区的战争经济、治理和安全
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-04-06 DOI: 10.5334/STA.569
Vesna Bojičić-Dželilović, R. Turkmani
This paper explores links between the war economy and civilian security by using evidence from the three opposition-held areas in Syria. The study of Eastern Ghouta, Daraa and Atareb shows how different type of behavior by non-state armed groups engaged in criminal war economy, shaped by the broader war economy conditions, impacts on the ability of the local populations to address their security predicaments. Our findings will challenge the assumption prevalent in the scholarship on the war economy that civilian security is unequivocally undermined by insurgents’ criminal war economy dealings. We show that in some local contexts a diverse range of economic choices and actors provide the local population with more opportunities to develop coping strategies by engaging in different parts of the war economy.
本文通过使用来自叙利亚三个反对派控制区的证据,探讨了战争经济与平民安全之间的联系。对东古塔、德拉和阿塔雷布的研究表明,非国家武装团体从事犯罪战争经济的不同类型的行为如何受到更广泛的战争经济条件的影响,影响当地居民解决其安全困境的能力。我们的研究结果将挑战战争经济学界普遍存在的假设,即平民安全无疑会受到叛乱分子犯罪战争经济交易的破坏。我们表明,在一些地方背景下,各种各样的经济选择和行为者为当地人口提供了更多的机会,通过参与战争经济的不同部分来制定应对策略。
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引用次数: 8
Does Peacekeeping Reduce Violence? Assessing Comprehensive Security of Contemporary Peace Operations in Africa 维和能减少暴力吗?评估当代非洲和平行动的综合安全
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-03-26 DOI: 10.5334/STA.576
M. Brosig, Norman Sempijja
Quantitative research evaluating the effect of peacekeeping operations usually links conflict abatement to the number of casualties in order to measure mission success. Such an approach is incomplete as security concerns extend far beyond the number of conflict related deaths. This narrow understanding of mission success leaves a significant assessment gap. Therefore this study is the first which presents comprehensive data using a wider understanding of violence and peace. We apply 11 indicators measuring security comprehensively. These range from the number of battle death, to violence against civilians, domestic unrest as well as domestic governance and political stability. In contrast to the mainstream quantitative literature our analysis shows that conflict often persists even with the deployment of peacekeepers. The absence of war (decline of battle death) does not automatically equate for non-violence and peace. In order to explain variation between cases we are also exploring the significance of different peacekeeping types, the size of developmental aid, rents from natural resources and the role of governance on conflict.
评估维持和平行动效果的定量研究通常将冲突的减少与伤亡人数联系起来,以衡量特派团的成功。这种做法是不完整的,因为安全问题远远超出了与冲突有关的死亡人数。这种对任务成功的狭隘理解留下了重大的评估差距。因此,这项研究是第一个利用对暴力与和平的更广泛理解提供全面数据的研究。我们综合运用了11个衡量安全的指标。这些因素包括战斗死亡人数、针对平民的暴力行为、国内动乱以及国内治理和政治稳定。与主流定量文献相反,我们的分析表明,即使部署了维和人员,冲突也往往持续存在。没有战争(战争死亡人数减少)并不自动等同于非暴力与和平。为了解释不同情况之间的差异,我们还探讨了不同维和类型的重要性、发展援助的规模、自然资源的租金以及治理在冲突中的作用。
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引用次数: 6
Los Zetas Inc: Criminal Corporations, Energy and Civil War in Mexico 洛斯齐塔斯公司:墨西哥的犯罪集团、能源和内战
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-02-06 DOI: 10.5334/STA.615
William H. Godnick
Disclaimer: The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and are not an official policy nor position of the National Defense University, the Department of Defense nor the U.S. Government. This article reviews Los Zetas Inc: Criminal Corporations, Energy and Civil War in Mexico by Guadalupe Cabrera-Correa. Her book attempts to address some of the inaccuracies of journalistic descriptions of organized criminal activities. The review challenges some of the author’s hypotheses, in particular the characterization of the current context of Mexico as one in the midst of a ‘new’ civil war.
免责声明:本文仅代表作者个人观点,不代表美国国防大学、国防部或美国政府的官方政策或立场。本文回顾了瓜达卢佩·卡布雷拉-科雷亚的《洛斯齐塔斯公司:墨西哥的犯罪集团、能源和内战》。她的书试图纠正新闻报道中对有组织犯罪活动的一些不准确描述。这篇评论对作者的一些假设提出了挑战,特别是对墨西哥当前背景的描述,认为墨西哥处于一场“新的”内战之中。
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引用次数: 36
Strategic Communications for Peace Operations: The African Union’s Information War Against al-Shabaab 和平行动的战略传播:非洲联盟对青年党的信息战
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-02-06 DOI: 10.5334/STA.606
Paul D. Williams
Despite widespread agreement that effective strategic communications are a necessary part of complex peace operations, many missions struggle to generate relevant capabilities and implement effective campaigns. This article analyzes the experiences of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) as a case study of this problem. Specifically, it examines how the United Nations (UN) tried to fill the gap by hiring a consortium of private firms known as the AU-UN Information Support Team (IST) to wage a strategic communications campaign against al-Shabaab. The IST’s goal was to drive, as well as communicate, AMISOM’s success, improve the mission’s media presence, and develop a communications strategy. The IST played an innovative and important function for AMISOM but suffered from several significant challenges that reduced its effectiveness. The conclusion therefore identifies four main lessons from AMISOM’s experiences that could improve strategic communications for peace operations.
尽管普遍认为有效的战略传播是复杂和平行动的必要组成部分,但许多特派团仍难以产生相关能力并执行有效的运动。本文分析了非洲联盟驻索马里特派团(AMISOM)的经验,作为这一问题的案例研究。具体来说,它考察了联合国(UN)如何试图通过雇用一个名为非盟-联合国信息支持小组(IST)的私营公司财团来填补这一空白,以发动一场针对青年党的战略传播运动。IST的目标是推动非索特派团的成功,并与之沟通,改善特派团的媒体存在,并制定沟通战略。技术支助团为非索特派团发挥了创新和重要的职能,但受到若干重大挑战的影响,降低了其效力。因此,本结论从非索特派团的经验中确定了可以改善和平行动战略沟通的四个主要教训。
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引用次数: 17
The logics of public authority: understanding power, politics and security in Afghanistan, 2002–2014 公共权威的逻辑:理解阿富汗的权力、政治与安全,2002-2014
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-01-30 DOI: 10.5334/STA.579
M. Theros, M. Kaldor
This paper applies the three logics of public authority – the political marketplace, moral populism and civicness – to the case of Afghanistan in 2001–2013. It shows how the logic of the political marketplace offers an apt interpretation of the Karzai regime, while the logic of moral populism is more relevant as a way of categorizing the Taliban. Based on a civil society dialogue project, the paper discusses the way that civil society actors characterize the situation and envisage a logic of civicness. The paper argues that the mutually reinforcing nature of the two dominant logics explains pervasive and rising insecurity that has been exacerbated by external interventions. The implication of the argument is that security requires a different logic of authority that could underpin legitimate and inclusive institutions.
本文将公共权威的三个逻辑——政治市场、道德民粹主义和公民——应用于2001-2013年阿富汗的案例。它显示了政治市场的逻辑如何为卡尔扎伊政权提供了一个恰当的解释,而道德民粹主义的逻辑更适合作为对塔利班进行分类的一种方式。本文以一个公民社会对话项目为基础,讨论了公民社会行为者描述形势的方式,并设想了一种公民逻辑。本文认为,这两种主导逻辑的相互强化性质解释了外部干预加剧的普遍和不断上升的不安全感。这一论点的含义是,安全需要一种不同的权威逻辑,这种逻辑可以支撑合法和包容性的机构。
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引用次数: 7
期刊
Stability-International Journal of Security and Development
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