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Correction 校正
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2235862
Hassoup Awad
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引用次数: 0
Leaders and the Breakdown of Democracy in Turkey, 1973-1980 1973-1980年,土耳其领导人与民主崩溃
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2227935
Tezan Gűműş
Abstract This article focuses on Turkey’s crisis-ridden years, from 1973 to 1980. As an under-explored era in English language scholarship, it makes a distinct contribution to the literature on pre-1980 coup Turkish politics. In doing so, it illustrates the implications for the democratic order arising from the two central political leaders of the era Süleyman Demirel and Bülent Ecevit’s tussle for power across the decade. The study draws on fieldwork interviews and critical reading of Turkish and English sources to reveal new insights into the leaders’ actions and decisions that trapped the country in a state of political paralysis, inflamed left-right violence, and politicized state institutions, ultimately dragging Turkey down one of its most turbulent periods. It illustrates how the leaders played crucial roles in shaping conditions that eventually resulted in the termination of multi-party politics with a military coup on 12 September 1980.
摘要本文聚焦于1973年至1980年土耳其危机重重的岁月。作为一个英语学术探索不足的时代,它对1980年政变前土耳其政治的文学做出了独特的贡献。通过这样做,它说明了苏莱曼·德米雷尔和比伦特·埃切维特时代的两位中央政治领导人在过去十年中的权力争夺对民主秩序的影响。这项研究利用实地采访和对土耳其语和英语来源的批判性阅读,揭示了对领导人的行动和决定的新见解,这些行动和决定使土耳其陷入政治瘫痪状态,加剧了左右暴力,并使国家机构政治化,最终将土耳其拖入了最动荡的时期之一。它说明了领导人如何在形成条件方面发挥关键作用,最终导致多党政治在1980年9月12日的军事政变中终止。
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引用次数: 0
The Politics of Faith among the Palestinian-Arab Minority in Israel: Increasing Human Capital and Public Engagement 以色列巴勒斯坦-阿拉伯少数民族的信仰政治:增加人力资本和公众参与
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-29 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2226887
Muhammed Khalaily, A. Ghanem
Abstract This article examines the steep rise in self-confidence among the Arab-Palestinian public in Israel over the last two decades. We suggest that this self-confidence is partially due to higher education levels and the rise of the middle class. We argue that these enhanced levels of human capital have led to more concerted cultural, political and social activism. Our analysis is grounded in the ‘politics of faith’ which we define as a willingness to change the status quo. As such, this article contributes to literature explaining how political and social developments affect collective activism in the public sphere—both within one’s one own community and in relation to the state.
本文考察了过去二十年来以色列阿拉伯-巴勒斯坦公众自信心的急剧上升。我们认为,这种自信部分是由于高等教育水平和中产阶级的崛起。我们认为,这些人力资本水平的提高导致了更协调的文化、政治和社会行动主义。我们的分析基于“信仰政治”,我们将其定义为改变现状的意愿。因此,本文有助于解释政治和社会发展如何影响公共领域的集体行动主义——无论是在自己的社区内还是在与国家的关系中。
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引用次数: 0
Re-Narrating the Past, Producing the Present and Unlocking the Future: Haris al-Quds, a TV-Dramatization of ‘Post-war’ Syria 重叙过去,制造现在,开启未来:“战后”叙利亚的电视剧《圣城》
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-28 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2229188
Christine Crone
Abstract Regaining control of Aleppo was an important symbolic victory for the Syrian state army, which has opened the way for state-sanctioned narrations of ‘post-war’ Syria. To elucidate the workings of this narration, I explore the TV drama Haris al-Quds (2020) as a fascinating window into Syrian state ideology in Bashar al-Assad’s ‘post-war’ Syria. I argue that the Syrian state holds on to future visions of the past while re-narrating history to fine-tune its ideological heritage in a state-endorsed and state-endorsing TV drama. The serial’s interweaving of selected historical times allows for the experience of alternative narrative times, constructing what I refer to as resistance time, Manichaean time, and restoration time. In this play with temporality, each time serves in different ways as a promotion of a particular ideological understanding of Syria.
重新控制阿勒颇对叙利亚政府军来说是一个重要的象征性胜利,这为国家认可的“战后”叙利亚的叙述开辟了道路。为了阐明这种叙事的作用,我探索了电视剧《圣城》(2020),作为一个迷人的窗口,了解巴沙尔·阿萨德“战后”叙利亚的叙利亚国家意识形态。我认为,叙利亚政府坚持对过去的未来展望,同时在一部政府认可和政府认可的电视剧中重新叙述历史,以微调其意识形态遗产。这个系列的历史时间交织在一起,让我们可以体验到不同的叙事时间,构建我所说的抵抗时间、摩尼教时间和恢复时间。在这场关于时间性的戏剧中,每一次都以不同的方式促进了对叙利亚的某种意识形态的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Israeli Colonial Governance vs. Palestinian Resistance: An Institutional Genealogy 以色列殖民统治vs.巴勒斯坦抵抗:制度谱系
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-28 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2229678
Hani Awad
Abstract This article examines the institutional genealogy of Israeli colonial governance (ICG) and the accompanying patterns of Palestinian resistance in the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip. It argues that ICG has experienced three phases, each marked by a particular form of direct or indirect colonial rule. Each of these colonial rule forms has been resisted through a distinct pattern of centralized or decentralized collective political agency. I argue that both the form and governing logic of ICG are determined not only by colonialist aims, but also by their interplay with the Palestinian resistance.
摘要本文考察了以色列殖民统治(ICG)的制度谱系,以及在被占领的西岸和加沙地带巴勒斯坦抵抗的伴随模式。它认为,国际殖民集团经历了三个阶段,每个阶段都以一种特定形式的直接或间接殖民统治为标志。每一种殖民统治形式都通过一种独特的集中或分散的集体政治机构模式受到抵制。我认为,ICG的形式和统治逻辑不仅取决于殖民主义的目标,还取决于它们与巴勒斯坦抵抗运动的相互作用。
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引用次数: 0
Hypocrisy & Norm Enforcement: US Responses to Chemical Weapons Allegations against Iraq and Syria 虚伪与规范执行:美国对伊拉克和叙利亚化学武器指控的回应
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-27 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2226886
M. Samiei, J. Webster
Abstract The use of chemical weapons (CW) by Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War appears to have been subject to far less decisive US responses than similar accusations against Syria during the Syrian civil war. However, the two instances have not yet been subject to direct scholarly comparison. This article treats the Iraqi and Syrian instances as two distinct cases and compares US actions to prevent, investigate and deter CW use on each occasion. After demonstrating that the US responded more decisively to the allegations against Syria, we then employ process tracing to locate both cases within existing theoretical discussions of US intervention in the global South generally, as well as CW norm enforcement in particular. In doing so, we propose that, in addition to other factors including the US aspiration to world dominance and its resultant framing of its material and security interests as well as a lesser regard for citizens of the global South, the anti-US stance of either the CW perpetrator or victim can also affect how the US responds to accusations of CW norm violation. This casts further doubt on the veracity of stated humanitarian motives for US intervention abroad.
摘要与叙利亚内战期间对叙利亚的类似指控相比,伊拉克在两伊战争期间使用化学武器似乎受到的美国回应要果断得多。然而,这两个例子还没有进行直接的学术比较。本文将伊拉克和叙利亚的情况视为两个不同的案例,并比较了美国在每种情况下预防、调查和威慑CW使用的行动。在证明美国对针对叙利亚的指控做出了更果断的回应后,我们随后采用流程追踪,在美国干预全球南方的现有理论讨论中,特别是CW规范的执行中,定位这两起案件。在这样做的过程中,我们建议,除了其他因素,包括美国对世界主导地位的渴望及其由此产生的对其物质和安全利益的界定,以及对全球南方公民的不太尊重之外,CW肇事者或受害者的反美立场也会影响美国对违反CW规范的指控的反应。这让人们进一步怀疑美国在海外干预的人道主义动机的真实性。
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引用次数: 2
Imperialism and Neoliberal Redeployment in Post-uprising Tunisia 帝国主义与新自由主义在起义后突尼斯的重新部署
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2199484
M. Jouili
Abstract: Since the early 1970s, neoliberalism has not spared Tunisia’s subordinate integration into the global capitalist system. This process strengthened a dominant ruling class, closely connected to international capital interests, while leading to growing social polarization and rising socio-economic inequalities. Faced by popular resistance, authoritarianism, with the support of imperialist powers, became the needed political response to consolidate the neoliberal project. Beyond some democratic achievements, the 2011 uprising has failed to undo the development model at work. The imperialist powers, with the complicity of the ruling classes, were able to hijack the movement and direct it towards what I call an orderly transition, whose strategies entailed the use of financial aid and military assistance.
摘要:自20世纪70年代初以来,新自由主义未能使突尼斯从属于全球资本主义体系。这一进程加强了与国际资本利益密切相关的主导统治阶级,同时导致社会两极分化加剧和社会经济不平等加剧。面对民众的反抗,威权主义在帝国主义列强的支持下,成为巩固新自由主义项目所需的政治回应。除了一些民主成就之外,2011年的起义未能破坏正在发挥作用的发展模式。帝国主义列强在统治阶级的共谋下,劫持了这场运动,并将其引向我所说的有序过渡,其战略包括使用财政援助和军事援助。
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引用次数: 1
The ‘War on Terror’ as Primitive Accumulation in Tunisia: US-Led Imperialism and the Post-2010-2011 Revolt/Security Conjuncture 作为突尼斯原始积累的“反恐战争”:美国领导的帝国主义和2010-2011年后的起义/安全伪装
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2199481
Corinna Mullin
Abstract: This article examines the rearticulation and reconfiguration of US-led imperialism vis-à-vis Tunisia in the aftermath of the 2010–2011 popular revolt. Challenging the prevalent economic-military binary in analyses of US-led imperialism in the region, it treats instead economic intervention in Tunisia as linked to and shaped by ‘security’ intervention, with the violence of the War on Terror laying the groundwork for a new wave of primitive accumulation. Employing conjunctural analysis, it considers how the 2015 attacks, largely targeting European tourists at a Sousse beach resort and the Bardo national museum, were mobilized to further Tunisia’s imbrications within imperialist security architecture through legal interventions, border violence, peripheral militarization, increased ‘security’ spending and neocolonial ‘expertise’, debt and racialized financialization. In doing so, the 2015 security conjuncture reinforced Tunisia’s peripheral status in the international system and enabled further surplus value drain, though not without resistance. The article concludes by reflecting on popular struggles and the current conjuncture, which is characterized not only by public health and economic crises, but also by the rise of a multipolar world order that, when combined with working class organization and mobilization, may provide an opening for Tunisia to delink from the imperialist core. Such a transformation would domore than any platitudes about human rights and ‘security sector reform’ to radically transform the nature of the Tunisian security state and the social relations it is designed to uphold.
摘要:本文考察了2010-2011年民众起义后,美国领导的帝国主义对-à-vis突尼斯的重新表述和重新配置。在对该地区以美国为首的帝国主义的分析中,它挑战了普遍存在的经济-军事二元对立,而是将突尼斯的经济干预与“安全”干预联系在一起,并受到“安全”干预的影响,而反恐战争的暴力为新一波原始积累奠定了基础。通过对形势的分析,它考虑了2015年的袭击是如何通过法律干预、边境暴力、外围军事化、增加“安全”支出和新殖民主义“专业知识”、债务和种族化金融化,进一步动员突尼斯在帝国主义安全架构内的壁垒。袭击主要针对的是苏塞海滩度假胜地和巴尔多国家博物馆的欧洲游客。在此过程中,2015年的安全危机强化了突尼斯在国际体系中的边缘地位,并使剩余价值进一步流失,尽管并非没有阻力。文章最后反思了民众斗争和当前的形势,其特点不仅是公共卫生和经济危机,而且是多极世界秩序的兴起,当与工人阶级组织和动员相结合时,可能为突尼斯提供一个与帝国主义核心脱钩的机会。这种转变将比任何关于人权和“安全部门改革”的陈词滥调更能从根本上改变突尼斯安全国家的性质及其旨在维护的社会关系。
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引用次数: 0
China against US Imperialism in the Arabian Sea: The Case of Oman 中国在阿拉伯海反对美帝国主义:以阿曼为例
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2198668
Linda Matar, A. Kadri
Abstract: When Oman joined China’s Belt and Road Initiative to pursue economic diversification, the US intervened to stop it. Although the foundation stone for Chinese investment plans was laid in 2017, these projects were put on hold, while the US rushed to bolster its military presence in Oman. The article studies Chinese investment in Oman, accounts for what has developed so far, and highlights the reasons for which the US acted to stem the potential of non-oil development in Oman. The disruption of the China-Oman diversification project resembles the US’s targeting of China’s policy of expansion by mutual cooperation elsewhere, but with a twist: Oman sits close to two vital chokepoints, the Bab Al-Mandeb and the Hormuz straits. The article argues that such obstruction is central to the US’s mode of accumulation by militarism. Keeping Oman from auto-developing and building its autonomy makes of it a pliable client state ready to serve as an imperialist post to empire.
摘要:当阿曼加入中国的“一带一路”倡议以追求经济多元化时,美国进行了干预。尽管中国投资计划的基石于2017年奠定,但这些项目被搁置,而美国则急于加强其在阿曼的军事存在。本文研究了中国在阿曼的投资,解释了迄今为止的发展情况,并强调了美国采取行动遏制阿曼非石油发展潜力的原因。中国-阿曼多元化项目的中断,类似于美国在其他地方通过相互合作来瞄准中国的扩张政策,但有一点不同:阿曼靠近曼德海峡(Bab Al-Mandeb)和霍尔木兹海峡(Hormuz strait)这两个重要的咽喉要道。文章认为,这种阻碍是美国军国主义积累模式的核心。阻止阿曼实现自主发展和自治,使其成为一个易受摆布的附庸国,随时准备充当帝国主义的一个驿站。
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引用次数: 1
Gunning for Damascus: The US War on the Syrian Arab Republic 大马士革炮战:美国对阿拉伯叙利亚共和国的战争
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2199487
Patrick Donovan Higgins
Abstract: Commentators across Anglophone media and academic institutions frequently have minimized the role of US-led imperialism in Syria. This trivialization has been made possible by the covert nature of the war’s initial phases. Therefore, this article aims to piece together some of the most conspicuous aspects of the empirical record of the war. It begins with a historical overview of major US attacks against Syria, as well as prevailing attitudes about Syria within the US National Security Establishment (NSE), between the end of the WWII and 2011. The second part aggregates and reviews the existing empirical record on the current war, beginning with the Bush Administration’s preparations for operations subsequently launched under the Obama Administration in 2011, then continuing to be waged under the following administrations. The conclusion offers some theoretical remarks on the wider regional context of the US’s aims in Syria, highlighting their connections to various developments elsewhere in the region, ranging from similar wars nearby, to recent political losses suffered by the Palestinian national movement.
摘要:英语媒体和学术机构的评论员经常将美国领导的帝国主义在叙利亚的作用最小化。战争初期的隐蔽性使这种琐碎化成为可能。因此,本文旨在拼凑出战争经验记录中一些最引人注目的方面。它首先概述了二战结束至2011年间美国对叙利亚的重大袭击,以及美国国家安全机构(NSE)内部对叙利亚的普遍态度。第二部分总结和回顾了关于当前战争的现有经验记录,从布什政府为2011年奥巴马政府发起的行动做准备开始,然后在随后的政府中继续进行。该结论对美国在叙利亚的目标的更广泛的地区背景进行了一些理论评论,强调了它们与该地区其他地方的各种事态发展的联系,从附近的类似战争到巴勒斯坦民族运动最近遭受的政治损失。
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引用次数: 1
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Middle East Critique
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