Pub Date : 2023-08-09DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2023.2223385
Christopher Montague
This article aims to understand why Black Marxists and white Marxists had different theoretical and practical responses to 1930s fascism. I argue this stemmed from different conceptualizations of colonialism. Following Marx and Lenin, many white Marxists viewed colonialism as an imperial extension of capitalist conditions from western Europe to non-Europe. In contrast, Black Marxists viewed colonialism as the site of capitalism and race: the practicing of white dominance and capital accumulation through territorial dispossession, material extraction, and forced labor in the colonies. Black Marxists understood fascism as extending these racial-colonial practices into Europe, while white Marxists failed to see this because of their foreclosure of race. In viewing fascism as primarily a threat to the spread of European communism, the Soviet Union made anti-fascism a priority exceeding anti-colonialism. The interwar Black Left therefore produced a more expansive conception of colonialism, widening the spatial and temporal horizons upon which to understand the emergence of fascism and remain committed to anti-colonialism.
{"title":"A Black Construction of Colonialism: The Black Marxist Response to Fascism in the 1930s","authors":"Christopher Montague","doi":"10.1080/10999949.2023.2223385","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2023.2223385","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to understand why Black Marxists and white Marxists had different theoretical and practical responses to 1930s fascism. I argue this stemmed from different conceptualizations of colonialism. Following Marx and Lenin, many white Marxists viewed colonialism as an imperial extension of capitalist conditions from western Europe to non-Europe. In contrast, Black Marxists viewed colonialism as the site of capitalism and race: the practicing of white dominance and capital accumulation through territorial dispossession, material extraction, and forced labor in the colonies. Black Marxists understood fascism as extending these racial-colonial practices into Europe, while white Marxists failed to see this because of their foreclosure of race. In viewing fascism as primarily a threat to the spread of European communism, the Soviet Union made anti-fascism a priority exceeding anti-colonialism. The interwar Black Left therefore produced a more expansive conception of colonialism, widening the spatial and temporal horizons upon which to understand the emergence of fascism and remain committed to anti-colonialism.","PeriodicalId":44850,"journal":{"name":"Souls","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44342622","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-09DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2023.2225380
M. Dickinson
On May 14, 1838 abolitionists, black and white, converged in Philadelphia for the dedication of a newly erected building constructed as a meeting place to freely exchange ideas about liberty and equality for all. Three days later, on May 17th, the building was in ashes, burned to the ground by a white mob while government officials did little to intervene. Philadelphia, the former capital of the nation known throughout the country as a beacon of freedom and hub of abolitionism, became another setting of collective racial violence fueled by white rage. In response to the events, abolitionist Frederick Douglass condemned Philadelphia scathingly writing, “Shame Upon the Guilty City!” Almost two centuries later, the nation’s Capitol and symbol of liberty was besieged by a wrath-filled, mostly white mob in a manner similar to the Philadelphia riot of 1838. The preconditions of both violent attacks, the role of the state in their unfolding, and subsequent historical amnesia in their wake underscore the cyclical nature of white rage. This article argues that analyzing the example of Pennsylvania Hall’s destruction alongside the Capitol insurrection reveals historical trends within violent rioting incited by threats to the status quo of white hegemony.
{"title":"“Shame Upon the Guilty City”: Riots and White Rage in the American Past and Present","authors":"M. Dickinson","doi":"10.1080/10999949.2023.2225380","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2023.2225380","url":null,"abstract":"On May 14, 1838 abolitionists, black and white, converged in Philadelphia for the dedication of a newly erected building constructed as a meeting place to freely exchange ideas about liberty and equality for all. Three days later, on May 17th, the building was in ashes, burned to the ground by a white mob while government officials did little to intervene. Philadelphia, the former capital of the nation known throughout the country as a beacon of freedom and hub of abolitionism, became another setting of collective racial violence fueled by white rage. In response to the events, abolitionist Frederick Douglass condemned Philadelphia scathingly writing, “Shame Upon the Guilty City!” Almost two centuries later, the nation’s Capitol and symbol of liberty was besieged by a wrath-filled, mostly white mob in a manner similar to the Philadelphia riot of 1838. The preconditions of both violent attacks, the role of the state in their unfolding, and subsequent historical amnesia in their wake underscore the cyclical nature of white rage. This article argues that analyzing the example of Pennsylvania Hall’s destruction alongside the Capitol insurrection reveals historical trends within violent rioting incited by threats to the status quo of white hegemony.","PeriodicalId":44850,"journal":{"name":"Souls","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47958617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-18DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2023.2189680
Ellen McLarney
In a 1961 radio discussion about Black art and its relationship to Black nationalism, Lorraine Hansberry asked: “Is it necessary to integrate oneself into a burning house?” James Baldwin quoted Hansberry in The Fire Next Time without citing her—words that circulated widely in the Black liberation movement. Variously attributed to Malcolm X, Baldwin, and King, Hansberry’s role in this literary political genealogy has been unacknowledged. She was riffing on Malcolm X’s idea of Islam as a “flaming fire.” But he also developed his parable of the master’s house on fire after Baldwin quoted Hansberry’s words, using the burning house as a symbol of revolution, class struggle, and the relationship between property and citizenship rights in a racial capitalist system. That Malcolm X influenced the Black Arts Movement is widely acknowledged, but he also read, listened to, and conversed with leftist artists, writers, and intellectuals that influenced the development of his own thought and rhetoric. This article explores the call and response between these intellectuals, their critique of integration, and call for a radical Black art—looking at Hansberry’s seminal contribution to these debates.
{"title":"The Burning House: Revolution and Black Art","authors":"Ellen McLarney","doi":"10.1080/10999949.2023.2189680","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2023.2189680","url":null,"abstract":"In a 1961 radio discussion about Black art and its relationship to Black nationalism, Lorraine Hansberry asked: “Is it necessary to integrate oneself into a burning house?” James Baldwin quoted Hansberry in The Fire Next Time without citing her—words that circulated widely in the Black liberation movement. Variously attributed to Malcolm X, Baldwin, and King, Hansberry’s role in this literary political genealogy has been unacknowledged. She was riffing on Malcolm X’s idea of Islam as a “flaming fire.” But he also developed his parable of the master’s house on fire after Baldwin quoted Hansberry’s words, using the burning house as a symbol of revolution, class struggle, and the relationship between property and citizenship rights in a racial capitalist system. That Malcolm X influenced the Black Arts Movement is widely acknowledged, but he also read, listened to, and conversed with leftist artists, writers, and intellectuals that influenced the development of his own thought and rhetoric. This article explores the call and response between these intellectuals, their critique of integration, and call for a radical Black art—looking at Hansberry’s seminal contribution to these debates.","PeriodicalId":44850,"journal":{"name":"Souls","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41463648","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2022.2104602
W. Churchill
Mutulu Shakur and other incarcerated Black revolutionaries have insisted that the United States government has an obligation under international law to treat them as prisoners of war. This position particularly applies to captured militants of the New Afrikan independence movement. In this context the U.S. has responded that PoW status does not apply to those engaged in wars of national liberation. This essay challenges that assertion with a close look at how the British treated captured members of the Provisional Irish Republican Army. It begins by introducing Shakur’s claims to PoW status and the relevant provisions of the Geneva Conventions. After briefly summarizing centuries of Irish resistance to British colonization, it provides a detailed look at “the Troubles,” a period beginning in the late 1960s, when armed opposition to the occupation of Northern Ireland intensified and was met by British campaigns of “pacification.” In this period Irish prisoners—like their counterparts in the Black liberation movement—insisted on being treated as prisoners of war. As a result, the British authorities placed IRA prisoners in a “Special Category” that, for all practical purposes, amounted to PoW status under international law. Thus, the essay concludes, British policies with respect to the IRA undermine the United States’ contemporaneous claims that there was no precedent for treating Mutulu Shakur as a prisoner of war.
{"title":"“Non-Recognition of the Law Does Not Invalidate It”: The Status of BLA and Provisional IRA Prisoners","authors":"W. Churchill","doi":"10.1080/10999949.2022.2104602","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2022.2104602","url":null,"abstract":"Mutulu Shakur and other incarcerated Black revolutionaries have insisted that the United States government has an obligation under international law to treat them as prisoners of war. This position particularly applies to captured militants of the New Afrikan independence movement. In this context the U.S. has responded that PoW status does not apply to those engaged in wars of national liberation. This essay challenges that assertion with a close look at how the British treated captured members of the Provisional Irish Republican Army. It begins by introducing Shakur’s claims to PoW status and the relevant provisions of the Geneva Conventions. After briefly summarizing centuries of Irish resistance to British colonization, it provides a detailed look at “the Troubles,” a period beginning in the late 1960s, when armed opposition to the occupation of Northern Ireland intensified and was met by British campaigns of “pacification.” In this period Irish prisoners—like their counterparts in the Black liberation movement—insisted on being treated as prisoners of war. As a result, the British authorities placed IRA prisoners in a “Special Category” that, for all practical purposes, amounted to PoW status under international law. Thus, the essay concludes, British policies with respect to the IRA undermine the United States’ contemporaneous claims that there was no precedent for treating Mutulu Shakur as a prisoner of war.","PeriodicalId":44850,"journal":{"name":"Souls","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45800194","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2022.2104597
Rukia Lumumba
The goal of the article is to educate readers on the importance of Dr. Mutulu Shakur and Attorney Chokwe Lumumba as freedom fighters who used their professions to free the land. I hope to help readers use their engagement in their cur-rent profession/career/job as an organizing tool and space and encourage people to support the fight to Free Dr. Mutulu Shakur
{"title":"Revolutionary Doctor, Revolutionary Lawyer","authors":"Rukia Lumumba","doi":"10.1080/10999949.2022.2104597","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2022.2104597","url":null,"abstract":"The goal of the article is to educate readers on the importance of Dr. Mutulu Shakur and Attorney Chokwe Lumumba as freedom fighters who used their professions to free the land. I hope to help readers use their engagement in their cur-rent profession/career/job as an organizing tool and space and encourage people to support the fight to Free Dr. Mutulu Shakur","PeriodicalId":44850,"journal":{"name":"Souls","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44812094","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2022.2104598
N. Saito
Mutulu Shakur has been incarcerated by the federal government since 1986. A cofounder of the Republic of New Afrika movement, Shakur was a well-known acupuncturist who developed innovative treatment for drug addiction. He was active nationally and internationally in addressing discrimination against Black people in the United States and was a prominent target of the FBI’s COINTELPRO operations. In 1988, in a trial before Judge Charles Haight, Jr., in the Southern District of New York, Shakur was convicted in connection with the 1981 robbery of a Brinks armored car that left a guard and two police officers dead. He was sentenced to 60 years in prison and was eligible for parole in 2016. Since then, despite being a model prisoner, he has been denied parole nine times. In December 2020, in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic, the 69-year-old activist was denied compassionate release by the now 90-year-old Judge Haight, despite the fact that Shakur has advanced and incurable multiple myeloma cancer, has survived a stroke, and suffers from diabetes and hypertension. In his 2020 decision, Judge Haight asserted that it was “impossible” to find that Shakur meets the conditions for compassionate release, primarily because the criminal conduct at issue was “indefensibly undertaken for political reasons.” The court referenced a motion filed in 1988, in which Shakur “contends that under applicable treaties and international law he is a prisoner of war, and thus immune from prosecution for the acts charged in the indictment.” This view, the judge noted, “is echoed today in the website ‘mutulushakur.com’ ... where Shakur refers to himself as a ‘political prisoner.’” On its face, the judge’s reasoning would seem to confirm that, at least at this point, Shakur is, in fact, a political prisoner.
{"title":"Who Is a Prisoner of War? Mutulu Shakur and the Struggle for Black Liberation","authors":"N. Saito","doi":"10.1080/10999949.2022.2104598","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2022.2104598","url":null,"abstract":"Mutulu Shakur has been incarcerated by the federal government since 1986. A cofounder of the Republic of New Afrika movement, Shakur was a well-known acupuncturist who developed innovative treatment for drug addiction. He was active nationally and internationally in addressing discrimination against Black people in the United States and was a prominent target of the FBI’s COINTELPRO operations. In 1988, in a trial before Judge Charles Haight, Jr., in the Southern District of New York, Shakur was convicted in connection with the 1981 robbery of a Brinks armored car that left a guard and two police officers dead. He was sentenced to 60 years in prison and was eligible for parole in 2016. Since then, despite being a model prisoner, he has been denied parole nine times. In December 2020, in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic, the 69-year-old activist was denied compassionate release by the now 90-year-old Judge Haight, despite the fact that Shakur has advanced and incurable multiple myeloma cancer, has survived a stroke, and suffers from diabetes and hypertension. In his 2020 decision, Judge Haight asserted that it was “impossible” to find that Shakur meets the conditions for compassionate release, primarily because the criminal conduct at issue was “indefensibly undertaken for political reasons.” The court referenced a motion filed in 1988, in which Shakur “contends that under applicable treaties and international law he is a prisoner of war, and thus immune from prosecution for the acts charged in the indictment.” This view, the judge noted, “is echoed today in the website ‘mutulushakur.com’ ... where Shakur refers to himself as a ‘political prisoner.’” On its face, the judge’s reasoning would seem to confirm that, at least at this point, Shakur is, in fact, a political prisoner.","PeriodicalId":44850,"journal":{"name":"Souls","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46871311","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2022.2104595
Mutulu Shakur
There is a need for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission in the U.S. to examine the history of slavery, oppression, racism, segregation, and lynching, and to resolve the issues of political prisoners of the Civil Rights/Black Liberation struggle who fought against these gross human rights abuses. The original Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was setup in South Africa to redress the gross violations of human rights by the apartheid regime. It was a tool to assist a peaceful transition to a democratic society by public acknowledgement of the abuses by the government and its agents. TRC allows the victims’ voices to be heard and the perpetrators to confess their crimes in an application for amnesty, as well as amnesty for political prisoners. The concept of crimes against humanity comes under International Law and the Geneva Convention adopted by the world at the U.N. in 1948. The idea of the TRC is premised on the fact that to truly have a democratic society, transitioning from one where human rights violations and crimes against humanity were grave and extensive, there has to be a process for reconciliation, acknowledgment of abuses, documentation of abuses, accountability, reparation and an effort to establish the facts. Encompassing this process is the idea of amnesty to “solidify” the democratic society. As one considers these principles and ideas of the TRC process and considers the history of race relations and the gross human rights abuses against Blacks and particularly Black political prisoners for opposing the “neo apartheid”
{"title":"Toward a Truth and Reconciliation Commission for New African/Black Political Prisoners, Prisoners of War and Freedom Fighters","authors":"Mutulu Shakur","doi":"10.1080/10999949.2022.2104595","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2022.2104595","url":null,"abstract":"There is a need for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission in the U.S. to examine the history of slavery, oppression, racism, segregation, and lynching, and to resolve the issues of political prisoners of the Civil Rights/Black Liberation struggle who fought against these gross human rights abuses. The original Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was setup in South Africa to redress the gross violations of human rights by the apartheid regime. It was a tool to assist a peaceful transition to a democratic society by public acknowledgement of the abuses by the government and its agents. TRC allows the victims’ voices to be heard and the perpetrators to confess their crimes in an application for amnesty, as well as amnesty for political prisoners. The concept of crimes against humanity comes under International Law and the Geneva Convention adopted by the world at the U.N. in 1948. The idea of the TRC is premised on the fact that to truly have a democratic society, transitioning from one where human rights violations and crimes against humanity were grave and extensive, there has to be a process for reconciliation, acknowledgment of abuses, documentation of abuses, accountability, reparation and an effort to establish the facts. Encompassing this process is the idea of amnesty to “solidify” the democratic society. As one considers these principles and ideas of the TRC process and considers the history of race relations and the gross human rights abuses against Blacks and particularly Black political prisoners for opposing the “neo apartheid”","PeriodicalId":44850,"journal":{"name":"Souls","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47440097","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2022.2097569
Akinyele K. Umoja, Susan Rosenberg
{"title":"Guest Editors’ Note","authors":"Akinyele K. Umoja, Susan Rosenberg","doi":"10.1080/10999949.2022.2097569","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2022.2097569","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44850,"journal":{"name":"Souls","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46428505","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2022.2104596
Mutulu Shakur
{"title":"To My Son Tupac","authors":"Mutulu Shakur","doi":"10.1080/10999949.2022.2104596","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2022.2104596","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44850,"journal":{"name":"Souls","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43728778","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2022.2104593
Mutulu Shakur, Urayoana Trinidad
. Every drug epidemic
。每次毒品泛滥
{"title":"The Seed: History of the Original Acupuncture Detoxification Program at Lincoln Hospital","authors":"Mutulu Shakur, Urayoana Trinidad","doi":"10.1080/10999949.2022.2104593","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2022.2104593","url":null,"abstract":". Every drug epidemic","PeriodicalId":44850,"journal":{"name":"Souls","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48269822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：