Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2022.2104601
Susan Rosenberg, Linda Evans
Since 1968, or possibly even earlier, Dr. Mutulu Shakur has been a target of the FBI’s Counter-Intelligence Program (COINTELPRO) and subsequent U.S. government programs attacking the Black Liberation Movement. Because of the similarities of these programs, in this article, the term COINTELPRO is used generally to reflect organized and intentional repression or counterinsurgency. Dr. Shakur is a Black revolutionary, and has been targeted as an enemy of the U.S. State for most of his adult life. Throughout his 36 years in prison, he has lived his life as a peacemaker, mentoring and teaching the people in prison with him, without a single rule infraction involving violence. But even while he continues to live in captivity, a program of unrelenting repression defines every aspect of his life, repression implemented by the combined weight of the Bureau of Prisons (BOP), FBI, US Parole Commission (USPC), US Attorneys, and sitting Judges. Any assessment of his special treatment and the conditions under which he lives can only conclude that COINTELPRO has been implemented against him continuously for the last 36 years. Dr. Shakur has been denied parole nine times since he became eligible in 1996. Unlike most other people in prison, he was denied his mandatory release date after serving 30 years. For his entire incarceration, he has been on a continuing twohour hold, meaning he must be physically viewed by a prison staffer every two hours. He has been transferred to maximum security prisons four times on nondisciplinary transfers—prison staff refer to this as "diesel therapy." Dr. Shakur has spent years in solitary confinement, and been “disappeared” by the Bureau of Prisons twice—his whereabouts inside the prison system were unknown. Despite his current and ongoing suffering from advanced bone cancer, which was neglected for years by the prison medical system, he has been denied compassionate release three times. The overall intention is clear—death by incarceration.
{"title":"COINTELPRO Continues: Dr. Mutulu Shakur","authors":"Susan Rosenberg, Linda Evans","doi":"10.1080/10999949.2022.2104601","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2022.2104601","url":null,"abstract":"Since 1968, or possibly even earlier, Dr. Mutulu Shakur has been a target of the FBI’s Counter-Intelligence Program (COINTELPRO) and subsequent U.S. government programs attacking the Black Liberation Movement. Because of the similarities of these programs, in this article, the term COINTELPRO is used generally to reflect organized and intentional repression or counterinsurgency. Dr. Shakur is a Black revolutionary, and has been targeted as an enemy of the U.S. State for most of his adult life. Throughout his 36 years in prison, he has lived his life as a peacemaker, mentoring and teaching the people in prison with him, without a single rule infraction involving violence. But even while he continues to live in captivity, a program of unrelenting repression defines every aspect of his life, repression implemented by the combined weight of the Bureau of Prisons (BOP), FBI, US Parole Commission (USPC), US Attorneys, and sitting Judges. Any assessment of his special treatment and the conditions under which he lives can only conclude that COINTELPRO has been implemented against him continuously for the last 36 years. Dr. Shakur has been denied parole nine times since he became eligible in 1996. Unlike most other people in prison, he was denied his mandatory release date after serving 30 years. For his entire incarceration, he has been on a continuing twohour hold, meaning he must be physically viewed by a prison staffer every two hours. He has been transferred to maximum security prisons four times on nondisciplinary transfers—prison staff refer to this as \"diesel therapy.\" Dr. Shakur has spent years in solitary confinement, and been “disappeared” by the Bureau of Prisons twice—his whereabouts inside the prison system were unknown. Despite his current and ongoing suffering from advanced bone cancer, which was neglected for years by the prison medical system, he has been denied compassionate release three times. The overall intention is clear—death by incarceration.","PeriodicalId":44850,"journal":{"name":"Souls","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48949947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2022.2105091
A. Sunni-Ali
Documentary film, Dope is Death, chronicles the Lincoln Hospital takeover in the South Bronx, New York on July 14, 1970. In direct response to the growing heroin epidemic and deplorable condition of the hospital, members of The Young Lords, The Black Panther Party (BPP), the Republic of New Afrika (RNA), and the Health Revolutionary Unity Movement collectively decided to “seize the hospital to serve the people.” Writer, editor and director, Mia Donovan, dedicates the film to Dr. Mutulu
{"title":"Dr. Mutulu Shakur and the Holistic Healing of Acupuncture and Political Education: A Review of Dope is Death","authors":"A. Sunni-Ali","doi":"10.1080/10999949.2022.2105091","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2022.2105091","url":null,"abstract":"Documentary film, Dope is Death, chronicles the Lincoln Hospital takeover in the South Bronx, New York on July 14, 1970. In direct response to the growing heroin epidemic and deplorable condition of the hospital, members of The Young Lords, The Black Panther Party (BPP), the Republic of New Afrika (RNA), and the Health Revolutionary Unity Movement collectively decided to “seize the hospital to serve the people.” Writer, editor and director, Mia Donovan, dedicates the film to Dr. Mutulu","PeriodicalId":44850,"journal":{"name":"Souls","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59682016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2022.2104592
Mutulu Shakur
The time has come for the captive Black nation in the U.S. to analyze its struggle with respect to international law. Our struggle against U.S. imperialism confronts the dominant world power. The imperialist agenda is reflected in the process of dehumanization of the Black nation, acknowledging America as the mother ship of the wounded octopus which is now the new world order. Our mandate is to propagate and integrate the political and military objectives that represent the history of the Black Liberation Movement by comparing our struggle to those waged by ZANU, ANC, PAC, the Sandinistas, the IRA, and the Palestinians. This comparison illuminates two realities: (1) that our struggle has matured to a world perspective with specific objectives and (2) that the worldwide struggle against oppression is directly tied to our liberation. Historically, the Black liberation struggle has employed many methods and tactics, which have been very profound and remain to this day. There can be no denying the positive effects of the slogan of Black Power and the positive impact of the Black Panther Party as well as the dynamic influence that Malcolm X had on the world struggle for self-determination. In our pursuit of the application of international law to our struggle, we must not mistake tactics for strategy. The rewards of our struggle derive from a proper analysis of the world, and it will win for our struggle some allies, but it is the justness and determination of our people and freedom fighters that will win the victory. This responsibility lies on our backs and our backs alone. As current events unfold in the world today, the geopolitical landscape is undergoing a rapid and drastic metamorphosis as decades-old political structures unravel and deeply entrenched ideological and economic systems explode, spewing
{"title":"The Struggle for International Political Recognition for New Afrikan/Black Freedom Fighters","authors":"Mutulu Shakur","doi":"10.1080/10999949.2022.2104592","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2022.2104592","url":null,"abstract":"The time has come for the captive Black nation in the U.S. to analyze its struggle with respect to international law. Our struggle against U.S. imperialism confronts the dominant world power. The imperialist agenda is reflected in the process of dehumanization of the Black nation, acknowledging America as the mother ship of the wounded octopus which is now the new world order. Our mandate is to propagate and integrate the political and military objectives that represent the history of the Black Liberation Movement by comparing our struggle to those waged by ZANU, ANC, PAC, the Sandinistas, the IRA, and the Palestinians. This comparison illuminates two realities: (1) that our struggle has matured to a world perspective with specific objectives and (2) that the worldwide struggle against oppression is directly tied to our liberation. Historically, the Black liberation struggle has employed many methods and tactics, which have been very profound and remain to this day. There can be no denying the positive effects of the slogan of Black Power and the positive impact of the Black Panther Party as well as the dynamic influence that Malcolm X had on the world struggle for self-determination. In our pursuit of the application of international law to our struggle, we must not mistake tactics for strategy. The rewards of our struggle derive from a proper analysis of the world, and it will win for our struggle some allies, but it is the justness and determination of our people and freedom fighters that will win the victory. This responsibility lies on our backs and our backs alone. As current events unfold in the world today, the geopolitical landscape is undergoing a rapid and drastic metamorphosis as decades-old political structures unravel and deeply entrenched ideological and economic systems explode, spewing","PeriodicalId":44850,"journal":{"name":"Souls","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42789988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2022.2105090
J. Harrell, Cedric Lines, Leo Sullivan, Mshairi Siyanda
{"title":"Interview with Formerly Incarcerated Men about Dr. Shakur’s Impact","authors":"J. Harrell, Cedric Lines, Leo Sullivan, Mshairi Siyanda","doi":"10.1080/10999949.2022.2105090","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2022.2105090","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44850,"journal":{"name":"Souls","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48867929","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2022.2097570
A. Umoja
Who is Dr. Mutulu Shakur? He is known by some as the “stepfather” of rapper Tupac Shakur. This explanation diminishes the significance of a human being who has fought for the liberation of Black people and humanity for nearly six decades. Dr. Shakur is a grassroots organizer, teacher, and defender, anti-repression activist, healer, and unifier of the youth and street forces (whether in the community or inside prison walls) currently living in incarceration. Shakur defines himself as a revolutionary nationalist who struggles for the liberation of the Black nation, which he calls “New Afrika” and is opposed to the oppression of all people in the United States around the globe. He is a resilient spirit who embodies Black peoples’ fight for freedom and human rights. He is a freedom fighter who joins hands with young and old, privileged and poor, academics and “gangstas,” and people of a variety ethnic backgrounds and nationalities. Fighting cancer and a series of other ailments while incarnated, Dr. Shakur is literally fighting for his life. This essay is a brief biography of the activism and political journey of Dr. Mutulu Shakur.
{"title":"Straight Ahead: The Life of Resistance of Dr. Mutulu Shakur","authors":"A. Umoja","doi":"10.1080/10999949.2022.2097570","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2022.2097570","url":null,"abstract":"Who is Dr. Mutulu Shakur? He is known by some as the “stepfather” of rapper Tupac Shakur. This explanation diminishes the significance of a human being who has fought for the liberation of Black people and humanity for nearly six decades. Dr. Shakur is a grassroots organizer, teacher, and defender, anti-repression activist, healer, and unifier of the youth and street forces (whether in the community or inside prison walls) currently living in incarceration. Shakur defines himself as a revolutionary nationalist who struggles for the liberation of the Black nation, which he calls “New Afrika” and is opposed to the oppression of all people in the United States around the globe. He is a resilient spirit who embodies Black peoples’ fight for freedom and human rights. He is a freedom fighter who joins hands with young and old, privileged and poor, academics and “gangstas,” and people of a variety ethnic backgrounds and nationalities. Fighting cancer and a series of other ailments while incarnated, Dr. Shakur is literally fighting for his life. This essay is a brief biography of the activism and political journey of Dr. Mutulu Shakur.","PeriodicalId":44850,"journal":{"name":"Souls","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45987665","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2022.2033609
W. Sherwin
Based on the welfare rights movement’s archival record, this article depicts welfare activists as inventive public intellectuals who developed bold and sophisticated antiwork “freedom dreams.” Informed by both their experiences in the low wage labor force, as well as the historic lineage of chattel slavery, welfare rights movement participants challenged the widespread assumption that improving wage work can remedy poverty, and argued against ideological adherence to the work ethic. As perhaps the largest, most visible antiwork social movement to date, the welfare rights movement holds crucial importance in deepening our empirical understanding of antiwork politics, the pursuit of income decoupled from work, and the motivation of its advocates. Additionally, this analysis situates antiwork politics as an overlooked component of the rich and variegated legacy of the Black radical tradition.
{"title":"“Nothing but Joy”: The Welfare Rights Movement’s Antiwork Freedom Dream","authors":"W. Sherwin","doi":"10.1080/10999949.2022.2033609","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2022.2033609","url":null,"abstract":"Based on the welfare rights movement’s archival record, this article depicts welfare activists as inventive public intellectuals who developed bold and sophisticated antiwork “freedom dreams.” Informed by both their experiences in the low wage labor force, as well as the historic lineage of chattel slavery, welfare rights movement participants challenged the widespread assumption that improving wage work can remedy poverty, and argued against ideological adherence to the work ethic. As perhaps the largest, most visible antiwork social movement to date, the welfare rights movement holds crucial importance in deepening our empirical understanding of antiwork politics, the pursuit of income decoupled from work, and the motivation of its advocates. Additionally, this analysis situates antiwork politics as an overlooked component of the rich and variegated legacy of the Black radical tradition.","PeriodicalId":44850,"journal":{"name":"Souls","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43265992","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2021.2003625
Tiffany Packer
One of the most tragic examples of extreme racial violence occurred in Greensboro, North Carolina, on November 3, 1979, when the multi-racial Communist Workers Party (CWP) planned a demonstration to protest against the notorious Ku Klux Klan (KKK). As protestors gathered for the “Death to Klan” march, a group of Nazis and Klansmen drove through the protest site in a nine-car caravan. The Nazis and Klansmen unloaded eighty-eight seconds of gunfire into the crowd killing five Communist Workers Party members. That same hatred and violence in Greensboro perpetuated by neo-fascists appeared again on August 12th, 2017, in an eerily identical fashion when Heather Heyer, a thirty-two-year-old, White woman, was killed in Charlottesville, Virginia. Heyer lost her life after white supremacist, James Fields, Jr., plowed his car into demonstrators protesting at a “Unite the Right” rally that had been orchestrated by white nationalists. In an instant following Heather Heyer’s murder, Charlottesville became reminiscent of Greensboro and 2017 blatantly mirrored the dawn of the 1980s, a troubling period of racial conflict and frayed politics. The case study of Morningside Homes illuminated a disregard and invisibility that black communities often suffered at the hands of law enforcement, city officials, white supremacists and other community members. The tragedy of Charlottesville illustrated not only the continuation of that invisibility, but also the traditional hindering of political organizing as a result of trauma, fear, and distrust of those sworn to protect the communities in which they serve. Despite how progressive America attempts to position itself, local histories continue to reflect national divisions of race and politics that relentingly facilitate rage, violence, and white supremacy in an alleged Post-Racial Society.
{"title":"Guns, Torches and Badges: The 1979 Greensboro Massacre, the Charlottesville Unite the Right Rally, and the Lasting Impacts of Racial Violence on Black and anti-Racist Communities","authors":"Tiffany Packer","doi":"10.1080/10999949.2021.2003625","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2021.2003625","url":null,"abstract":"One of the most tragic examples of extreme racial violence occurred in Greensboro, North Carolina, on November 3, 1979, when the multi-racial Communist Workers Party (CWP) planned a demonstration to protest against the notorious Ku Klux Klan (KKK). As protestors gathered for the “Death to Klan” march, a group of Nazis and Klansmen drove through the protest site in a nine-car caravan. The Nazis and Klansmen unloaded eighty-eight seconds of gunfire into the crowd killing five Communist Workers Party members. That same hatred and violence in Greensboro perpetuated by neo-fascists appeared again on August 12th, 2017, in an eerily identical fashion when Heather Heyer, a thirty-two-year-old, White woman, was killed in Charlottesville, Virginia. Heyer lost her life after white supremacist, James Fields, Jr., plowed his car into demonstrators protesting at a “Unite the Right” rally that had been orchestrated by white nationalists. In an instant following Heather Heyer’s murder, Charlottesville became reminiscent of Greensboro and 2017 blatantly mirrored the dawn of the 1980s, a troubling period of racial conflict and frayed politics. The case study of Morningside Homes illuminated a disregard and invisibility that black communities often suffered at the hands of law enforcement, city officials, white supremacists and other community members. The tragedy of Charlottesville illustrated not only the continuation of that invisibility, but also the traditional hindering of political organizing as a result of trauma, fear, and distrust of those sworn to protect the communities in which they serve. Despite how progressive America attempts to position itself, local histories continue to reflect national divisions of race and politics that relentingly facilitate rage, violence, and white supremacy in an alleged Post-Racial Society.","PeriodicalId":44850,"journal":{"name":"Souls","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47073641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2022.2030151
K. Caldwell
This article examines black Brazilian activist and politician Marielle Franco’s importance as a political figure, both during her life and since her assassination in 2018. It explores the intersectional dimensions of Franco’s political life, by locating her within two political genealogies: black women politicians in the city of Rio de Janeiro and black feminist activists in Brazil and the United States. The analysis underscores Franco’s impact on the Brazilian political landscape, and black women politicians in particular, during the 2018 and 2020 elections. It also examines Franco’s positioning within overlapping crises of anti-black genocide, femicide, and anti-LGBT violence in Brazil.
{"title":"#MariellePresente: Black Feminism, Political Power, and Violence in Brazil","authors":"K. Caldwell","doi":"10.1080/10999949.2022.2030151","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2022.2030151","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines black Brazilian activist and politician Marielle Franco’s importance as a political figure, both during her life and since her assassination in 2018. It explores the intersectional dimensions of Franco’s political life, by locating her within two political genealogies: black women politicians in the city of Rio de Janeiro and black feminist activists in Brazil and the United States. The analysis underscores Franco’s impact on the Brazilian political landscape, and black women politicians in particular, during the 2018 and 2020 elections. It also examines Franco’s positioning within overlapping crises of anti-black genocide, femicide, and anti-LGBT violence in Brazil.","PeriodicalId":44850,"journal":{"name":"Souls","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44757537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2021.2003621
P. Clavin
This article explores Amiri Baraka’s significant contributions to the field of black internationalism. Through an analysis of his own poetry and performance, this essay demonstrates how his cultural practices and political activism were instrumental not only in developing black international consciousness but also in mobilizing local political power. His cultural work exhibited a domestic Pan-Africanism that centered black transnational concerns within the arenas of national U.S. politics and the local domestic politics of his hometown of Newark, New Jersey. By focusing on the changing same of his esthetic method, this article examines the consistent staging of what I call a black transnational esthetic, an institutionalized theory and praxis that pervaded his cultural and political work. Baraka’s esthetic, a comprehensive multimodal approach at once musical, literary, political, performative, and institutional, served as a sonic re-articulation of the radical possibility of organized black international social and political thought and activism.
{"title":"The Sound Approach: The Changing Same of Amiri Baraka’s Black Internationalism","authors":"P. Clavin","doi":"10.1080/10999949.2021.2003621","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2021.2003621","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores Amiri Baraka’s significant contributions to the field of black internationalism. Through an analysis of his own poetry and performance, this essay demonstrates how his cultural practices and political activism were instrumental not only in developing black international consciousness but also in mobilizing local political power. His cultural work exhibited a domestic Pan-Africanism that centered black transnational concerns within the arenas of national U.S. politics and the local domestic politics of his hometown of Newark, New Jersey. By focusing on the changing same of his esthetic method, this article examines the consistent staging of what I call a black transnational esthetic, an institutionalized theory and praxis that pervaded his cultural and political work. Baraka’s esthetic, a comprehensive multimodal approach at once musical, literary, political, performative, and institutional, served as a sonic re-articulation of the radical possibility of organized black international social and political thought and activism.","PeriodicalId":44850,"journal":{"name":"Souls","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45967430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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