Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2019.1647126
Benjamin R. Young
Using newspapers, autobiographies, and interviews, this article examines the ways in which women of the Black Panther Party imagined the women of Vietnam, China, and North Korea as radical archetypes during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Using Judy Wu’s theory of “radical orientalism” in conversation with Ashley Farmer’s concept of the “gendered imaginary,” I argue that the Panther women imagined the women of “the East” as pioneers in world revolution and women’s liberation in order to protest against gendered injustices within the Party and broader U.S. society. This article also investigates the realities on the ground for the women of Communist Asia and the ways in which the patriarchy preserved itself despite the social revolutions of these three Marxist–Leninist governments.
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Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2019.1647084
J. Acuff, Vanessa López, Gloria J. Wilson
We are three art educators, Women of Color (WoC), in higher education. In this article, we use trioethnography, a dialogic methodology, to provide context for understanding our struggles as such. We describe our challenges navigating a field (art education) that has embraced feminist scholarship, yet has historically paid little attention to how the intersections of race and gender systemically marginalizes WoC. We utilize scholarship from feminists of color, and the artwork of Black, queer, female visual artist Mickalene Thomas to counter the negation of our voices and reveal the complexity of our lived experiences to our predominately White female field. We look to intersectional feminisms to shift the art education discourse so that WoC’s matrices of oppression are considered. Ultimately, we seek to complicate the traditional feminist discourse that occurs in the art education field. Using trioethnography as a methodology allowed our recorded and transcribed dialogs to become our site of inquiry and, ultimately, become narratives of resistance in relation to dominant narratives/discourse. We offer three thematic lenses for examining our dialog: “Keeping it Real,” “Invisible Burdens,” and “Kinship Ties.” Further, we juxtapose these narratives alongside our photographic reenactment of Thomas’s artwork as a backdrop and third space for examination.
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Pub Date : 2018-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2018.1607483
M. Hunter
This article recounts the origins and history of the Freedmen's Bank (1865–1874), providing an important reminder of the lingering injustices we must address lest they continue to repeat themselves. Rooted in documented and recorded Black financial losses, I suggest that the Freedmen's Bank offers a necessary platform for Black reparations. Shifting the reparations focus to the Freedmen's Bank, I conclude my discussion by outlining the fruitful reparations platform this historical episode affords.
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Pub Date : 2018-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2019.1565279
Bedour Alagraa
Development Drowned and Reborn (henceforth DD) is the product of several years’ work by the late political geographer and Black Studies scholar Clyde Woods. Completed and released posthumously by Jordan T. Camp and Laura Pulido, DD marks the end of a long wait for students of Woods’s work, whose last published work(s) came in 2010 shortly before his premature passing. In DD, Woods invites the reader to continue the arc developed in his monumental work, Development Arrested (1998), which charted the violence of plantocratic rule and its many registers of opposition and refusal—a Blues epistemology as he termed it. DD punctuates this earlier work by extending its chronological reach to the post-Katrina moment. It is a work that, despite its historical breadth, has a remarkable level of detail to both human experiences and structural considerations. Woods has managed to achieve something remarkable with DD—a history from below and from above, at the same time. DD is a book that is concerned with “the long duree of struggle” (p. xxii), and interrogates what Woods calls the “organized abandonment” of New Orleans beginning in the 1690s under French colonial rule. The book considers the various expressions of Bourbonism (a term used to describe Authoritarian rule in early modern France) in Louisiana (and New Orleans in particular), and the manner in which this Bourbonism has managed to reconstitute itself throughout numerous historical junctures. These include Jim Crow, The Great Depression, The Second World War, postwar Black Freedom struggles, the rise of neoliberalism, and
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Pub Date : 2018-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2018.1607060
Toussaint Losier
On May 6, 2015, the Chicago City Council adopted legislation that formally sought to repair the damage wrought by a decades-long pattern of police torture. After months of careful negotiations between City Hall and the advocates for torture survivors, the council unanimously passed a package of laws providing for both financial and nonfinancial compensation, or reparations, for torture survivors and their families. While this package of laws limited financial compensation solely to the survivors of torture, it did extend nonfinancial compensation to them and their families in the form of free psychological counseling, job training, and college education, as well as inclusion of the torture cases in the public high school curriculum and a formal statement of remorse on behalf of the city. Drawing on the successful passage of this reparations legislation, this chapter identifies the intervention of the grassroots group Black People Against Police Torture (BPAPT) as pivotal in overcoming entrenched pro–law enforcement opposition to demands for accountability and redress. In particular, this article argues that the crucial contribution of BPAPT was its adoption of a strategic approach to international human rights law and institutions that prompted subsequent breakthroughs at the local, state, and federal level.
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Pub Date : 2018-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2019.1608108
Anthony Bogues
Working from the injunction of C. L. R. James about the requirement to understand the “new forms created in the context of slavery,” this essay argues that there is a political requirement for the study of the intellectual history and political thought of the African enslaved. The essay also notes that the Black enslaved body represented a distinct form of labor in which it produced commodities while itself being a “property in person.” Such a historical process produced “thingfication,” and unique forms of domination and alternative frameworks of freedom.
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Pub Date : 2018-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2018.1607059
Nicole A. Burrowes
In the wake of the Movement for Black Lives, activists, artists, and scholars have highlighted the need to connect issues of state-sanctioned violence, the historical lack of protection offered to Black women, and experiences of gendered intraracial violence, arguing that these issues are inseparable. Sistas Liberated Ground, a Brooklyn-based campaign in the early 2000s, was an embodied example of this intervention. Sista II Sista (SIIS), founded in 1996, led this initiative. Black and Latinax women organized together to challenge systems that marginalized us and devalued our lives. In this current political moment, the herstory of SIIS demonstrates the power of a politics that creates new cultures, models the world we want to see, builds solidarity across communities, and does the work of Ella Baker–style radical democracy.
在“争取黑人生命运动”(Movement for Black Lives)之后，活动人士、艺术家和学者都强调，有必要将国家批准的暴力、黑人妇女历史上缺乏保护以及种族间性别暴力的经历等问题联系起来，认为这些问题是不可分割的。21世纪初在布鲁克林发起的“Sistas解放地”运动就是这种干预的典型例子。成立于1996年的Sista II Sista (SIIS)领导了这一倡议。黑人和拉丁裔妇女联合起来，挑战那些把我们边缘化、贬低我们生活价值的制度。在当前的政治时刻，SIIS的历史展示了政治的力量，它创造了新的文化，塑造了我们希望看到的世界，在社区之间建立了团结，并发挥了埃拉·贝克式的激进民主的作用。
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Pub Date : 2018-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2018.1521690
Joy A. James, J. Alves
How might we understand the current political formations that emerged from the election of Donald Trump in the United States and the parliamentary coup in Brazil? Despite the U.S. disavowal for human rights violations in foreign policies, the victory of explicitly anti-black, anti-female, anti-gay, anti-poor forces in both democracies seems to be part of the vociferous restructuring of global racial capitalism, apartheid enforced by law and police violence. The more conventional analysis is that the Brazilian coup and Trump's election represent a threat to electoral democracy. Within this perspective, the protests generated by the outcomes of electoral politics in the United States and Brazil aimed to counter the reproduction of white supremacy and racial capital. We propose an alternative reading: the political conflicts that emerged in the aftermath of both events illustrate democracy's strength and its fulfilling promise to maintain racial domination and the political grammar that authorizes its reproduction. If we consider the continuum of racial violence—from slavery to democracy—that permeated the human rights–oriented Obama and Rousseff administrations, why would we unquestionably accept that liberal democracy is the pathway to racial integration and to control anti-black violence and police terror in Brazil and the United States?
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Pub Date : 2018-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2018.1532756
Buhle Khanyile
The article has three movements. First, it draws out some of the contours of historical trauma suffered by Black and Brown people in South Africa since the 17th century as “bodily and psychic wounds.” Second, the article argues that 1994 did not signal the end of racial domination in South Africa but rather, marked the advancement of racial domination in new and nuanced techniques hidden in place sight. Third, the article attempts to imagine what freedom, as a way of living beyond of a liberal democracy framework, might look like in South Africa from the psychological perspective of Black and Brown people.
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