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Sonicated Blackness in Jazz Age Shanghai, 1924–1954: Jazz, Community, and the (In)visibility of African American Musicians in the Creation of the Soundtrack of Chinese Modernity 爵士乐时代的声音黑人上海,1924-1954:爵士乐、社区与非裔美国音乐家在中国现代性原声音乐创作中的知名度
IF 0.2 4区 哲学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2021.2003627
M. Presswood
Jazz provided the soundtrack for Chinese modernity. To be modern in the Republican era (1919–1949) China, specifically in treaty port cities such as Shanghai, meant listening and dancing to American jazz music. It also engendered and embodied an alternative, nontraditional social space for the interaction of multiracial groups centered-around improvisational music. Mediated through African American jazz music, musicians from around the world collaborated, learned, listened, and played jazz in China. Whether the music heard originated directly from Black musicians themselves or entered the Shanghai soundscape through movies, radio, or the play of white or Asian musicians, the imprint of music created by Black creatives was ever-present. This paper addresses the understudied topic of Black musicians and entertainers in Shanghai during the Republican era. African American jazz musicians and their Black musical aesthetics and traditions engendered and became constitutive of Chinese modernity. This paper argues that the Black cultural production of jazz musicians not only helped fuel the cultural industry of Jazz Age Shanghai, it created alternative social spaces for the practice of a global internationalism and cosmopolitanism, and extended the Black Radical Tradition to Asia. The ubiquity of African Americans in Shanghai also exposed a manifestation of Chinese anti-Blackness from both Chinese Nationalists and Communists elements that would reveal racial fissures that would negatively impact the latter’s relationship with Blackness at the inception of the Sino-Black solidarity movement from the 1930s onward to its collapse in the 1970s.
爵士乐为中国现代性提供了原声音乐。在民国时期(1919年至1949年)的中国,特别是在上海等通商口岸城市,要想成为现代人,就意味着听美国爵士乐跳舞。它还为以即兴音乐为中心的多种族群体的互动创造并体现了一个另类的、非传统的社会空间。通过非裔美国人的爵士乐,来自世界各地的音乐家在中国合作、学习、聆听和演奏爵士乐。无论是直接从黑人音乐家那里听到的音乐,还是通过电影、广播、白人或亚裔音乐家的演奏进入上海的音景,黑人创意人士创造的音乐印记始终存在。本文探讨了民国时期上海黑人音乐家和艺人这一研究不足的话题。非裔美国爵士音乐家及其黑人音乐美学和传统产生并成为中国现代性的组成部分。本文认为,爵士音乐家的黑人文化生产不仅推动了上海爵士时代的文化产业,而且为全球国际主义和世界主义的实践创造了替代性的社会空间,并将黑人激进传统扩展到了亚洲。非裔美国人在上海的普遍存在也暴露了中国国民党和共产党分子的反黑人表现,这将揭示种族裂痕,这将对后者在20世纪30年代开始的中黑团结运动到20世纪70年代的崩溃产生负面影响。
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引用次数: 0
“The Blood of Innocent Children”: Race, Respectability, and “True” Victimhood in the 1985 MOVE Police Bombing 《无辜儿童之血》:1985年MOVE警察爆炸案中的种族、尊严和“真实”受害者身份
IF 0.2 4区 哲学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2021.2003630
Melissa N. Stein
In 1985, Philadelphia police responded to a stand-off with Afrocentric environmental group MOVE* by dropping a firebomb on their home, killing eleven MOVE members, five of them children. Highly critical of the bombing, the media and the Investigative Commission grieved for the “true victims,” the children who perished alongside adults whose radicalism seemingly made them unworthy of grief. Yet the focus on the children functioned to deflect larger ethical questions—chiefly, if there were no children present, should the state be permitted to bomb its own citizens? Such questions about race, policing, racialized understandings of innocence, and the meaning of childhood, continue to resonate today.
1985年,费城警方在与以非洲为中心的环保组织MOVE*发生对峙后,向他们的家中投掷了一枚燃烧弹,造成11名MOVE成员死亡,其中5名是儿童。媒体和调查委员会对爆炸事件持强烈批评态度,他们为“真正的受害者”感到悲痛,这些孩子与那些激进的成年人一起死去,他们似乎不值得悲伤。然而,对儿童的关注转移了更大的伦理问题——主要是,如果没有儿童在场,国家是否应该被允许轰炸自己的公民?这些关于种族、治安、对无辜的种族化理解以及童年的意义的问题,至今仍在引起共鸣。
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引用次数: 0
To See the Earth before the End of the Antiblack World 看看反黑世界结束前的地球
IF 0.2 4区 哲学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2021.2003622
J. Howard
This essay takes up the fundamental tension in black study between black life and black death, and forwards the idea of black ambivalence as a way of theorizing this tension. But given recent conceptions of the scope of black death as total and constitutive of what has generally come to be thought under the rubric of the “antiblack world,” this essay also asks what room is left for the thought of black life, not as a meager or even primarily defiant feat, but a veritable abundance. In the effort to actually think what Christina Sharpe has called “the largeness that is black life,” without flinching from the sense of antiblackness as indeed constitutive of a world, I propose a practice of black study that holds open a critical distinction between the world and what the poet Ed Roberson has alternatively called "the Earth." Ultimately, I argue that even if the world is totally defined by antiblackness, blackness is not totally defined by that world; and has further to be appreciated as a relationship to the Earth. It’s when a sense of the larger Earth enters black study that we are able to appreciate black life as a veritable largeness.
本文探讨了黑人研究中黑人生命与黑人死亡之间的根本张力,并提出了黑人矛盾心理的概念作为这种张力的理论化途径。但是,鉴于最近人们认为黑人死亡的范围是“反黑人世界”的总体和组成部分,这篇文章还问,黑人生命的思想还有什么空间,不是一个微不足道甚至主要是挑衅的壮举,而是一个实实在在的丰富。为了真正思考克里斯蒂娜·夏普(Christina Sharpe)所说的“黑人生命的巨大性”,而不回避反黑人的世界构成感,我提出了一种黑人研究的实践,在世界和诗人埃德·罗伯森(Ed Roberson)所称的“地球”之间打开了一个关键的区别,我认为,即使世界完全由反黑人定义,黑人也不完全由那个世界定义;并且必须进一步被理解为与地球的关系。当对更大的地球的感知进入黑人研究时,我们才能将黑人生命视为一个真正的大生命。
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引用次数: 0
Political Economy and the Tradition of Radical Black Study 政治经济学与激进黑人研究传统
IF 0.2 4区 哲学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2020.1804805
A. Rice
A central concern of the Black Intellectual Tradition (BIT) since the close of the nineteenth century has been the explicit connection between the historical and structural development of the world capitalist economy on the one hand, and on the other, freedom struggles forged by African descendants. This dynamic, interwoven relationship, according to some critical observers of history, illuminates a key dimension of the modern Black experience.1 While Black Studies inherited this distinct political economic tradition, the status of political economy frameworks in the field is marginal. Because Black communities have produced a unique political economy tradition borne from necessity, study, and an incessant will toward freedom, this tradition must occupy a greater role in the work and practice of Black Studies. As a contribution toward that vital goal, I will introduce and analyze several key concepts, theories, and debates that have animated the radical Black political economy tradition. Based on my brief reflections on the lives, work, and politics of several radical Black scholar-activists within and beyond the U.S., I conclude by discussing how their ideas can serve the transformationalist vision of Black Studies.
自19世纪末以来,黑人知识传统(BIT)的一个核心问题是,世界资本主义经济的历史和结构发展与非洲后裔的自由斗争之间存在着明确的联系。根据一些批判性的历史观察者的说法,这种动态的、交织的关系阐明了现代黑人经历的一个关键维度。1虽然黑人研究继承了这种独特的政治经济传统,但政治经济框架在该领域的地位是边缘的。由于黑人社区产生了一种独特的政治经济传统,这种传统源于必要性、学习和对自由的不懈追求,因此这种传统必须在黑人研究的工作和实践中发挥更大的作用。作为对这一重要目标的贡献,我将介绍和分析激发激进黑人政治经济传统的几个关键概念、理论和辩论。基于我对美国内外几位激进黑人学者活动家的生活、工作和政治的简短反思,我最后讨论了他们的想法如何为黑人研究的转型愿景服务。
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引用次数: 1
“A Greater Truth than Any Other Truth You Know”: A Conversation with Professor Sylvia Wynter on Origin Stories “一个比你知道的任何其他真相都更伟大的真相”:与西尔维娅·温特教授关于起源故事的对话
IF 0.2 4区 哲学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2020.1811592
S. Wynter, Joshua Bennett, J. Givens
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引用次数: 2
Afrocentrism Revisited: Africa in the Philosophy of Black Nationalism 非洲中心主义重访:黑人民族主义哲学中的非洲
IF 0.2 4区 哲学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2019.1711566
S. Balakrishnan
In the 1990s, the political tradition of Afrocentrism came under attack in the Western academy, resulting in its glaring omission from most genealogies of Black thought today. This is despite the fact that Afrocentrism had roots dating back to the 15th century, shaping movements like Pan-Africanism and Négritude. It is also despite the fact that the tradition resulted in important cornerstones of Black American life: the holiday of Kwanzaa, the discipline of Black Studies, and independent Afrocentric schools. This essay revisits Afrocentrism as a foundation for the Black Radical Tradition. It argues that Afrocentrism presupposed the relationship between Blackness and Africa to be the central problem for emancipatory thought. Re-embracing Africa not only meant resistance; it targeted the originary thread of political modernity itself–that is, the separation of Blackness from Africa.
20世纪90年代,非洲中心主义的政治传统在西方学院受到攻击,导致其在当今大多数黑人思想谱系中被明显遗漏。尽管非洲中心主义的根源可以追溯到15世纪,形成了泛非主义和Négritude等运动。尽管这一传统形成了美国黑人生活的重要基石:宽扎节、黑人研究学科和独立的以非洲为中心的学校。本文重新审视了作为黑人激进传统基础的非洲中心主义。它认为,非洲中心主义预设黑人与非洲之间的关系是解放思想的中心问题。重新拥抱非洲不仅意味着抵抗;它针对的是政治现代性本身的原始主线,即黑人与非洲的分离。
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引用次数: 3
Personal Reflections on the Road to Black Awakening in Capitalist America 资本主义美国黑人觉醒之路的个人思考
IF 0.2 4区 哲学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2020.1822724
R. Allen
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引用次数: 0
“A Moment of Protest Becomes a Curricular Object” “抗议时刻成为课程对象”
IF 0.2 4区 哲学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2020.1822725
H. Spillers
A speech delivered as the keynote address at Brandeis University's AAAS 50th Anniversary, where Hortense Spillers received Brandeis University's Alumni Achievement Award on February 11, 2019.1
2019年2月11日,霍顿斯·斯皮勒斯在布兰代斯大学AAAS 50周年纪念活动上发表了主题演讲,并获得了布兰代斯大学校友成就奖
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引用次数: 1
Whence Disinheritance Holds: On Ida B. Wells and America’s “Unwritten Law” 剥夺继承权从何而来:艾达·b·威尔斯与美国“不成文法”
IF 0.2 4区 哲学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2019.1712128
Linette Park
The following article thinks together concepts of the hold and disinheritance through the work and anti-lynching activism of Ida B. Wells-Barnett. In doing so, the paper extends what Wells-Barnett already illuminated on the ways in which the State benefitted from the sexual politics of anti-black lynching violence. The article contends Wells-Barnett’s work and pedagogical implications continue to be critical and relevant in and to the horizons of Black Studies given the radical nature of not only her rhetorical analysis on lynching, but also in her ability to write and stand in her own dangerous mode of thought against the profundity of anti-black violence.
下面的文章通过艾达·b·威尔斯-巴奈特的作品和反私刑运动,将占有和剥夺继承权的概念结合起来思考。在这样做的过程中,这篇论文扩展了Wells-Barnett已经阐明的国家从反黑人私刑暴力的性政治中受益的方式。这篇文章认为威尔斯-巴内特的作品和教学意义在黑人研究的视野中仍然是至关重要和相关的,因为她不仅对私刑的修辞分析具有激进的性质,而且她有能力写作并坚持自己的危险思想模式,反对深刻的反黑人暴力。
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引用次数: 3
Troubling Dignity, Seeking Truth: Black Feminist Vision and the Thought-World of Black Photography in the Nineteenth Century 困扰尊严,寻求真理:19世纪黑人女性主义视野与黑人摄影的思想世界
IF 0.2 4区 哲学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2020.1804804
Jovonna Jones
In this paper, I revisit the thought-world of nineteenth century black photography between two of its most important practitioners: Sojourner Truth and Frederick Douglass. In the history of black photography, and increasingly in Black Studies writ large, these two figures drive discourses on visuality and freedom. Typically leading with Douglass’ own lectures on pictures, we study both Douglass and Truth as figures who understood the stakes of representation, its utility for abolitionist movement, and its possibilities for black self-image. While its critical to hold Douglass and Truth together, I aim, in this paper, to linger in the differences between their approaches to photography as a realm of thought and practice. I argue that Douglass pursued a comportment of dignity reliant on a gendered presentation of dominance and revolutionary leadership, while Truth, in a different vein, enacted an image-body politic that was intentionally entangled with the visual logics of property and objectification particular to black women’s bodies within slavery. By foregrounding Truth rather than Douglass in this intellectual genealogy of the visual, I want to gesture toward a black feminist vision that can open up the work of photography in Black Studies as we continue to think about what kinds of subjects and subjectivities photographs produce, complicate, and unravel.
在这篇论文中,我重新审视了19世纪黑人摄影的两位最重要的实践者之间的思想世界:索杰纳·特鲁斯和弗雷德里克·道格拉斯。在黑人摄影史上,以及越来越多的黑人研究中,这两位人物推动了关于视觉和自由的论述。通常以道格拉斯自己的图片讲座为先导,我们研究道格拉斯和特鲁斯,他们都了解代表性的利害关系、代表性对废奴运动的效用以及代表性对黑人自我形象的可能性。虽然将道格拉斯和特鲁斯结合在一起至关重要,但在本文中,我的目标是徘徊在他们将摄影作为一种思想和实践领域的方法之间的差异中。我认为,道格拉斯追求的是一种依赖于统治地位和革命领导力的性别表现的尊严行为,而特鲁斯则以不同的方式制定了一种形象政治体,故意与奴隶制中黑人女性身体特有的财产和物化的视觉逻辑纠缠在一起。通过在这个视觉的知识谱系中突出真理而不是道格拉斯,我想向一个黑人女权主义的愿景表明,当我们继续思考照片产生、复杂化和瓦解了什么样的主题和主观主义时,这可以打开黑人研究中的摄影工作。
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引用次数: 0
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