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Monarchy and the peculiarities of the English 君主政体与英国人的特殊性
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-22 DOI: 10.1177/1468795X221136973
B. Turner
This article describes how the monarchy has enjoyed historical continuity in a society that has not been invaded since 1066 and had no revolutionary experience unlike other European nations. The other peculiarity includes the confusion about ‘the British Isles’, ‘Great Britain’ and ‘England’. Britain is best understood as a fragmented archipelago of societies. Queen Elizabeth II managed to survive the peculiarities and two major crises: the dismissal of the Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam and the death of Lady Diana.
这篇文章描述了君主制是如何在一个自1066年以来从未被入侵的社会中享有历史连续性的,也没有像其他欧洲国家那样的革命经历。另一个特点包括对“不列颠群岛”、“大不列颠”和“英格兰”的混淆。英国最好被理解为一个支离破碎的社会群岛。英国女王伊丽莎白二世成功度过了这两次特殊的危机:澳大利亚总理高夫·惠特拉姆被解职和戴安娜王妃去世。
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引用次数: 0
The meanings of the monarchy 君主制的意义
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1177/1468795X221138109
P. Kivisto
Using two classic accounts of Elizabeth II’s Coronation, this article explores the potential meanings of the monarchy in the 21st century.
本文通过对伊丽莎白二世加冕典礼的两个经典描述,探讨了君主制在21世纪的潜在意义。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Normative Intermittency: A Sociology of Failing Social Structuration 书评:《规范间歇性:失败社会结构的社会学》
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1177/1468795x221137688
S. Turner
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Zwischen Globalismus und Demokratie. Politische Ökonomie im ausgehenden Neoliberalismus 书本审查:全球化与民主之间的全球化政治自由主义的新兴自由主义
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-03 DOI: 10.1177/1468795X221127246
C. Crouch
In a number of recent contributions Wolfgang Streeck has provided some of the most penetrating analyses of contemporary capitalism. Particularly noticeable has been his distinction (2013) between Staatsvolk (the people constituting the democratically entitled citizenry of a nation) and Marktvolk (the global holders of finance capital, whose power is exercised over governments through means that bypass and over-run national democracy). In this new work he goes beyond these earlier analyses to provide an account of what he sees as the mutual incompatibility of democracy and a globalized economy. In doing so he reintroduces and updates the contributions to understanding capitalism of those two giants of mid-20th century analysis, John Maynard Keynes and Karl Polanyi. There is also considerable use of data and various research findings, but also of such surprising authors as Edward Gibbon. A core argument of the book is that globalization has shifted power away from the nation state, which has been the primary level at which democracy has flourished, passing it to networks of global corporations. Whereas many of the advocates of globalization depict it as replacing hierarchical state action by free markets in which consumers are dominant, Streeck points out that the architecture of the new global governance is itself highly vertical. Power is drawn out of the various levels of democratic action and lodged in a few international banks and other giant firms. The doctrine of shareholder value maximization has displaced any other responsibilities (to workers, customers, the environment) that firms possessed when they could be regulated at national levels. By erecting global supply chains, corporations have been able to source parts of their products from wherever labor is cheapest and possesses fewest rights, where environmental and other protective regulation is very weak, where taxation is lowest. As a result, much global trading that looks as though it operates through markets really takes place within the structures of individual giant firms, enabling them for example, to use book-keeping techniques to allocate their costs to wherever they choose, irrespective of what is really happening. One might add, though Streeck himself does not make this point, that the accountancy and audit process of contemporary capitalism are as fictive as the “posttruth” of much current political and governmental discourse. The global economy is not really a market economy, but one dominated by giant corporations—and, one might add, their political allies. 1127246 JCS0010.1177/1468795X221127246Journal of Classical SociologyBook Review book-review2022
在最近的几篇文章中,沃尔夫冈·施特雷克对当代资本主义进行了一些最深入的分析。尤其值得注意的是,他(2013年)对Staatsvolk(构成一个国家民主权利公民的人)和Marktvolk(金融资本的全球持有者,他们通过绕过和超越国家民主的方式对政府行使权力)进行了区分。在这部新作中,他超越了这些早期的分析,提供了他所认为的民主与全球化经济相互矛盾的解释。在此过程中,他重新介绍并更新了两位20世纪中期分析的巨人——约翰•梅纳德•凯恩斯(John Maynard Keynes)和卡尔•波兰尼(Karl Polanyi)对理解资本主义的贡献。书中还大量使用了数据和各种研究结果,但也引用了爱德华·吉本(Edward Gibbon)等令人惊讶的作者。这本书的一个核心论点是,全球化已经将权力从民族国家转移到全球公司网络,而民族国家一直是民主繁荣的主要层面。尽管许多全球化的倡导者将其描述为用消费者占主导地位的自由市场取代等级制国家行为,但施特雷克指出,新的全球治理架构本身是高度垂直的。权力从各个层面的民主行动中抽离出来,掌握在少数几家国际银行和其他大公司手中。股东价值最大化的原则已经取代了公司在国家层面上可以监管的任何其他责任(对工人、客户和环境)。通过建立全球供应链,企业能够从劳动力最便宜、权利最少、环境和其他保护法规非常薄弱、税收最低的地方采购部分产品。因此,许多看似通过市场运作的全球交易实际上是在单个大公司的结构内进行的,例如,使它们能够使用簿记技术将成本分配到他们选择的任何地方,而不管实际发生了什么。有人可能会补充说,当代资本主义的会计和审计过程与许多当前政治和政府话语的“后真相”一样虚幻,尽管斯特雷克本人并没有提出这一点。全球经济并不是真正的市场经济,而是由大公司主导的经济,还有他们的政治盟友。1127246 JCS0010.1177/1468795X221127246Journal of Classical SociologyBook Review book-review2022
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引用次数: 0
Race, nation and empire; the forgotten sociology of Herbert Adolphus Miller 种族、民族和帝国;赫伯特·阿道夫·米勒被遗忘的社会学
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-03 DOI: 10.1177/1468795x221126330
J. Balon, J. Holmwood
Herbert Adolphus Miller (1875–1951) is a neglected figure within North American sociology, yet he made a distinctive contribution to the sociology and politics of race relations. He was one of the first sociological critics of eugenics and developed a distinctive approach to race relations and the position of subject minorities derived from a critical analysis of European empires. His approach was complementary to that of Du Bois with whom he had a close relationship. In this article, we trace Miller’s critique of eugenics and the idea of ‘Americanisation’ as a policy of immigrant assimilation, showing the distinctiveness of his approach within North American sociology, including the milieu of Chicago sociology with which he was associated. We also examine the connection between his sociology of race and Park’s position on race relations as being a process of gradual assimilation. We conclude with discussion of the Chicago school influence over Gunnar Myrdal’s The American Dilemma and the alternative approach to race relations that both Du Bois and Miller had already outlined in the 1920s.
赫伯特·阿道夫·米勒(Herbert Adolphus Miller,1875–1951)是北美社会学中一位被忽视的人物,但他对种族关系的社会学和政治学做出了独特的贡献。他是最早的优生学社会学评论家之一,并从对欧洲帝国的批判性分析中发展出一种独特的种族关系和主体少数群体地位的方法。他的方法与他关系密切的杜波依斯的方法是相辅相成的。在这篇文章中,我们追溯了米勒对优生学的批评,以及将“美国化”视为移民同化政策的想法,显示了他在北美社会学中的独特性,包括他所处的芝加哥社会学环境。我们还考察了他的种族社会学与朴关于种族关系是一个逐渐同化的过程的立场之间的联系。最后,我们讨论了芝加哥学派对Gunnar Myrdal的《美国困境》的影响,以及杜波依斯和米勒在20世纪20年代已经概述的种族关系的替代方法。
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引用次数: 0
Alchemizing social theory, remarks on Colonialism and Modern Social Theory 炼金社会理论,殖民主义与现代社会理论评述
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.1177/1468795X221113051
Karida L Brown
This review of Bhambra and Holmwood’s Colonialism and Modern Social Theory engages Chapter Six of the text, “Du Bois: Addressing the Colour Line,” as a site to contemplate broader questions about the cost of the pervasive historical erasure of the realities of colonialism and racism from the classical sociological cannon. Beyond historical description, the author thinks with the text to imagine a usable sociology toward the aim of alchemy and repair. Specifically, the author addresses the role “the classics” might play in teaching sociology in this context of such intentional redress.
对Bhambra和Holmwood的《殖民主义与现代社会理论》的回顾涉及到文本的第六章,“杜波依斯:解决肤色界限”,作为一个从古典社会学的大炮中思考殖民主义和种族主义现实的普遍历史抹去的代价的更广泛的问题。作者在历史描述之外,结合文本思考,以炼金术和修复为目的,想象一种可用的社会学。具体而言,作者论述了在这种有意纠正的背景下,“经典”在社会学教学中可能发挥的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Reframing the classics? 重塑经典?
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-15 DOI: 10.1177/1468795X221111766
Zophia Edwards
A number of recent works in sociology call for the decolonization of the discipline. Colonialism and Modern Social Theory adds a critical intervention to this recent body of work by deconstructing the theories that have been canonized in North American and European social theory, and meticulously laying out the systematic erasure of colonialism and imperialism from their concepts and analytical categories. This review focuses on the introductory chapter and overall scope of the book, and draws attention to several potential areas for fruitful future engagement that this text inspires.
社会学最近的一些著作呼吁该学科的非殖民化。《殖民主义与现代社会理论》通过解构北美和欧洲社会理论中被推崇的理论,并精心阐述了殖民主义和帝国主义从其概念和分析类别中的系统性抹去,为这部最近的作品增添了批判性的干预。这篇综述的重点是本书的引言章节和总体范围,并提请注意本书激发的未来富有成效的参与的几个潜在领域。
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引用次数: 0
“Rethinking Tocqueville: White democracy or American democracy?” “反思托克维尔:白人民主还是美国民主?”
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-27 DOI: 10.1177/1468795X221105967
Jennie C. Ikuta
This piece makes two points about “Tocqueville: From America to Algeria.” First, while Bhambra and Holmwood rightly criticize the editorial practice of omitting the “Three Races” chapter from Tocqueville’s Democracy in America, this critique does not go far enough. Even in its unabridged form, Democracy in America is structured to include an extension discussion on race and colonialism while also obscuring its significance. Second, the authors’ critique of Tocqueville’s inability to imagine how Black Americans as free and equal could be included into a system of racialized possession as equals is misplaced.
这篇文章对《托克维尔:从美国到阿尔及利亚》提出了两点。首先,尽管班布拉和霍尔姆伍德正确地批评了在托克维尔的《美国民主》中省略“三个种族”一章的编辑做法,但这种批评还不够。即使是在未删节的形式下,《美国民主》的结构也包括了对种族和殖民主义的延伸讨论,同时也掩盖了其意义。其次,作者对托克维尔无法想象美国黑人如何作为自由和平等的人被纳入一个种族化的平等占有制度的批评是错误的。
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引用次数: 0
Weber: Religion, nation and empire 韦伯:宗教,国家和帝国
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-23 DOI: 10.1177/1468795X221107226
Sara R. Farris
Colonialism figures in the work of Max Weber in multiple forms. While in his professorial address he supported internal colonialism as the antidote against the threat represented by the immigration of foreigners, in the writings on world religions colonialism appears as displacement, amnesia and Freudian slip. Colonial subjects in particular are portrayed as personalities unable to develop the mentality that would help them to free themselves from what Weber regarded as the chains of a communitarian, gregarious and subaltern life. In the end, I argue that Weber’s work contributed, albeit contradictorily and not always explicitly, to spread an idea of colonial violence as a force of progress and a racist idea of colonial others as backward.
殖民主义以多种形式出现在马克斯·韦伯的作品中。虽然在他的教授演讲中,他支持内部殖民主义作为对抗外国人移民所代表的威胁的解药,但在关于世界宗教的著作中,殖民主义表现为流离失所、失忆和弗洛伊德口误。尤其是殖民地居民,被描绘成无法发展出能够帮助他们从韦伯所认为的社群、群居和低等生活的枷锁中解放出来的心态。最后,我认为韦伯的作品有助于传播一种观点,即殖民暴力是一种进步的力量,而种族主义认为殖民地其他人是落后的,尽管这种观点是相互矛盾的,而且并不总是明确的。
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引用次数: 0
W.E.B. Du Bois and modern social theory 杜波依斯与现代社会理论
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-22 DOI: 10.1177/1468795x221105594
N. Meer
How might we move the current discussion of W.E.B Du Bois from a concern with omission to re-construction within modern social theory? Bhambra and Holmwood offer a novel means to do this through revisiting three texts: The Philadelphia Negro (1899), Souls of Black Folk (1903) and Black Reconstruction (1935). The following account explores the benefits of this approach, what it highlights for students and teachers, and discusses where other emphases might also lead a contemporary understanding of Du Bois.
我们如何将当前关于杜波依斯的讨论从对遗漏的关注转向对现代社会理论的重建?Bhambra和Holmwood通过重新审视《费城黑人》(1899)、《黑人的灵魂》(1903)和《黑人重建》(1935)这三部作品,提供了一种新颖的方法来做到这一点。下面的叙述探讨了这种方法的好处,它为学生和教师强调了什么,并讨论了其他的重点也可能导致对杜波依斯的当代理解。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Classical Sociology
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