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Studies in Social Justice最新文献

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The Mystery of National Identity of Chinese International Students amid the COVID-19 Pandemic: The Role of Western Neo-racism and Chinese Nationalism 新冠肺炎疫情下中国留学生民族认同之谜——西方新古典主义与中国民族主义的作用
IF 1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-24 DOI: 10.26522/ssj.v16i1.2551
Feifei Long
The research aims to explore the changes of national identity among Chinese international students in the odd social context of the global pandemic. By conducting semi-structured interviews with 10 Chinese undergraduate and postgraduate students in a prestigious university located in London, UK, the study provides evidence of Western neo-racism against Chinese students and the rise of Chinese nationalism. More significantly, it is found that Western neo-racism and Chinese nationalism have a push and pull effect on the national identity enhancement of Chinese international students. The participants revealed that bottom-up popular nationalism is more than a shadow of top-down state nationalism in China, and is more influential on students’ national identity formation. The research also discusses the implications of these findings, limitations and future research directions.
本研究旨在探讨在全球疫情的奇怪社会背景下,中国留学生的民族认同变化。通过对英国伦敦一所著名大学的10名中国本科生和研究生进行半结构化采访,该研究为西方针对中国学生的新种族主义和中国民族主义的兴起提供了证据。更重要的是,研究发现,西方新种族主义和中国民族主义对中国留学生民族认同的增强具有推挽作用。参与者透露,自下而上的民众民族主义在中国不仅仅是自上而下的国家民族主义的影子,对学生的国家认同形成更有影响。该研究还讨论了这些发现的含义、局限性和未来的研究方向。
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引用次数: 2
Reflections on Advancing Racial Justice in Diversity and Inclusion 关于在多样性和包容性中推进种族正义的思考
IF 1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-24 DOI: 10.26522/ssj.v16i1.3444
Maileen Hamto
N/A
不适用
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引用次数: 1
Unravelling Discourses on COVID-19, South Asians and Punjabi Canadians 展开关于新冠肺炎、南亚人和旁遮普裔加拿大人的对话
IF 1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-24 DOI: 10.26522/ssj.v16i1.3471
T. Das Gupta, S. Nagpal
This article uses critical discourse analysis to examine how the higher COVID-19 infection rates among South Asians in general, and Punjabis more specifically, have been represented by conservative politicians and their representatives as a consequence of cultural and religious practices. Two counter-narratives are discussed. The first substitutes the negative image of the Sikh Punjabi Canadian community with a celebratory and positive view of Sikh humanitarianism and community service. The second attributes the high numbers to class attributes such as precarious jobs, poverty-level wages, employment insecurity, lack of sick days, over-crowded housing, racism and lack of access to healthcare. We argue that the conservative explanation as well as the first counter-narrative reveal continuities in culturalist understandings of South Asian immigrants, albeit in slightly different ways. The second counter-narrative represents a discursive resistance by advancing a structural analysis of health and disease in immigrant communities.
本文使用批判性话语分析来研究,由于文化和宗教习俗,保守派政治家及其代表如何代表南亚人,特别是旁遮普人的COVID-19感染率较高。本文讨论了两种相反的叙述。第一种是用对锡克教人道主义和社区服务的庆祝和积极看法来取代对锡克教旁遮普加拿大社区的负面形象。第二种方法将高死亡率归因于阶级属性,如不稳定的工作、贫困水平的工资、就业不安全感、没有病假、过度拥挤的住房、种族主义和缺乏获得医疗保健的机会。我们认为,保守的解释和第一种反叙事揭示了文化主义者对南亚移民理解的连续性,尽管方式略有不同。第二种反叙事通过推进对移民社区健康和疾病的结构性分析,代表了一种话语抵抗。
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引用次数: 1
Settler Colonial Socialization in Public Sector Work: Moving from Privilege to Complicity 公共部门工作中的移民殖民社会化:从特权走向复杂
IF 1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-24 DOI: 10.26522/ssj.v16i1.2648
Nisha Nath, W. Allen
In this piece, we ask, what are the risks of a pedagogy and politics that begins and ends with privilege? What does it mean to declare privilege when embedded in institutions of the settler colonial state? These questions are raised through an ongoing project where we interview provincial public sector workers on Treaty 6, 7 and 8 (Alberta, Canada) and Coast Salish Territories (British Columbia, Canada) about their implications in settler colonialism through public sector work. In the project, we articulate the interdisciplinary framework of settler colonial socialization to consider the space between individuals and structures – the meso-space where settlers are made by learning how to take up the work of settler colonialism. For these reasons, in our research we ask, “what do the pedagogical processes of settler colonial socialization tell us about how systemic colonial violence is sustained, and how it might be disrupted or refused in public sector work?” In this paper, we narrow our focus to the declarations of privilege that many of our interview participants are making. We reflect on these declarations and consider whether focusing on settler complicity and Indigenous refusals can better support a decolonial politics for settlers working in the public sector. We argue that declarations of privilege risk reproducing settler-centric logics that maintain settler colonialism, settler jurisdiction, and settler certainty, and we reflect on how to orient participants (and ourselves) towards the material realization of relational accountability and towards imagining otherwise.
在这篇文章中,我们要问,以特权开始和结束的教育学和政治有什么风险?当特权嵌入定居者殖民国家的机构时,宣布特权意味着什么?这些问题是通过一个正在进行的项目提出的,在该项目中,我们采访了第6、7和8号条约(加拿大阿尔伯塔省)和萨利希海岸地区(加拿大不列颠哥伦比亚省)的省级公共部门工作人员,了解他们通过公共部门工作对定居者殖民主义的影响。在该项目中,我们阐明了定居者殖民社会化的跨学科框架,以考虑个人和结构之间的空间——定居者是通过学习如何从事定居者殖民主义工作而形成的中间空间。出于这些原因,在我们的研究中,我们问道,“定居者殖民社会化的教学过程告诉我们,系统性殖民暴力是如何持续的,以及它在公共部门工作中是如何被破坏或拒绝的?”在这篇论文中,我们将重点缩小到许多采访参与者正在发表的特权声明上。我们反思这些宣言,并考虑关注定居者的共谋和土著人的拒绝是否能更好地支持在公共部门工作的定居者的非殖民化政治。我们认为,特权宣言有可能复制以定居者为中心的逻辑,这些逻辑维护了定居者殖民主义、定居者管辖权和定居者确定性,我们反思了如何引导参与者(和我们自己)实现关系问责制的物质实现,并进行其他想象。
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引用次数: 3
Accounting for Justice: Citizen Public Debt Audits and the Case of Puerto Rico 司法会计:公民公共债务审计和波多黎各案例
IF 1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-24 DOI: 10.26522/ssj.v16i1.2527
Wendy Wiedenhoft Murphy
A Citizen Public Debt Audit (CPDA) is an emancipatory praxis that can mobilize citizens to make legible public debt that has been accrued in their name. Ideally, it should hold creditors accountable for debt that is determined to be odious. This study examines the public debt crisis in Puerto Rico to illustrate the historically unjust circumstances under which public debt was accumulated on the island in the context of US federal taxation and economic policies. It explains how citizens are mobilizing via a CPDA to make these circumstances legible and argues that citizens should not be obliged to service debt that was accrued contrary to their own welfare, especially if conditions of repayment threaten their current and future well-being.
公民公共债务审计(CPDA)是一种解放实践,可以动员公民使以他们的名义积累的公共债务清晰可辨。理想情况下,它应该让债权人对被认定为可恶的债务负责。本研究考察了波多黎各的公共债务危机,以说明在美国联邦税收和经济政策的背景下,岛上公共债务积累的历史不公正情况。它解释了公民如何通过CPDA动员起来,使这些情况清晰可辨,并认为公民不应该被迫偿还与自己的福利相悖的债务,特别是在偿还条件威胁到他们当前和未来福祉的情况下。
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引用次数: 0
American Nightmare: Facing the Challenge of Fascism (Book Review) 美国噩梦:面对法西斯主义的挑战(书评)
IF 1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-24 DOI: 10.26522/ssj.v16i1.3392
Terry Trowbridge
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引用次数: 7
Protecting Cisnormative Private and Public Spheres: The Canadian Conservative Denunciation of Transgender Rights 保护顺规范的私人和公共领域:加拿大保守党对跨性别权利的否认
IF 1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-05-06 DOI: 10.26522/SSJ.V15I3.2440
Alexa DeGagne
The public sphere has been seen by conservatives as an arena for safeguarding private relations. Private power relations (in the family, religion, community and economy) could be threatened by newly recognized social groups that make claims on the state for justice and equality. Therefore, conservatives have been concerned about who can speak and exist in public and who can thereby make demands on the state. In the debates over transgender rights in Canada, social conservatives and neoliberal forces have merged in complex and impactful ways. Analyzing House of Commons and Senate debates and committee proceedings for Bill C-279 (2015) and Bill C-16 (2016–2017), I examine three conservative arguments that illustrate attempts to maintain private power relations and hierarchal gendered divisions by ensuring that transgender and gender nonconforming people are not allowed to exist, speak or make claims in public: first, the assertion that gender identity and gender expression are not definable identity categories for claims-making because transgender people are deceptive and can change their gender based on their feelings; second, the targeting of public facilities, and particularly public bathrooms, as sites of contention, danger and necessary gender segregation; and third, the attempt to delegitimize rights claims by criminalizing transgender people in relation to cisgender women and children.
公共领域一直被保守派视为维护私人关系的舞台。私人权力关系(在家庭、宗教、社区和经济中)可能受到新被承认的社会团体的威胁,这些团体向国家提出正义和平等的要求。因此,保守派一直关注谁能在公共场合发言和存在,谁能因此对国家提出要求。在加拿大关于变性人权利的辩论中,社会保守派和新自由主义力量以复杂而有影响力的方式融合在一起。通过分析众议院和参议院对C-279号法案(2015)和C-16号法案(2016-2017)的辩论和委员会程序,我研究了三个保守派论点,它们说明了通过确保变性人和性别不符合者不被允许在公共场合存在、发言或提出要求来维持私人权力关系和等级性别划分的企图:首先,性别认同和性别表达不是可定义的身份范畴,因为跨性别者具有欺骗性,可以根据自己的感受改变自己的性别;第二,将公共设施,特别是公共浴室作为争论、危险和必要的性别隔离场所;第三,试图通过将跨性别者与顺性妇女和儿童的关系定为刑事犯罪,从而使权利主张非法化。
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引用次数: 2
Border and Rule: Global Migration, Capitalism, and the Rise of Racist Nationalism 边界与规则:全球移民、资本主义和种族主义民族主义的兴起
IF 1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-05-06 DOI: 10.26522/SSJ.V15I3.2717
Elise Hjalmarson
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引用次数: 4
The Consequences of the Austerity Policies for Public Services in the UK 英国公共服务紧缩政策的后果
IF 1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-05-06 DOI: 10.26522/SSJ.V15I3.2568
Hernandez Tania Arrieta
This article examines the changing landscape of public service provision in the UK during austerity. Austerity is presented through the notions of retrenchment, decentralisation and shifts in governance. The analysis shows that retrenchment and decentralisation eroded the capacity of public institutions to protect the provision of vital public services. This is revealed through the reduced provision of non-statutory services and the reinforcement of inequalities in service provision. Shifts in governance have led to mixed outcomes in the quality of services. This article also addresses how austerity influenced many of the problems observed in service provision during the COVID-19 pandemic. Vital public services in the UK faced the pandemic with a diminished resource base, heightened inequalities and significant fragmentation in service provision.
本文考察了紧缩时期英国公共服务提供的变化格局。紧缩是通过紧缩、权力下放和治理转变的概念来体现的。分析表明,紧缩和权力下放削弱了公共机构保护提供重要公共服务的能力。非法定服务的提供减少和服务提供中不平等现象的加剧体现了这一点。治理的转变导致服务质量参差不齐。这篇文章还阐述了在新冠肺炎大流行期间,紧缩如何影响服务提供中观察到的许多问题。英国的重要公共服务面临疫情,资源基础减少,不平等加剧,服务提供严重分散。
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引用次数: 8
Contagious Terror: Violence, Haunting and the Work of Refugee Protection 传染性恐怖:暴力、困扰与难民保护工作
IF 1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-05-05 DOI: 10.26522/SSJ.V15I3.2528
Azar Masoumi
This article argues that contrary to its humanitarian semblance, state-controlled refugee protection is a project of substantial violence, and that the violence of refugee protection is continuously disseminated through and across a wide range of unlikely actors and institutions. Drawing on Avery Gordon (2008) and Franz Fanon (1965), I show that the violence of refugee protection makes itself known in its haunting effects on those who come in contact with it in various capacities: those who carry through the work of refugee protection, such as refugee claim decision makers, lawyers and support workers, are plagued by psychological ailments that manifest in periodical burnouts, anxiety, melancholy, alcohol abuse, and unrelenting moral and emotional dilemmas. These ailments reveal the violence of refugee protection not just in relation to refugees, who are often construed as the exclusive subjects of violence, but also towards non-refugees who come into contact with “protection” work.
这篇文章认为,与人道主义外表相反,国家控制的难民保护是一个实质性暴力项目,难民保护的暴力行为不断通过各种不太可能的行为者和机构传播。根据Avery Gordon(2008)和Franz Fanon(1965)的研究,我发现难民保护的暴力行为对以各种身份与之接触的人产生了挥之不去的影响:那些从事难民保护工作的人,如难民索赔决策者、律师和支持工作人员,患有心理疾病,表现为周期性的倦怠、焦虑、忧郁、酗酒以及无情的道德和情感困境。这些疾病揭示了难民保护的暴力行为,不仅涉及难民,他们通常被视为暴力的专属对象,还涉及接触“保护”工作的非难民。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Studies in Social Justice
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