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Eucherius’ Enigmatic Formulas of Spiritual Knowledge 欧克利乌斯神秘的精神知识公式
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-16 DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10084
T. Toom
Cassiodorus grouped Eucherius’ Formulae spiritalis intellegentiae with four other introductiones, all of which are supposedly about biblical interpretation. However, and despite its Preface, Eucherius’ treatise does not fit well with the other hermeneutical treatises. This article attempts to determine the alleged purpose of Eucherius’ Formulae and assess the interpretative advice that it provides. It is argued that Formulae is a compendium assisting one in a meditative lectio divinae.
卡西奥多鲁斯将尤奇留斯的 Formulae spiritalis intellegentiae 与其他四篇导论归为一类,据说这些导论都是关于圣经解释的。然而,尽管有《序言》,欧切里斯的论文与其他诠释学论文并不相符。本文试图确定欧基留斯《公式》的所谓目的,并评估其提供的解释建议。本文认为,《公式》是一部帮助人们进行冥想式占卜的纲要。
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引用次数: 0
Slaves of the People: A Political and Social History of Roman Public Slavery, written by Franco Luciani 人民的奴隶:罗马公共奴隶制的政治和社会史》,作者 Franco Luciani
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-19 DOI: 10.1163/15700720-12347533
Spyridon P. Panagopoulos
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引用次数: 1
Did “The Gnostic Heresy” Influence Valentinus? An Investigation of Irenaeus, Against Heresies 1.11.1 and 1.29 诺斯替异端 "影响了瓦伦蒂诺吗?对爱任纽《反对异端邪说》1.11.1 和 1.29 的研究
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-15 DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10068
M. D. Litwa
This article argues (1) that there is insufficient evidence to conclude that a or the “gnostic heresy” (Irenaeus, Against Heresies 1.11.1) referred to a specific social group whose theology is witnessed in Against Heresies 1.29 and (2) that the aeonology in this passage influenced Valentinus. There is no evidence that the aeonology in Against Heresies 1.29 existed prior to 160 CE, the approximate date of Valentinus’s demise; thus this material could not have shaped Valentinus’s theology. Instead of thinking with Irenaeus in terms of unidirectional influence (Irenaeus’s constructed “gnostic heresy” inspiring Valentinus/Valentinians), future theories ought to account for multiple directions of influence and entanglement between various early Christian theologians in the late second century CE.
本文论证了(1)没有足够的证据断定 "诺斯底异端"(爱任纽,《反对异端邪说》1.11.1)指的是一个特定的社会群体,《反对异端邪说》1.29见证了该群体的神学;(2)这段话中的永生论影响了冉森提努斯。没有证据表明《反对异端邪说》1.29中的永生论存在于公元160年(冉坦第努斯去世的大致时间)之前;因此,这一材料不可能影响冉坦第努斯的神学。与爱任纽的单向影响(爱任纽构建的 "诺斯替异端 "对梵伦提努斯/梵伦提尼派的启发)不同,未来的理论应该考虑到公元二世纪晚期早期基督教神学家之间的多向影响和纠葛。
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引用次数: 0
A Newly Identified Letter of Valentinus on Jesus’s Digestive System: Ps.-Basil of Caesarea’s ep. 366 新发现的瓦伦蒂诺关于耶稣消化系统的书信:凯撒利亚的巴希尔(Ps.366
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-15 DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10067
Nathan E. Porter
A passage from Ps.-Basil of Caesarea’s ep. 366 contains verbatim parallels with a quotation of Valentinus given in Clement of Alexandria, Strom. 3.7.59.3. These parallels have rarely been recognized by scholars. Völker and Markschies have argued that Ps.-Basil was excerpting from Clement, but this paper argues that Ps.-Basil was independent of Clement and was likely Clement’s source. Overlooked evidence includes (i) the coherence of the parallel passages in the context of ep. 366 and their relative incoherence in the context of Strom. 3.7.59.3; (ii) Valentinian theology that is found throughout ep. 366, including the notions of spiritual bodies and Charis as God’s protological consort; (iii) grammatical errors in Clement that are not present in Ps.-Basil; and (iv) further textual evidence suggesting that ep. 366 has the original version of the passage. A plausible explanation of the evidence, this paper will argue, is that ep. 366 comes from the pen of Valentinus himself.
凯撒利亚的巴希尔(Ps.366 中的一段话与亚历山大的克莱门特在《Strom.3.7.59.3.学者们很少承认这些相似之处。Völker 和 Markschies 认为 Ps.-Basil 节选自克莱门特,但本文认为 Ps.-Basil 独立于克莱门特,很可能是克莱门特的来源。被忽视的证据包括:(i) 在书信集 366 的上下文中平行段落的连贯性及其相对的不连贯。366 的上下文中平行段落的连贯性,而在 Strom.3.7.59.3;(ii) 在书信 366 中随处可见的瓦伦丁神学,包括 "神 "的概念。(iii) 克莱门特书中的语法错误,而 Ps.-Basil 中没有这些错误;以及 (iv) 进一步的文本证据表明,书信集 366 的原始版本是《圣经》的第 3.7.59.3 节,而《圣经》的第 3.7.59.3 节则是第 3.7.59.3 节。(iv) 进一步的文本证据表明,366 页是这段经文的原始版本。本文认为,对这些证据的一个合理解释是,书信集 366 来自瓦伦丁的笔下。366号书信出自瓦伦提诺本人之手。
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引用次数: 0
The Orthodox Woman: Jerome on the Relation Between Asceticism, Orthodoxy, and Gender 正统女性:杰罗姆论禁欲主义、正统与性别的关系
3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-08 DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10077
Katarina Pålsson
Abstract While previous scholarship has shown that the rhetorical figure of the “heretical woman” was important in Jerome’s slandering of male rivals, this article argues that the “orthodox woman” played a just as important role in his self-presentation as an orthodox teacher. The “orthodox woman” is characterized by true asceticism which, according to Jerome’s ascetic theology, implies that she transcends her sex. Rather than being a “woman”, in the ordinary sense of the word, she is an angelic being with a supernatural understanding, which allows her to discern the spiritual meaning of the Scriptures and to distinguish between orthodoxy and heresy. It is argued that the presentation of the “orthodox woman” as very learned, independent and strong-willed makes her the direct opposite of Jerome’s “heretical woman”, and that such a portrayal suited Jerome’s purposes, as his great reliance on women readers called for a defence of female spiritual authority.
虽然之前的学术研究表明,“异端女性”的修辞形象在杰罗姆诽谤男性对手的过程中发挥了重要作用,但本文认为,“正统女性”在杰罗姆的自我呈现中发挥了与正统教师同样重要的作用。“正统女性”的特点是真正的禁欲主义,根据杰罗姆的禁欲主义神学,这意味着她超越了她的性别。她不是一个普通意义上的“女人”,而是一个具有超自然理解能力的天使,这使她能够辨别圣经的精神意义,并区分正统和异端。有人认为,将“正统女性”描述为非常博学、独立和意志坚强的女性,使她与杰罗姆的“异端女性”形成了鲜明的对比,这样的描绘符合杰罗姆的目的,因为他对女性读者的极大依赖要求捍卫女性的精神权威。
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引用次数: 0
Tachygraphie und Tachygraphen bei Basilius von Caesarea – und darüber hinaus 凯撒区的西勒斯
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-26 DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10072
Benedict Totsche
Starting from Letter 134 of Basil of Caesarea, the question is asked what Basil means when he uses the term ταχυγράφος. For this purpose, exemplary passages from ancient Christian and non-Christian authors are compiled. It is obvious that a shorthand system was used at that time. However, the question remains whether such a system was always used, especially since many passages do not provide a precise description of the activities of a tachygrapher. Letter 135 of Basil, on the other hand, suggests that a tachygrapher probably did not work exclusively with a shorthand system. Thus, the term ταχυγράφος has no unambiguity in its usage. In part, it is used to refer to persons who have mastered a special system of signs with the help of which they can write faster. In part, however, it is also used to refer to people who write quickly, but using the conventional alphabet.
从凯撒利亚的罗勒的第134封信开始,问题是当罗勒使用ταχ γρ φος这个词时,他是什么意思?为此目的,从古代基督教和非基督教作家的典型段落汇编。很明显,当时使用的是速记系统。然而,问题仍然是这样一个系统是否一直被使用,特别是因为许多段落没有提供一个准确的描述一个快速记录员的活动。另一方面,巴兹尔的第135封信表明,速写员可能并不只使用速记系统。因此,ταχ γρ ος一词在用法上没有明确的含义。在某种程度上,它被用来指那些掌握了一种特殊的符号系统的人,借助这种系统,他们可以写得更快。然而,在某种程度上,它也被用来指那些用传统字母写得很快的人。
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引用次数: 0
Reconstructing Melito of Sardis’s Interpretation of Revelation’s New Jerusalem 重建撒狄的梅利托对启示录新耶路撒冷的诠释
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-26 DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10070
Nathaniel Betz
Of the earliest Christian authors whose interpretation of the New Jerusalem of Revelation 21–22 has gone missing, the case of Melito of Sardis is perhaps the most regrettable. Heir to early Asian Johannine tradition and author of a lost treatise on Revelation, Melito had a high regard for the text. However, his view on the text’s much-contested New Jerusalem – whether it is literal, this-worldly, and millennial or allegorical, spiritual, and perhaps immanent – has never been studied. Building on and adding to an emerging consensus that Melito was not a millennialist, I attempt to reconstruct Melito’s understanding of the New Jerusalem by drawing on his Peri Pascha and surviving fragments from elsewhere in his corpus. In the end, I discover him to have a firmly ecclesiological and mystical understanding of the city. That he advanced this understanding, which he presents without qualification or apology, indicates further that Melito likely bears witness to a yet earlier spiritual and allegorical reading of Revelation’s Heavenly Jerusalem.
在《启示录》第21-22章中对新耶路撒冷的解释失传的最早的基督教作者中,撒迪斯的梅利托可能是最令人遗憾的。梅利托是早期亚洲约翰传统的继承人,也是一本失传的《启示录》专著的作者,他对《启示录》的文本有着很高的评价。然而,他对文本中备受争议的新耶路撒冷的观点——无论是字面上的,现世的,千禧年的,还是寓言的,精神的,也许是内在的——从未被研究过。在梅利托不是千禧年论者这一逐渐形成的共识的基础上,我试图通过借鉴他的《末日论》和从他的文集中其他地方幸存下来的片段来重建梅利托对新耶路撒冷的理解。最后,我发现他对这个城市有着坚定的教会和神秘的理解。他提出了这种理解,他没有任何限制或道歉,进一步表明,梅利托可能见证了更早的精神和寓言阅读启示录的天堂耶路撒冷。
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引用次数: 0
The Didactic Nature of Gregory Nazianzen’s Poemata Arcana and the Theme of Continual, Gradated Progress 格列高利·纳齐安岑《神秘诗》的教学性质与持续、渐进的主题
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-26 DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10074
Paul K. Hosle
In this essay, I provide a holistic reading of Gregory Nazianzen’s Poemata Arcana, eight poems providing a coherent and systematic account of the elements of Christian theology. I explore in particular the reflexive didactic poetics of the work, arguing that one of the most recurring themes is that of continual and gradated spiritual progress toward God and that Gregory takes care to position himself as an instructor and exemplar for his readers in their own individual, gradual self-perfective journeys. Over the course of this argument, I critically reconsider prior judgements concerning the poem’s theological content (especially on the issue of apophasis and theōsis), literary technique and textual constitution.
在这篇文章中,我提供了对格雷戈里·纳齐安森的《神秘诗》的全面解读,八首诗提供了对基督教神学要素的连贯和系统的描述。我特别探讨了这部作品的反思性说教诗学,认为最反复出现的主题之一是不断和逐步走向上帝的精神进步,格列高利小心地将自己定位为读者的导师和榜样,在他们自己的个人,逐渐自我完善的旅程中。在这个论证的过程中,我批判性地重新考虑了关于诗歌的神学内容(特别是关于阿帕法和theōsis的问题)、文学技巧和文本结构的先前判断。
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引用次数: 0
Du créateur biblique au démiurge gnostique. Trajectoire et reception du motif du blasphème de l’Archonte, written by Steve Johnston 从圣经的创造者到诺斯替的造物主。史蒂夫·约翰斯顿所写的《执政官亵渎主题的轨迹与接受》
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-26 DOI: 10.1163/15700720-12347528
Clemens Scholten
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引用次数: 0
The Teachings of Silvanus 西尔瓦努斯的教诲
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-26 DOI: 10.1163/9789004228900_cgl_attos
Roel Wemarus van den Broek
Previous research on the Teachings of Silvanus has led to the generally accepted conclusion that the present form of the work is the result of a long textual development. Because of the text’s close relationship with the biblical and Hellenistic-Jewish Wisdom literature, it has been suggested that its earliest form was a Jewish sapiential writing, which over a long period of time was Christianised by the addition of New Testament material and Christian theological speculations. In the present study, the problem of the Teachings’ textual development is approached from a literary analysis of the text. It is argued that the work contains many instances of parallelismus membrorum, which in some cases are closely interwoven with biblical and Jewish sapiential texts and in other cases are abruptly broken up by Christian interpolations.
先前对《西尔瓦努斯的教导》的研究得出了一个普遍接受的结论,即现在的作品形式是长期文本发展的结果。由于文本与圣经和希腊-犹太智慧文学的密切关系,有人认为它最早的形式是犹太人的智慧写作,在很长一段时间里,由于新约材料和基督教神学推测的加入,它被基督教化了。在本研究中,从文本的文学分析来探讨《教法》的文本发展问题。有人认为,这部作品包含了许多平行记忆的实例,在某些情况下,它与圣经和犹太智慧文本紧密交织在一起,在其他情况下,它被基督教的插入突然打破。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
VIGILIAE CHRISTIANAE
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