Pub Date : 2022-05-12DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10057
P. Abbott
Ancient philosophers sought to tune the soul and society to the musica universalis, the celestial harmony generated by the rational wheelworks of the cosmos. For Romans, this overarching rationality was associated with the rational speech of elite masculinity. Augustine subverts this discourse, however. Maintaining that the musica universalis is tuned to the love of God rather than rationality, Augustine depicts Roman history as chaotic dissonance that is out of tune with cosmic harmony. He effects a cosmic key change which idealizes behavior that Roman elites would have viewed absurd. Instead of selling a traditional type of speech (rhetoric) that according to Augustine leads to chaos, he teaches Christians to embrace activities in which the uneducated can participate – singing Psalms, and bursting into sudden, incomprehensible eruptions of divine joy, which he terms jubilus. In short, Augustine preaches a radically new sonority to undergird a new society.
{"title":"The Sound of Silence: Augustine’s Soundscape for the Christian Empire","authors":"P. Abbott","doi":"10.1163/15700720-bja10057","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15700720-bja10057","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Ancient philosophers sought to tune the soul and society to the musica universalis, the celestial harmony generated by the rational wheelworks of the cosmos. For Romans, this overarching rationality was associated with the rational speech of elite masculinity. Augustine subverts this discourse, however. Maintaining that the musica universalis is tuned to the love of God rather than rationality, Augustine depicts Roman history as chaotic dissonance that is out of tune with cosmic harmony. He effects a cosmic key change which idealizes behavior that Roman elites would have viewed absurd. Instead of selling a traditional type of speech (rhetoric) that according to Augustine leads to chaos, he teaches Christians to embrace activities in which the uneducated can participate – singing Psalms, and bursting into sudden, incomprehensible eruptions of divine joy, which he terms jubilus. In short, Augustine preaches a radically new sonority to undergird a new society.","PeriodicalId":44928,"journal":{"name":"VIGILIAE CHRISTIANAE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76912431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-01DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10045
J. W. Barker
Eusebius of Caesarea innovated a system for locating Gospel parallels by sorting hundreds of sections into ten canons. Two centuries later, Victor of Capua produced Codex Fuldensis, a Vulgate New Testament replacing the separate Gospels with a harmony and the Eusebian apparatus. Whereas Eusebius’s Canon X demarcated unparalleled material, Victor’s scribe repeatedly wrote Canon X within episodes occurring in other Gospels. I argue that these paratextual solecisms illuminate the production of the codex. Victor occasionally wrote a single section number in the margin of his Vorlage to direct his scribe. The scribe then mislabeled the passage as Canon X. In later centuries, copies of the Fuldensis harmony reflect various attempts to correct these mistaken references. Paratextual criticism offers a new way to sort the Latin descendants of the Fuldensis text.
{"title":"Eusebian Canon Ten in Codex Fuldensis","authors":"J. W. Barker","doi":"10.1163/15700720-bja10045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15700720-bja10045","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Eusebius of Caesarea innovated a system for locating Gospel parallels by sorting hundreds of sections into ten canons. Two centuries later, Victor of Capua produced Codex Fuldensis, a Vulgate New Testament replacing the separate Gospels with a harmony and the Eusebian apparatus. Whereas Eusebius’s Canon X demarcated unparalleled material, Victor’s scribe repeatedly wrote Canon X within episodes occurring in other Gospels. I argue that these paratextual solecisms illuminate the production of the codex. Victor occasionally wrote a single section number in the margin of his Vorlage to direct his scribe. The scribe then mislabeled the passage as Canon X. In later centuries, copies of the Fuldensis harmony reflect various attempts to correct these mistaken references. Paratextual criticism offers a new way to sort the Latin descendants of the Fuldensis text.","PeriodicalId":44928,"journal":{"name":"VIGILIAE CHRISTIANAE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84349610","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-01DOI: 10.1163/15700720-12341490
D. Runia
{"title":"Die philosophische Lehre des Platonismus. Die Ethik im antiken Platonismus der Kaiserzeit Bausteine 231–252: Text, Übersetzung, Kommentar, written by C. Pietsch, unter Mitarbeit von B. Krämer, M. Menze und P. Nölker","authors":"D. Runia","doi":"10.1163/15700720-12341490","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341490","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44928,"journal":{"name":"VIGILIAE CHRISTIANAE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78541649","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-01DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10046
H. C. Ward
The work of classicists in recent years have shown the creative means by which readers organized knowledge textually within the Roman Empire. In the sixth book of his Stromateis, Clement of Alexandria reflects on a passage from the Shepherd of Hermas that contrasts reading ‘according to the letter’ and ‘according to the syllables’ to interpret Isaiah 8:1–2 on the composition of a ‘new book.’ In this article, I take this passage as a springboard to analyze the grammatical and rhetorical features—hinted subtly in these two passages—that Clement adapted for organizing the knowledge he believes Scripture to transmit. I argue that Clement employs a form of archival thinking to transfer the skills of grammarians and rhetoricians to the hermeneutics of Christian Scripture. This ‘grammatical archive’ and ‘memorial archive’ form the structures to Clement’s craft of thinking, which is ultimately expressed in the construction of textual constellations that aid in understanding the plain sense of the Scriptures and their subject matter.
{"title":"‘A New Book according to the Syllables’: Organizing Scripture in Clement of Alexandria","authors":"H. C. Ward","doi":"10.1163/15700720-bja10046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15700720-bja10046","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The work of classicists in recent years have shown the creative means by which readers organized knowledge textually within the Roman Empire. In the sixth book of his Stromateis, Clement of Alexandria reflects on a passage from the Shepherd of Hermas that contrasts reading ‘according to the letter’ and ‘according to the syllables’ to interpret Isaiah 8:1–2 on the composition of a ‘new book.’ In this article, I take this passage as a springboard to analyze the grammatical and rhetorical features—hinted subtly in these two passages—that Clement adapted for organizing the knowledge he believes Scripture to transmit. I argue that Clement employs a form of archival thinking to transfer the skills of grammarians and rhetoricians to the hermeneutics of Christian Scripture. This ‘grammatical archive’ and ‘memorial archive’ form the structures to Clement’s craft of thinking, which is ultimately expressed in the construction of textual constellations that aid in understanding the plain sense of the Scriptures and their subject matter.","PeriodicalId":44928,"journal":{"name":"VIGILIAE CHRISTIANAE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72408008","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-01DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10048
Daniel Vaucher
The legend of Cyprian of Antioch and Justina has had a great aftermath in literature from the Middle Ages to Goethe’s Faust. Like Simon Magus, Cyprian is often considered the archetype of the ancient magician and the first case of a pact with the devil. A close examination of the two source writings conversio and confessio, however, reveals considerable differences in the notions of magic and demonology. The conversio depends, in its shaping of the legend, more on pagan sources such as Lucian’s Philopseudes, while the later confessio emphasizes the role of the devil. Therefore, we cannot yet speak of a devil’s pact with regard to the earlier conversio.
{"title":"Cyprian im Bund mit dem Teufel","authors":"Daniel Vaucher","doi":"10.1163/15700720-bja10048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15700720-bja10048","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The legend of Cyprian of Antioch and Justina has had a great aftermath in literature from the Middle Ages to Goethe’s Faust. Like Simon Magus, Cyprian is often considered the archetype of the ancient magician and the first case of a pact with the devil. A close examination of the two source writings conversio and confessio, however, reveals considerable differences in the notions of magic and demonology. The conversio depends, in its shaping of the legend, more on pagan sources such as Lucian’s Philopseudes, while the later confessio emphasizes the role of the devil. Therefore, we cannot yet speak of a devil’s pact with regard to the earlier conversio.","PeriodicalId":44928,"journal":{"name":"VIGILIAE CHRISTIANAE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78392916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-01DOI: 10.1163/15700720-12341491
Clemens Scholten
{"title":"Valentinianism: New Studies, edited by Christoph Markschies & Einar Thomassen","authors":"Clemens Scholten","doi":"10.1163/15700720-12341491","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341491","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44928,"journal":{"name":"VIGILIAE CHRISTIANAE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89181752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-01DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10044
M. Hanaghan
Rufinus’ account of Pliny the Younger’s correspondence with Trajan regarding the treatment of Christians (Ep. 10.96–7) differs from Eusebius’ in three important ways: linking persecution to internal divisions within the Church; accentuating Pliny’s compassion for the Christian dead; and removing his skepticism regarding the Christian worship of a divine Christ. This article analyses these changes in light of Rufinus’ early fifth century context, especially the development of the cult of martyrs in northern Italy, and the Theodosian use of Trajan in imperial representations.
{"title":"Rufinus and the Reimagination of Pliny’s Correspondence with Trajan (HE 3.33)","authors":"M. Hanaghan","doi":"10.1163/15700720-bja10044","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15700720-bja10044","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Rufinus’ account of Pliny the Younger’s correspondence with Trajan regarding the treatment of Christians (Ep. 10.96–7) differs from Eusebius’ in three important ways: linking persecution to internal divisions within the Church; accentuating Pliny’s compassion for the Christian dead; and removing his skepticism regarding the Christian worship of a divine Christ. This article analyses these changes in light of Rufinus’ early fifth century context, especially the development of the cult of martyrs in northern Italy, and the Theodosian use of Trajan in imperial representations.","PeriodicalId":44928,"journal":{"name":"VIGILIAE CHRISTIANAE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79796421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10047
Samuel B. Johnson
In view of persistently unresolved questions over whether the assorted segments of the Protevangelium of James can be read as a unified narrative, this study proposes a new account of the work’s complete thematic unity. Taking the Nativity as the Protevangelium’s overarching concern, I suggest that its narrative arises principally from the dramatic relationship between purity and divine indwelling characteristic of the Tabernacle narrative (Ex 25–40, Lev 1–16). As the Protevangelium begins to reach its final form during the second century CE, it becomes ordered around narrating the Christ Child as the locus of divine indwelling, a view which binds together the otherwise discordant opening chapters on Mary’s upbringing and closing chapters on Zechariah’s martyrdom. The Protevangelium invites its readers to consider how the God of Israel could indwell human conception and birth, while neither abolishing the Priestly law nor permitting his unapproachable Presence to suffer diminishment.
{"title":"The Protevangelium of James","authors":"Samuel B. Johnson","doi":"10.1163/15700720-bja10047","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15700720-bja10047","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In view of persistently unresolved questions over whether the assorted segments of the Protevangelium of James can be read as a unified narrative, this study proposes a new account of the work’s complete thematic unity. Taking the Nativity as the Protevangelium’s overarching concern, I suggest that its narrative arises principally from the dramatic relationship between purity and divine indwelling characteristic of the Tabernacle narrative (Ex 25–40, Lev 1–16). As the Protevangelium begins to reach its final form during the second century CE, it becomes ordered around narrating the Christ Child as the locus of divine indwelling, a view which binds together the otherwise discordant opening chapters on Mary’s upbringing and closing chapters on Zechariah’s martyrdom. The Protevangelium invites its readers to consider how the God of Israel could indwell human conception and birth, while neither abolishing the Priestly law nor permitting his unapproachable Presence to suffer diminishment.","PeriodicalId":44928,"journal":{"name":"VIGILIAE CHRISTIANAE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85066438","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-17DOI: 10.1163/15700720-12351587
George Heffernan
{"title":"St. Augustine’s Cassiciacum Dialogues, Translation, Annotation, and Commentary, written by Michael P. Foley","authors":"George Heffernan","doi":"10.1163/15700720-12351587","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12351587","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44928,"journal":{"name":"VIGILIAE CHRISTIANAE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75662412","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-17DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10043
Colin M. Whiting
While this article does not presume to answer the old question “Was Socrates of Constantinople a Novatian?”, it does offer a hitherto-unnoticed observation that may bear on the question. Socrates, as has been noted, is very reticent to use the term “catholic” in describing the church in his Historia ecclesiastica. This is unlikely to be a stylistic quirk, as a comparison to the history of Sozomen shows. No one yet has connected his reticence to the Novatian Sympronian, who objects to the same term on theological grounds in letters exchanged with Pacian of Barcelona. Given Socrates’ reluctance to use the term and a(nother) Novatian’s rejection of the same term, we may well have more evidence suggesting that Socrates was at the very least sympathetic not only to Novatians as a community but to their theological positions as well. In any case, the resistance of both Sympronian and Socrates to the notion of a “catholic” church stands in contrast to the usual interpretation of late antiquity as a period of growing universalism. The article also discusses whether it is even valid to ask whether Socrates was a Novatian or whether this question falls into less useful confessional dichotomies.
{"title":"The “Catholic” Church in Socrates of Constantinople and Pacian of Barcelona","authors":"Colin M. Whiting","doi":"10.1163/15700720-bja10043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15700720-bja10043","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000While this article does not presume to answer the old question “Was Socrates of Constantinople a Novatian?”, it does offer a hitherto-unnoticed observation that may bear on the question. Socrates, as has been noted, is very reticent to use the term “catholic” in describing the church in his Historia ecclesiastica. This is unlikely to be a stylistic quirk, as a comparison to the history of Sozomen shows. No one yet has connected his reticence to the Novatian Sympronian, who objects to the same term on theological grounds in letters exchanged with Pacian of Barcelona. Given Socrates’ reluctance to use the term and a(nother) Novatian’s rejection of the same term, we may well have more evidence suggesting that Socrates was at the very least sympathetic not only to Novatians as a community but to their theological positions as well. In any case, the resistance of both Sympronian and Socrates to the notion of a “catholic” church stands in contrast to the usual interpretation of late antiquity as a period of growing universalism. The article also discusses whether it is even valid to ask whether Socrates was a Novatian or whether this question falls into less useful confessional dichotomies.","PeriodicalId":44928,"journal":{"name":"VIGILIAE CHRISTIANAE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75374934","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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