Pub Date : 2022-09-19DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10054
Dimitrios Zaganas
Pseudo-Didymus’ De Trinitate mentions many sanctuaries of the archangels Michael and Gabriel, finely adorned, some of which were quite famous to attract people from very far in the hope of a miracle. Although this testimony was usually considered as an ancient evidence because of its purported attribution to Didymus the Blind, it does not actually reflect the state of the archangels’ cult in the fourth century. However, it proves to be an important element for the dating of the De Trinitate itself, since it refers to a time when the cult of the archangels was developed in the East. The documentary and literary evidence shows that the churches dedicated to them, especially to Saint Michael, significantly multiply in the sixth century, and that their cult is being established under the reign of Justinian (527-565). It is from this period that the composition of Pseudo-Didymus’ De Trinitate is likely to date.
伪didymus ' De Trinitate提到了许多大天使米迦勒和加布里埃尔的避难所，精心装饰，其中一些非常有名，吸引了很远的人，希望发生奇迹。虽然这个证词通常被认为是一个古老的证据，因为它被认为是盲人的功劳，但它实际上并没有反映出四世纪大天使崇拜的状况。然而，它被证明是确定三位一体的重要因素，因为它指的是东方大天使崇拜发展的时期。文献和文献证据表明，献身于他们的教堂，特别是圣米迦勒，在六世纪显著增加，他们的崇拜是在查士丁尼(527-565)统治下建立的。从这一时期开始，《伪didymus’De Trinitate》的组成可能是确定日期的。
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Pub Date : 2022-09-19DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10060
Izabela Jurasz
Very little is known about the use of Scripture by Bardaisan, the Syriac-speaking Christian philosopher. The scholars have identified a few biblical references and terms, but they found that quotations are extremely rare. Even more so, it is difficult to state an opinion on Bardaisan’s exegetical method. Research has focused on Ephraim’s Memrā against Bardaisan and his passages concerning the reading of Jn 8:51. Now, it is possible to broaden the area of research on the testimony of Eusebius of Emesa – preserved in Armenian – about Bardaisanite exegesis of Gen 6:22 and Gen 7:1, as well as on the uses the Scriptures by Bardaisanite who intervenes in Adamantios’s Dialogue on Right Faith in God. The analysis of this new evidences shows that Bardaisan and his followers practised literal exegesis in the tradition of the Antiochian school. Il existe très peu d’informations sur l’utilisation des Écritures par Bardesane, le philosophe chrétien de langue syriaque. Les spécialistes ont identifié surtout des allusions et expressions bibliques, mais les citations restent extrêmement rares. À plus forte raison, il est difficile de se prononcer sur la méthode exégétique de Bardesane. Les recherches ont été concentrées sur le Memrā contre Bardesane d’Éphrem et ses passages concernant la lecture de Jn 8, 51. Cependant, il est possible d’élargir le champ de recherche sur le témoignage d’Eusèbe d’Émèse – conservé en arménien – au sujet de l’exégèse bardesanite de Gn 6, 22 et Gn 7, 1, ainsi que sur la manière d’utilisation des Écritures par le bardesanite qui in-tervient dans le Dialogue sur la juste foi en Dieu d’Adamantios. L’analyse de ce nouveau dossier montre que Bardesane et ses disciples ont pratiqué l’exégèse littérale, dans la tradition de l’école d’Antioche.
我们对讲叙利亚语的基督教哲学家巴达伊桑使用圣经的情况知之甚少。学者们已经确定了一些圣经的参考文献和术语，但他们发现引文极其罕见。更重要的是，很难对巴达桑的训诂方法发表意见。研究集中在以法莲对巴底撒的默幔和他关于约8:51的经文。现在，我们有可能扩大研究范围，研究以亚美尼亚语保存的埃米萨的尤西比乌斯的证词，关于巴底撒人对创世纪6:22和7:1的注释，以及巴底撒人对圣经的使用，他在亚当提修的《对上帝的正确信仰对话》中进行了干预。对这些新证据的分析表明，巴尔达桑和他的追随者在安提阿学派的传统中实践了字面训诂学。将会有关于如何利用叙利亚语(Écritures par Bardesane)和叙利亚语哲学的信息系统。不确定的是，不确定的是，不确定的是典故和表达，不确定的是，不确定的是，不确定的是，不确定的是，不确定的是。À再加上另外一个原因，将最困难的是将其发音为sur la msamuthode exsamudebardesane。里面的生物于高频集中于一点关于Memrā靠Bardesane d 'Ephrem et ses段落concernant la讲座德约8,51。在此之前，有可能在第6、22年和第7、1年举行一次关于交换交换和交换交换条件的会议，在第6、22年和第7、1年举行一次关于交换交换和交换交换条件的会议，在第6、22年和第7、1年举行一次关于交换交换和交换交换条件的会议，在第6、22年和第7、1年举行一次关于交换交换条件和交换交换条件的会议，在第6、22年举行一次关于交换交换条件和交换交换条件的会议上举行一次关于交换交换条件和交换交换条件的会议。我要分析一下巴尔德萨内的新档案，我要分析一下他的弟子们，我要分析一下他的新档案，我要分析一下他的新档案，我要分析一下他的新档案，我要分析一下他的新档案。
{"title":"Bardesane et l’herméneutique des Écritures : l’étude des nouveaux témoignages","authors":"Izabela Jurasz","doi":"10.1163/15700720-bja10060","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15700720-bja10060","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Very little is known about the use of Scripture by Bardaisan, the Syriac-speaking Christian philosopher. The scholars have identified a few biblical references and terms, but they found that quotations are extremely rare. Even more so, it is difficult to state an opinion on Bardaisan’s exegetical method. Research has focused on Ephraim’s Memrā against Bardaisan and his passages concerning the reading of Jn 8:51. Now, it is possible to broaden the area of research on the testimony of Eusebius of Emesa – preserved in Armenian – about Bardaisanite exegesis of Gen 6:22 and Gen 7:1, as well as on the uses the Scriptures by Bardaisanite who intervenes in Adamantios’s Dialogue on Right Faith in God. The analysis of this new evidences shows that Bardaisan and his followers practised literal exegesis in the tradition of the Antiochian school.\u0000Il existe très peu d’informations sur l’utilisation des Écritures par Bardesane, le philosophe chrétien de langue syriaque. Les spécialistes ont identifié surtout des allusions et expressions bibliques, mais les citations restent extrêmement rares. À plus forte raison, il est difficile de se prononcer sur la méthode exégétique de Bardesane. Les recherches ont été concentrées sur le Memrā contre Bardesane d’Éphrem et ses passages concernant la lecture de Jn 8, 51. Cependant, il est possible d’élargir le champ de recherche sur le témoignage d’Eusèbe d’Émèse – conservé en arménien – au sujet de l’exégèse bardesanite de Gn 6, 22 et Gn 7, 1, ainsi que sur la manière d’utilisation des Écritures par le bardesanite qui in-tervient dans le Dialogue sur la juste foi en Dieu d’Adamantios. L’analyse de ce nouveau dossier montre que Bardesane et ses disciples ont pratiqué l’exégèse littérale, dans la tradition de l’école d’Antioche.","PeriodicalId":44928,"journal":{"name":"VIGILIAE CHRISTIANAE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84234522","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-12DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10055
N. Williams
Cyprian’s homily De Disciplina et Habitu Virginum presents instructions and warnings about appropriate appearance and behavior for sacred virgins, women who had chosen to remain celibate and dedicate their lives to Christ. While this document has generally been read for its theological and literary merits, I argue for its historical value in reflecting real people and their behavior in the Carthaginian church. If we were to turn our focus from the bishop and his theology to the work’s addressees and their daily lives, what does this homily tell us about the women in the Carthaginian church in the mid-third century? A close analysis of this document complicates the presumed packaging of women’s virginity and asceticism together: while the bishops saw the two as necessary companions, some of the virgins in the early churches did not.
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Pub Date : 2022-05-12DOI: 10.1163/15700720-12347508
Adam R. Renberg
{"title":"Learning the Language of Scripture. Origen, Wisdom, and the Logic of Interpretation, written by Mark Randall James","authors":"Adam R. Renberg","doi":"10.1163/15700720-12347508","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12347508","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44928,"journal":{"name":"VIGILIAE CHRISTIANAE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73905380","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-12DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10053
H. Schmid
Right at the beginning of his “On Baptism”, Tertullian points out that he has composed this writing against a teacher “of the Cainite heresy”. Although “Caina” does not appear in the manuscripts, it is made plausible by the state of the textual transmission, especially by Jerome’s reception of Tertullian (Ep. 69.1.2). It may have been Irenaeus’ polemics (haer. 1.31) that first made Cain the protagonist of radical criticism against the God of the Book of Genesis, whence later heresiologists deduced the existence of “Cainites”. The “Paraphrase of Seem” (NHC VII 1) could belong to a tradition which the heresiologists would have labelled “cainite”. This text contains an exegesis of Gen 1 which leads to fundamental criticism of baptism with water. Now Tertullian draws his arguments in support of water baptism right from Gen 1, and his arguments, quite remarkably, make good sense as a reply to NHC VII 1.
就在《论洗礼》的开头，德尔图良指出，他写这篇文章是为了反对一位“该隐派异端”的老师。虽然“Caina”没有出现在手稿中，但它似乎是可信的，因为文本传输的状态，特别是杰罗姆对德尔图良的接受(Ep. 69.1.2)。这可能是爱任纽的辩论赛。1.31)，这首先使该隐成为激进批评《创世纪》中上帝的主角，后来的异端学家由此推断出“该隐派”的存在。“似乎的释义”(NHC VII 1)可能属于一种被异端学家称为“隐派”的传统。这篇文章包含创世记第一章的注释，导致用水洗礼的基本批评。现在，特土良从创世记第一章中得出了他支持水洗礼的论点，他的论点，很明显，很有意义，作为对NHC第七章第一节的回答。
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Pub Date : 2022-05-12DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10052
J. Han
The Apostle of Jesus Christ, Mani, declares himself to be a “solitary one” (monērēs) no less than three times in the Cologne Mani Codex (CMC). Through a literary analysis that contextualizes the CMC both with contemporary Syrian depictions of anchoritic ascetics, on the one hand, and the hairy mountaineering anchorite (CMC 126.4-129.17) with Mani, on the other hand, this article argues that the redactor of the CMC sought to portray Mani as an anchoritic ascetic. Mani’s declaration to be a monērēs is therefore not incidental, but an essential marker of his identity, even as he sets out into the world as the Apostle of Jesus Christ.
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Pub Date : 2022-05-12DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10049
J. M. Hubbard
Several recent studies on Justin’s Dialogue with Trypho the Jew have argued that the Dialogue should not be read as a witness to the state of theological debate between Jews and Christ-followers in the second century. Such arguments conclude that Justin does not engage with actual Jewish perspectives, but rather reconstructs a hypothetical Judaism from second-hand, polemical sources, or merely uses Trypho’s “Judaism” as a stand-in for what are actually (in Justin’s view) heterodox Christian interpretations. This article challenges this claim by returning to an older debate in Justin scholarship: the question of his relationship with Philo of Alexandria. By attending particularly to the role of the Logos in each author’s exegesis of Pentateuchal theophanic texts, the article argues that Justin’s interpretations in the Dialogue carefully avoid a kind of Logos theology that is well represented in the writings of Philo. This rhetorical distancing supports the conclusion that, in the Dialogue, Justin is in fact responding to exegetical traditions which he knows from the writings of Hellenized Judaism.
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Pub Date : 2022-05-12DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10050
Daniel J. Tolan
This article lays out Origen’s anthropological application of John 1:26. In particular, it examines the way in which Origen pairs the phrase “one whom you do not know has stood in your midst (μέσος ὑμῶν)” with the Stoic terminus technicus “governing faculty” (ἡγεμονικόν) through an identification of μέσος with soul. This identification assumes that μέσος refers to the soul and that references to the soul apply to the governing faculty. The former stands upon Origen’s four-fold interpretation of μέσος; the latter is an assumption based in Stoic psychology. This article begins with an examination of how Origen connects μέσος to soul and, subsequently, soul to the governing faculty. Next, it examines Origen’s engagement with John 1:26 in his Commentary on John. Finally, the article discusses the various ways in which Origen interprets this verse in his other works.
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Pub Date : 2022-05-12DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10056
J. Whitty
Basil of Caesarea’s On the Holy Spirit has often been painted as a work that symbolises his emergence from the shadow of his embittered mentor, Eustathius of Sebaste. This paper reassesses the extent of Eustathius’ influence on the treatise. By analysing both the tone and argumentation of On the Holy Spirit, I counter this scholarly narrative, showing that Eustathius in fact serves as the silent interlocutor of the treatise, to whom Basil pleads the case of his orthodoxy, and with whom he begs for the church to be healed. Consequently, On the Holy Spirit should be read as more in vogue with apologetic literature than polemic , as a redoubled effort to respond to Eustathius that mounts an impassioned but cordial defence of Basil’s vision of Christian orthodoxy and a long-overdue plea for peace in a war-torn church.
{"title":"Reading Basil of Caesarea’s On the Holy Spirit as Apology","authors":"J. Whitty","doi":"10.1163/15700720-bja10056","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15700720-bja10056","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Basil of Caesarea’s On the Holy Spirit has often been painted as a work that symbolises his emergence from the shadow of his embittered mentor, Eustathius of Sebaste. This paper reassesses the extent of Eustathius’ influence on the treatise. By analysing both the tone and argumentation of On the Holy Spirit, I counter this scholarly narrative, showing that Eustathius in fact serves as the silent interlocutor of the treatise, to whom Basil pleads the case of his orthodoxy, and with whom he begs for the church to be healed. Consequently, On the Holy Spirit should be read as more in vogue with apologetic literature than polemic , as a redoubled effort to respond to Eustathius that mounts an impassioned but cordial defence of Basil’s vision of Christian orthodoxy and a long-overdue plea for peace in a war-torn church.","PeriodicalId":44928,"journal":{"name":"VIGILIAE CHRISTIANAE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77223261","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-12DOI: 10.1163/15700720-bja10051
C. Gnilka
The miscell offers the explanation for a verse that has always been misunderstood: Prud. perist. 10.845.
这个错误为一个一直被误解的诗句提供了解释:Prud。走。10.845.
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