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Transgressive moderns: social relations and cultural institutions in Middle Eastern History 越界的现代人:中东历史上的社会关系与文化制度
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-24 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2022.30
Kaleb Herman Adney
Each of these books analyzes the relationship between social stratification and modern state-building through case studies on political movements, on the one hand, and opportunistic individuals, on the other. The volume edited by Odile Moreau and Stuart Schaar presents eight case studies that compare and contrast the biographies of individuals that don’t fit squarely into contemporary political, ideological, or economic categories. Stephanie Cronin’s volume is a collection of eleven essays on bureaucratic and economic processes that created new notions of crime and poverty. Central to this edited volume is the concept of social class, which is less fundamental to Moreau and Schaar’s book. The last volume, edited by Ramazan Hakkı Öztan and Alp Yenen, deals with many of the same questions as Stephanie Cronin’s. However, its case studies deal more explicitly with the gray zone between conventional and clandestine politics during a period of upheaval and revolution that transformed the region into a collection of nation-states. Each book is unique but together they provide us with valuable insights into the processes that brought magnates, hustlers, revolutionaries, and criminals into a common political sphere. As such, these volumes contribute significantly to the historiographical debates about transregional political projects, empireand nation-building, and the multiplicity of ways that violence and capital accumulation have interacted with one another in the modern context.1 Striking in their topical breadth, the case studies in these volumes have significant thematic overlap as well as methodological insight. These books are valuable
每一本书都通过对政治运动和机会主义个人的个案研究来分析社会分层与现代国家建设之间的关系。Odile Moreau和Stuart Schaar编辑的这本书介绍了八个案例研究,比较和对比了不完全符合当代政治、意识形态或经济类别的个人传记。斯蒂芬妮·克罗宁(Stephanie Cronin)的这本书汇集了11篇关于官僚和经济过程的文章,这些过程创造了犯罪和贫困的新概念。这本经过编辑的书的核心是社会阶级的概念,这对莫罗和沙尔的书来说并不那么重要。最后一卷由Ramazan HakkıÖztan和Alp Yenen编辑,处理了许多与Stephanie Cronin相同的问题。然而,它的案例研究更明确地处理了在动荡和革命时期,传统政治和秘密政治之间的灰色地带,这一时期将该地区转变为民族国家的集合体。每本书都是独一无二的,但它们共同为我们提供了宝贵的见解,让我们了解将巨头、骗子、革命者和罪犯带入共同政治领域的过程。因此,这些卷对跨地区政治项目、企业和国家建设的历史辩论,以及暴力和资本积累在现代背景下相互作用的多样性做出了重大贡献,这些卷中的案例研究有显著的主题重叠以及方法论见解。这些书很有价值
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引用次数: 0
Expanding the boundaries of the local: entrepreneurial municipalism and migration governance in Turkey 扩大地方边界:土耳其的创业市政主义和移民治理
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-10 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2022.19
Saime Özçürümez, Julinda Hoxha
Abstract This study investigates why and how entrepreneurial municipalism is manifested in the case of Turkey despite limited local government autonomy and capacity in the area of migration governance. This article suggests four entrepreneurial strategies to understand and explain the variation in municipal practices: local networking, community engagement, organizational adaptation, and city branding. The most common strategies adopted by municipalities are local networking and community engagement often based on external funding alternatives that bring rapid and locally contingent, yet less durable and future-oriented solutions to challenges of forced displacement in urban settings. Against this background, this article highlights the importance of pathways that cultivate a culture of diversity and inclusion in the context of sustainable local integration by investing more resources in organizational adaptation and city branding. Finally, this study suggests redefining the concept of municipal capacity in terms of performance by focusing on the entrepreneurial strategies employed by local governments in their day-to-day practices.
摘要本研究调查了尽管地方政府在移民治理领域的自主权和能力有限,但土耳其的创业市政主义为何以及如何表现出来。本文提出了四种创业策略来理解和解释城市实践的变化:地方网络、社区参与、组织适应和城市品牌。市政当局采取的最常见的战略是地方网络和社区参与,通常基于外部资金替代方案,为城市环境中的强迫流离失所挑战带来快速、局部、但不太持久和面向未来的解决方案。在这种背景下,本文强调了通过在组织适应和城市品牌方面投入更多资源,在可持续的地方一体化背景下培养多样性和包容性文化的途径的重要性。最后,本研究建议通过关注地方政府在日常实践中采用的创业策略,从绩效角度重新定义市政能力的概念。
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引用次数: 0
Unfolding macroprudential mechanisms: central bank-led mechanisms during the post-Global Financial Crisis Turkish experience 展开宏观审慎机制:全球金融危机后土耳其央行主导的机制
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2022.23
Sinan Akgünay
Abstract The Global Financial Crisis of 2008 was followed by an increased volatility in capital flows, posing considerable macro-financial risks, especially for emerging markets. Turkey addressed these macro-financial risks between 2010 and 2011. Principal decision makers at the Central Bank of the Republic of Turkey took policy actions by introducing policy mixes that trigger causal mechanisms informing the behaviour of bankers and their customers at the macro level to contain such risks. Utilising insights from causal mechanisms theory, critical realism, and realist evaluation, this article explores how the Central Bank implemented the policy mix. Our central argument is that at the macro level (i.e., structural and institutional contexts), causal mechanisms link actions with micro-level contexts (i.e., perceptions and reasoning of the target audience), whilst at the micro level, multiple causal mechanisms link policy outcomes with actor behaviour through non-linear feedback mechanisms. Our article contributes to the causal mechanisms literature by linking policy mixes and policy outcomes via causal mechanisms that informed agential actions and outcomes containing macro-financial risks.
2008年全球金融危机之后,资本流动波动加剧,带来了相当大的宏观金融风险,尤其是对新兴市场。土耳其在2010年至2011年期间解决了这些宏观金融风险。土耳其共和国中央银行的主要决策者采取政策行动,引入混合政策,触发因果机制,在宏观层面通知银行家及其客户的行为,以遏制此类风险。利用因果机制理论、批判现实主义和现实主义评估的见解,本文探讨了央行如何实施政策组合。我们的中心论点是,在宏观层面(即结构和制度背景),因果机制将行动与微观层面的背景(即目标受众的感知和推理)联系起来,而在微观层面,多重因果机制通过非线性反馈机制将政策结果与行动者行为联系起来。我们的文章通过因果机制将政策组合和政策结果联系起来,为包含宏观金融风险的代理行为和结果提供信息,从而为因果机制文献做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Editors’ Introduction 编辑的介绍
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2022.29
Evren M. Dinçer, Biray Kolluoğlu, Deniz Yükseker
New Perspectives on Turkey ’ s issue number 67 features five independent articles, a commentary, and seven book reviews. The independent articles, from various fields, all contribute to current scholarly debates in Turkey. Land occupations as a form of peas-ant struggle were a key part of Turkey ’ s recent history and, as social inequalities con-tinue to grow, this subject deserves more attention today. In close connection to this, we feature an article on the unprecedented and largely devastating food inflation problem in Turkey in the last decade. A third subject covered in this issue is institu-tional decision making with a focus on the Central Bank. All related to important topics in today ’ s crisis-ridden environment in Turkey, these articles show the multi-dimensional nature of socioeconomic problems. Another urgent issue in Turkey is climate change. The adverse and uneven impact of the climate crisis notwithstanding, the representation of this key transformation in the media is also important in shap-ing the understanding of and policy making on climate change, as one of the essays in this issue demonstrates. The next research article we feature is on the continuities and ruptures between the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic with a specific focus on architectural history. Burak Gürel, Bermal Küçük, and Sercan Ta
《土耳其新视角》第67期刊载5篇独立文章、1篇评论和7篇书评。来自不同领域的独立文章都为土耳其当前的学术辩论做出了贡献。土地占领作为农民斗争的一种形式是土耳其近代史的一个关键部分,随着社会不平等的继续增长,这个问题在今天值得更多的关注。与此密切相关的是,我们有一篇关于土耳其在过去十年中前所未有的、在很大程度上具有破坏性的食品通胀问题的文章。本问题涉及的第三个主题是制度决策,重点是中央银行。这些文章都与今日土耳其危机重重的环境下的重要议题相关,展现了社会经济问题的多维性。土耳其的另一个紧迫问题是气候变化。尽管气候危机的不利影响和不平衡影响,但正如本期的一篇文章所表明的那样,媒体对这一关键转变的代表对于塑造对气候变化的理解和政策制定也很重要。我们的下一篇研究文章是关于奥斯曼帝国和土耳其共和国之间的连续性和断裂,特别关注建筑史。Burak grel, Bermal k k和Sercan Ta
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引用次数: 0
NPT volume 67 Cover and Front matter 《不扩散核武器条约》第67卷封面和封面问题
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2022.31
A. Tozoğlu, Bir Muhasebesi, Fikret Şenses
s, Worldwide Political Science Abstracts, Historical Abstracts and America: History and Life Book Design Emre Çıkınoğu, BEK
s、 《世界政治学文摘》、《历史文摘》和《美国:历史与生活书籍设计》
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引用次数: 0
NPT volume 67 Cover and Back matter 《不扩散条约》第67卷封面和封底
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2022.32
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引用次数: 0
Ümit Kurt, The Armenians of Aintab: The Economics of Genocide in an Ottoman Province. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2021. Ümit库尔特,《安因塔布的亚美尼亚人:奥斯曼省的种族灭绝经济学》。剑桥,马萨诸塞州:哈佛大学出版社,2021年。
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2022.21
Janet Klein
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引用次数: 0
Hasan Kayalı, Imperial Resilience: The Great War’s End, Ottoman Longevity, and Incidental Nations. Oakland: University of California Press, 2021, 249 pages. 《帝国的恢复力:大战的结束、奥斯曼帝国的长寿和偶然的国家》。奥克兰:加州大学出版社,2021年,249页。
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-13 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2022.25
N. L. Basaran Lotz
which the newly becoming Turkish Republic and the other signatories to the Treaty of Lausanne engaged, and how surviving Armenians lost any hopes about returning home and reclaiming the properties they were forced to abandon. It was not only the result of a “complex legislative framework” (p. 167) from Ankara but also the desertion by France. In the meantime, Aintab’s newly wealthy “Turkish-Muslim class : : : consolidated its economic status by seizing” (p. 167) Armenian properties. Through a series of legal and diplomatic maneuvers, these earlier liquidation laws the CUP put forth in 1915 were reenacted in a different guise and allowed to let stand because France had turned its attention elsewhere. Kurt closes his study of the genocide in Aintab by examining two things: the first is how perpetrators of the violence (including those who goaded authorities into extending deportation orders to Aintab) had “their own pecuniary motives” (p. 213). But this was only part of it. As Kurt notes, “Viewing the entirety of the process, the function of appropriation was as important as the individual purposes; huge numbers of people were bound together in a circle of profit that was at the same time a circle of complicity” (p. 213). This work rejects the idea that local actors were passive agents of the Ottoman center. Instead, it shows the interplay between the center and local points in the empire. It highlights the class component, and ultimately shows how the dispossession of Armenians served to create and strengthen a “national” bourgeoisie in Aintab. Readers may ponder what would Turkey be like today if it had not been constructed on the appropriation of wealth and death of so many of its people. Although Muslims in places like Aintab took over Armenian properties and businesses (and in some cases became – upon taking that wealth – big industrialists), Turkey really suffered from its lack of precisely those people who had made its economic base diverse. Kurt doesn’t say this, but his account makes us wonder – did the nationalist Turks shoot themselves in the foot when it came to rebuilding and constructing an economically viable republic? This beautifully crafted, richly researched book tells a powerful story that is sure to interest a wide audience of specialists and nonspecialists alike.
新成立的土耳其共和国和《洛桑条约》的其他签署国所参与的战争,以及幸存的亚美尼亚人如何失去了返回家园和收回他们被迫放弃的财产的希望。这不仅是安卡拉“复杂的立法框架”(第167页)的结果,也是法国抛弃的结果。与此同时,Aintab新富的“土耳其-穆斯林阶级通过夺取亚美尼亚财产巩固了其经济地位”(第167页)。通过一系列的法律和外交手段,统一统一党在1915年提出的这些早期的清算法在另一种伪装下重新制定,并被允许保留下来,因为法国已经把注意力转移到了其他地方。库尔特通过检查两件事来结束他对安因塔布种族灭绝的研究:首先是暴力的肇事者(包括那些促使当局将驱逐令延长到安因塔布的人)如何有“自己的金钱动机”(第213页)。但这只是其中的一部分。正如库尔特所指出的,“纵观整个过程,挪用的功能与个人目的一样重要;大量的人被捆绑在一个利润圈中,同时也是一个同谋圈”(第213页)。这项工作驳斥了当地演员是奥斯曼帝国中心的被动代理人的观点。相反,它显示了帝国中心和局部点之间的相互作用。它突出了阶级成分,并最终展示了对亚美尼亚人的剥夺如何在Aintab创造和加强了一个“民族”资产阶级。读者们可能会思考,如果土耳其不是建立在财富的侵占和如此多人民的死亡之上,今天的土耳其会是什么样子?尽管在像Aintab这样的地方,穆斯林接管了亚美尼亚人的财产和企业(在某些情况下,在获得这些财富后,他们成为了大实业家),但土耳其确实因为缺乏那些使其经济基础多样化的人而受苦。库尔特并没有这么说,但他的描述让我们想知道——在重建和建设一个经济上可行的共和国时,民族主义的土耳其人是否搬起石头砸自己的脚?这本制作精美,研究丰富的书讲述了一个强有力的故事,一定会引起广泛的专家和非专业观众的兴趣。
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引用次数: 0
Contested masculinities and political imaginations in “New Turkey” and Çukur as authoritarian spaces of protection 在“新土耳其”和Çukur中,有争议的男子气概和政治想象作为威权主义的保护空间
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-06 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2022.24
Ergin Bulut, Zeynep Serinkaya Winter
Abstract Initially known as “the Turkish Godfather,” Turkish TV series Çukur (2017–2021) occasionally received criticism from government ministers and the government’s media regulatory board. This was surprising because Turkey’s and Çukur’s cultural universes converged around the masculinist protection of family and territory. So, why this political backlash despite the convergence? Wouldn’t that convergence of masculinity produce similar political imaginations? In this article we argue that in shaping the family and urban space, Çukur’s masculinities remain precarious vis-à-vis the hegemonic masculinity in “New Turkey.” Rather than being the society’s building blocks, Çukur’s families are suffocating spaces. At the same time, as opposed to cultivating neoliberal responsibility, Çukur’s familialism emerges as a space of solidarity in a precarious neighborhood to which state forces can hardly enter. Therefore, the neighborhood (mahalle) is not a space of consumption and surveillance but a haven against urban precarities. Despite their hierarchies and authoritarianism, Çukur’s men reject unquestioned political loyalty, conspicuous consumption, and entrepreneurship while endorsing the various impasses in family and urban life. Showing that absolute political obedience and economic dependence is not the only way out of neoliberal authoritarianism, Çukur confirms popular culture’s power in representing liminal spaces outside the state’s oppressive power and the markets’ commodifying logics.
土耳其电视剧Çukur(2017-2021)最初被称为“土耳其教父”,偶尔会受到政府部长和政府媒体监管委员会的批评。这是令人惊讶的,因为土耳其和Çukur的文化世界都围绕着男性对家庭和领土的保护。那么,尽管趋同,为什么会出现政治反弹?这种男性气质的融合不会产生类似的政治想象吗?在这篇文章中,我们认为,在塑造家庭和城市空间的过程中,Çukur的男性气概与-à-vis“新土耳其”中的霸权男性气概相比仍然是不稳定的。Çukur的家庭不是社会的基石,而是令人窒息的空间。与此同时,与培养新自由主义责任感相反,Çukur的熟悉主义在国家力量几乎无法进入的不稳定社区中作为一个团结的空间出现。因此,社区(mahalle)不是消费和监视的空间,而是对抗城市不稳定的避风港。尽管他们的等级制度和威权主义,Çukur的男人拒绝毫无疑问的政治忠诚、炫耀性消费和企业家精神,同时支持家庭和城市生活中的各种僵局。Çukur表明绝对的政治服从和经济依赖并不是摆脱新自由主义威权主义的唯一途径,它证实了流行文化在国家压迫权力和市场商品化逻辑之外代表有限空间的力量。
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引用次数: 1
Deniz Yonucu Police, Provocation, Politics: Counterinsurgency in Istanbul. Ithaca, NY and London: Cornell University Press, 2022. xvii + 199 pages. Deniz Yonucu警察,挑衅,政治:伊斯坦布尔的反叛乱。伊萨卡,纽约和伦敦:康奈尔大学出版社,2022年。xvii+199页。
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2022.22
Fırat Genç
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引用次数: 0
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New Perspectives on Turkey
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