Pub Date : 2022-12-28DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2023.2162262
H. B. Türk
ABSTRACT Anti-Zionism has been a salient component of rightwing and leftwing movements in Turkey. The Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan, PKK) that took its cue from the Turkish Left has become a topic of discussion since its founding in 1978. Yet little effort has been devoted to analysing the political thought of the PKK’s leader, Abdullah Öcalan. Using an interpretative-textual method, this article seeks to fill this lacuna by discussing the role of anti-Zionism in Öcalan’s thought.
{"title":"Abdullah Öcalan’s Anti-Zionism","authors":"H. B. Türk","doi":"10.1080/13537121.2023.2162262","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2023.2162262","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Anti-Zionism has been a salient component of rightwing and leftwing movements in Turkey. The Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan, PKK) that took its cue from the Turkish Left has become a topic of discussion since its founding in 1978. Yet little effort has been devoted to analysing the political thought of the PKK’s leader, Abdullah Öcalan. Using an interpretative-textual method, this article seeks to fill this lacuna by discussing the role of anti-Zionism in Öcalan’s thought.","PeriodicalId":45036,"journal":{"name":"Israel Affairs","volume":"29 1","pages":"155 - 165"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42287091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-28DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2023.2162276
D. Rodman
{"title":"Zionism’s redemptions: images of the past and visions of the future in Jewish nationalism","authors":"D. Rodman","doi":"10.1080/13537121.2023.2162276","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2023.2162276","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45036,"journal":{"name":"Israel Affairs","volume":"29 1","pages":"223 - 224"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42780510","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-27DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2023.2162274
D. Rodman
of Jewish sovereignty, favouring instead a bi-national Jewish–Arab federation in western Palestine; however, despite the considerable – and mostly cynical – support for such an arrangement around the world, especially within the United States Department of State, notes Penkower, bi-nationalism ultimately failed to gain sway in the international community. The remaining three chapters focus on the role of institutions on the road to Jewish statehood. In the first, Penkower points out that the 1946 World Zionist Congress proved to be a crucial milestone along this road, as the Zionist movement decided at this conclave to back David Ben-Gurion’s more confrontational approach towards Great Britain rather than Chaim Weizmann’s more conciliatory approach. In the second, Penkower chronicles how the American Jewish community came together to raise $50 million during 1948 to support the establishment of Israel, a quite impressive sum for the late 1940s. And, in the third, Penkower traces the struggle between proand anti-partition forces in the spring of 1948, both within the United States and on the world stage, assessing how the former were finally able to prevail over the latter. Penkower’s book should appeal in particular to those individuals who already possess some knowledge of Palestine-related diplomacy in the post-Second World War years. Nevertheless, even those individuals who are less familiar with the events in question can profit by consulting his book.
犹太人的主权，转而支持在巴勒斯坦西部建立一个犹太-阿拉伯双重民族的联邦；然而，Penkower指出，尽管世界各地，尤其是美国国务院内部，对这种安排有相当大的支持，而且大多是愤世嫉俗的，但双重民族主义最终未能在国际社会中获得影响力。剩下的三章集中讨论机构在犹太建国道路上的作用。首先，Penkower指出，1946年世界犹太复国主义大会被证明是这条道路上的一个关键里程碑，因为犹太复国主义运动在这次秘密会议上决定支持David Ben Gurion对英国更具对抗性的做法，而不是Chaim Weizmann更具和解性的做法。在第二本书中，Penkower记录了1948年美国犹太社区如何团结起来筹集5000万美元来支持以色列的建立，这对20世纪40年代末来说是一笔相当可观的金额。在第三本书中，彭考尔追溯了1948年春天美国国内和世界舞台上积极和反分治势力之间的斗争，评估了前者是如何最终战胜后者的。彭考尔的书应该特别吸引那些在第二次世界大战后已经掌握了一些与巴勒斯坦有关的外交知识的人。尽管如此，即使是那些不太熟悉相关事件的人也可以通过查阅他的书来获利。
{"title":"Bar Kokhba: the Jew who defied Hadrian and challenged the might of Rome","authors":"D. Rodman","doi":"10.1080/13537121.2023.2162274","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2023.2162274","url":null,"abstract":"of Jewish sovereignty, favouring instead a bi-national Jewish–Arab federation in western Palestine; however, despite the considerable – and mostly cynical – support for such an arrangement around the world, especially within the United States Department of State, notes Penkower, bi-nationalism ultimately failed to gain sway in the international community. The remaining three chapters focus on the role of institutions on the road to Jewish statehood. In the first, Penkower points out that the 1946 World Zionist Congress proved to be a crucial milestone along this road, as the Zionist movement decided at this conclave to back David Ben-Gurion’s more confrontational approach towards Great Britain rather than Chaim Weizmann’s more conciliatory approach. In the second, Penkower chronicles how the American Jewish community came together to raise $50 million during 1948 to support the establishment of Israel, a quite impressive sum for the late 1940s. And, in the third, Penkower traces the struggle between proand anti-partition forces in the spring of 1948, both within the United States and on the world stage, assessing how the former were finally able to prevail over the latter. Penkower’s book should appeal in particular to those individuals who already possess some knowledge of Palestine-related diplomacy in the post-Second World War years. Nevertheless, even those individuals who are less familiar with the events in question can profit by consulting his book.","PeriodicalId":45036,"journal":{"name":"Israel Affairs","volume":"29 1","pages":"221 - 223"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-12-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42179214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-27DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2023.2162254
B. Cohen
ABSTRACT Antisemitism has once again proven itself to be an international phenomenon, crossing borders and cultures with ease and adept at finding major issues in the public square, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, upon which to hang its claims. This article argues that antisemitism currently takes four major forms: Anti-Zionist antisemitism, which targets the State of Israel as a Jewish collectivity; Neo-Traditionalism, which revives pre-modern anti-Judaic notions in contemporary guise; Holocaust relativisation, which involves instrumentalizing and distorting the nature of the Holocaust without denying it outright; and anti-Judaism, which manifests in efforts to ban circumcision, kosher slaughter and other core Jewish rituals. The article concludes by examining whether the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) Working Definition of Antisemitism is an adequate tool for engaging with a growing problem, suggesting ways in which the definition might be amended to make it more effective.
{"title":"‘The Jews are our Misfortune!’ Contemporary antisemitism as a hydra-headed phenomenon","authors":"B. Cohen","doi":"10.1080/13537121.2023.2162254","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2023.2162254","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Antisemitism has once again proven itself to be an international phenomenon, crossing borders and cultures with ease and adept at finding major issues in the public square, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, upon which to hang its claims. This article argues that antisemitism currently takes four major forms: Anti-Zionist antisemitism, which targets the State of Israel as a Jewish collectivity; Neo-Traditionalism, which revives pre-modern anti-Judaic notions in contemporary guise; Holocaust relativisation, which involves instrumentalizing and distorting the nature of the Holocaust without denying it outright; and anti-Judaism, which manifests in efforts to ban circumcision, kosher slaughter and other core Jewish rituals. The article concludes by examining whether the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) Working Definition of Antisemitism is an adequate tool for engaging with a growing problem, suggesting ways in which the definition might be amended to make it more effective.","PeriodicalId":45036,"journal":{"name":"Israel Affairs","volume":"29 1","pages":"5 - 30"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-12-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49195154","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-21DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2022.2134360
Eithan Orkibi
ABSTRACT This article examines the discourse of the Israeli Left in the years preceding the succession of general elections in 2019–21, with a focus on claims of the purported threats to democracy presented by the right-wing government. Rhetorical analysis of opinion pieces and political commentary in the press on issues relating to education, science, and culture shows recurrent use of appeals to fear – such as comparisons with totalitarian regimes and invocation of other dystopian spectres resulting from nationalist indoctrination and processes of ‘religionization’. This article defines the appeal to fear and other forms of the Left’s identity claims making during this period as moral panic discourse, around which the Left sought to revive its relevance in the public debate at a time when it was viewed as a marginal political force in ideological decline. The article’s main argument is that while the labelling of the Right as a ‘danger to democracy’ has been entrenched in leftist discourse since the 1977 ‘Upheaval’, during the period in discussion it became the principal – almost sole – theme in leftist publicist discourse, serving as a flag issue around which the Left reorganised its identity as the ‘democratic camp’.
{"title":"‘It’s a war on Israel’s liberal democracy’: the Israeli left as a moral panic community, 2015-19","authors":"Eithan Orkibi","doi":"10.1080/13537121.2022.2134360","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2022.2134360","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the discourse of the Israeli Left in the years preceding the succession of general elections in 2019–21, with a focus on claims of the purported threats to democracy presented by the right-wing government. Rhetorical analysis of opinion pieces and political commentary in the press on issues relating to education, science, and culture shows recurrent use of appeals to fear – such as comparisons with totalitarian regimes and invocation of other dystopian spectres resulting from nationalist indoctrination and processes of ‘religionization’. This article defines the appeal to fear and other forms of the Left’s identity claims making during this period as moral panic discourse, around which the Left sought to revive its relevance in the public debate at a time when it was viewed as a marginal political force in ideological decline. The article’s main argument is that while the labelling of the Right as a ‘danger to democracy’ has been entrenched in leftist discourse since the 1977 ‘Upheaval’, during the period in discussion it became the principal – almost sole – theme in leftist publicist discourse, serving as a flag issue around which the Left reorganised its identity as the ‘democratic camp’.","PeriodicalId":45036,"journal":{"name":"Israel Affairs","volume":"28 1","pages":"878 - 895"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43439525","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-21DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2022.2134378
Gayil Talshir
ABSTRACT The hyper-election period of 2019–21 marked the climax of Benjamin Netanyahu’s rule and with it the transformation of the Israeli party-system. While most commentators read the political situation as personalisation of the ‘Yes Bibi’/‘No Bibi’ polarisation, this article argues that ideological analysis is necessary to understand the dynamics of the four elections and their structural effects. It argues that the dominant issue on the left/right continuum over the past 50 years – the Palestinian-Israeli conflict – gave way to an internal cleavage between Israel’s nature as a ‘Jewish and democratic state’. Netanyahu’s trial only intensified the National Camp’s thesis of the Deep State, accusing the Left, the civil service and the judicial system of being ‘undemocratic’ and condescending of ‘the people’s will’ while the centre-left bloc defended the ‘Jewish and democratic’ Israel, accusing the Right of offering a ‘Halachic state’. Thus, while the Right emphasised the Jewish people, and Netanyahu’s natural partners were the religious and Haredi parties, the centre-left bloc focused on ‘Israel before all’ (to use the newly formed Blue-and-White party’s slogan). Ideological realignment is thus the key to understanding the changes in Israeli party-system.
{"title":"Which ‘Israel before all’? From the Palestinian-Israeli conflict to the Jewish/democratic Left-Right axis","authors":"Gayil Talshir","doi":"10.1080/13537121.2022.2134378","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2022.2134378","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The hyper-election period of 2019–21 marked the climax of Benjamin Netanyahu’s rule and with it the transformation of the Israeli party-system. While most commentators read the political situation as personalisation of the ‘Yes Bibi’/‘No Bibi’ polarisation, this article argues that ideological analysis is necessary to understand the dynamics of the four elections and their structural effects. It argues that the dominant issue on the left/right continuum over the past 50 years – the Palestinian-Israeli conflict – gave way to an internal cleavage between Israel’s nature as a ‘Jewish and democratic state’. Netanyahu’s trial only intensified the National Camp’s thesis of the Deep State, accusing the Left, the civil service and the judicial system of being ‘undemocratic’ and condescending of ‘the people’s will’ while the centre-left bloc defended the ‘Jewish and democratic’ Israel, accusing the Right of offering a ‘Halachic state’. Thus, while the Right emphasised the Jewish people, and Netanyahu’s natural partners were the religious and Haredi parties, the centre-left bloc focused on ‘Israel before all’ (to use the newly formed Blue-and-White party’s slogan). Ideological realignment is thus the key to understanding the changes in Israeli party-system.","PeriodicalId":45036,"journal":{"name":"Israel Affairs","volume":"28 1","pages":"896 - 916"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47924064","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-21DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2022.2134275
Eithan Orkibi
Multiaxial fatigue is a subject of concern to both engineers and research scientists. In the eventuality of failure, fatigue lifetime is determined in the majority of cases by the applied multiaxial stress-strain state, whether generated by multiple loading or the component geometry itself. Thus multiaxial stresses should be taken into consideration by the designer, and it is important to note that material data generated in laboratories under constrained situations (for example, uniaxial loading or Mode I crack growth specimens) cannot be used in practice without recourse to some multiaxial criterion. The introduction of stresses on two or three axes in fatigue experiments, therefore, can provide valuable insight concerning both the micromechanisms of fatigue crack formation and growth and also the uses and limitation of multiaxial correlation factors. The multiaxial behavior of metals has been studied throughout the twentieth century, and the engineers concern with the fatigue limit in the design of safe structures has led to a number of useful criteria which were developed prior to 1960, based on, for example, the pioneering work of Gough and Sines. Two more recent developments associated with the finite life of structures are fracture mechanics and life prediction techniques for high-strain fatigue, both of which have required the development of additional criteria. In these cases a knowledge of the extent of plastic deformation is important since inelastic strains are used not only in low cycle fatigue analyses but also in advanced elastic-plastic fracture mechanics. However, a number of problems remain to be solved, since fatigue cracks are invariably associated with notches or surface defects, and frequently experience aggressive environments. This volume presents a number of papers which were read at the International Symposium on Biaxial/Multiaxial Fatigue, sponsored by the American Society for Testing and Materials in collaboration with the American Society of Mechanical Engineers, the American Society for Metals and the Society of Automotive Engineers. The need for a conference was recognized in 1979 after preliminary discussions in Sheffield between the editors and European friends, but, because much new work in multiaxial fatigue had been funded by the Nuclear Regulatory Commission in Washington, it was thought proper to approach ASTM to see if they would sponsor the event in the USA. First contacts were made at the Bal Harbour meeting in Florida in 1980 via such people as Jane Wheeler and Don Mowbray. The three day meeting, held in San Francisco in December 1982, led to many stimulating discussions among the delegates from several
{"title":"Introduction","authors":"Eithan Orkibi","doi":"10.1080/13537121.2022.2134275","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2022.2134275","url":null,"abstract":"Multiaxial fatigue is a subject of concern to both engineers and research scientists. In the eventuality of failure, fatigue lifetime is determined in the majority of cases by the applied multiaxial stress-strain state, whether generated by multiple loading or the component geometry itself. Thus multiaxial stresses should be taken into consideration by the designer, and it is important to note that material data generated in laboratories under constrained situations (for example, uniaxial loading or Mode I crack growth specimens) cannot be used in practice without recourse to some multiaxial criterion. The introduction of stresses on two or three axes in fatigue experiments, therefore, can provide valuable insight concerning both the micromechanisms of fatigue crack formation and growth and also the uses and limitation of multiaxial correlation factors. The multiaxial behavior of metals has been studied throughout the twentieth century, and the engineers concern with the fatigue limit in the design of safe structures has led to a number of useful criteria which were developed prior to 1960, based on, for example, the pioneering work of Gough and Sines. Two more recent developments associated with the finite life of structures are fracture mechanics and life prediction techniques for high-strain fatigue, both of which have required the development of additional criteria. In these cases a knowledge of the extent of plastic deformation is important since inelastic strains are used not only in low cycle fatigue analyses but also in advanced elastic-plastic fracture mechanics. However, a number of problems remain to be solved, since fatigue cracks are invariably associated with notches or surface defects, and frequently experience aggressive environments. This volume presents a number of papers which were read at the International Symposium on Biaxial/Multiaxial Fatigue, sponsored by the American Society for Testing and Materials in collaboration with the American Society of Mechanical Engineers, the American Society for Metals and the Society of Automotive Engineers. The need for a conference was recognized in 1979 after preliminary discussions in Sheffield between the editors and European friends, but, because much new work in multiaxial fatigue had been funded by the Nuclear Regulatory Commission in Washington, it was thought proper to approach ASTM to see if they would sponsor the event in the USA. First contacts were made at the Bal Harbour meeting in Florida in 1980 via such people as Jane Wheeler and Don Mowbray. The three day meeting, held in San Francisco in December 1982, led to many stimulating discussions among the delegates from several","PeriodicalId":45036,"journal":{"name":"Israel Affairs","volume":"28 1","pages":"813 - 818"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48031447","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-20DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2022.2134303
M. Lazar, A. Cohen
ABSTRACT During the second decade of the twenty-first century, Israel’s Religious Zionist camp has undergone a process of accelerated Dealignment of its partisan system, resulting in the transformation of the political parties comprising it into a Dealigned Partisan Subsystem. An example of this process can be found in the transformations that took place in the ‘Jewish Home’ Religious-Zionist political party led by Naftali Bennett. Within 9 years and seven election campaigns, the party succeeded in trying out the Open Camp Party model, experiencing a division led by Bennett himself, and finally reaching the verge of disappearing and once again initiating renewed revival attempts. The Dealignment of partisan systems includes a high level of voters’ mobility; a decline in the support of existing mainstream parties; a decline in voting rates; and a decline in the strength of partisan identification, while voting patterns become more personal. The partisan system itself changes during this stage, with old parties disappearing and others rising in their place, often only to disappear from the political map as quickly as they appeared. This article illustrates the extent to which the Religious-Zionist partisan subsystem in Israeli politics during the second decade of the twenty-first century until the 2022 elections campaign corresponds with most characteristics of a Dealigned system.
{"title":"Religious Zionism as a Dealigned partisan sub-system – Israel’s 2019–21 elections","authors":"M. Lazar, A. Cohen","doi":"10.1080/13537121.2022.2134303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2022.2134303","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT During the second decade of the twenty-first century, Israel’s Religious Zionist camp has undergone a process of accelerated Dealignment of its partisan system, resulting in the transformation of the political parties comprising it into a Dealigned Partisan Subsystem. An example of this process can be found in the transformations that took place in the ‘Jewish Home’ Religious-Zionist political party led by Naftali Bennett. Within 9 years and seven election campaigns, the party succeeded in trying out the Open Camp Party model, experiencing a division led by Bennett himself, and finally reaching the verge of disappearing and once again initiating renewed revival attempts. The Dealignment of partisan systems includes a high level of voters’ mobility; a decline in the support of existing mainstream parties; a decline in voting rates; and a decline in the strength of partisan identification, while voting patterns become more personal. The partisan system itself changes during this stage, with old parties disappearing and others rising in their place, often only to disappear from the political map as quickly as they appeared. This article illustrates the extent to which the Religious-Zionist partisan subsystem in Israeli politics during the second decade of the twenty-first century until the 2022 elections campaign corresponds with most characteristics of a Dealigned system.","PeriodicalId":45036,"journal":{"name":"Israel Affairs","volume":"28 1","pages":"819 - 839"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44997586","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-19DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2022.2134345
A. Rudnitzky
ABSTRACT Arab politics experienced dramatic upheavals in the four Knesset elections between April 2019 and March 2021. First was the jump from a significant low turnout among Arab voters in April 2019 (49.2%) to the highest turnout in two decades in March 2020 (64.8%), only to be followed by a historic slump to 44.6% in March 2021. The Arab parties went through a shaky period – from a divided political system that secured only 10 Knesset seats in April 2019 to a historic achievement in the March 2020 elections, when the Joint List won 15 seats, followed by yet another schism resulting in a total of 10 seats in the March 2021 elections. As such, the Joint List’s achievements did not herald the strengthening of the Arab parties’ influence in the Arab street but rather the increasing influence of the public on the political configuration of the parties wishing to represent it. The interrelation between the public and the parties is the outcome of profound processes of political change that Arab society in Israel has undergone over the past two decades. The article discusses these processes and their impact on the political behaviour of the Arab public.
{"title":"Searching for political efficacy: the Israeli Arab vote in the 2019-21 Knesset elections","authors":"A. Rudnitzky","doi":"10.1080/13537121.2022.2134345","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2022.2134345","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Arab politics experienced dramatic upheavals in the four Knesset elections between April 2019 and March 2021. First was the jump from a significant low turnout among Arab voters in April 2019 (49.2%) to the highest turnout in two decades in March 2020 (64.8%), only to be followed by a historic slump to 44.6% in March 2021. The Arab parties went through a shaky period – from a divided political system that secured only 10 Knesset seats in April 2019 to a historic achievement in the March 2020 elections, when the Joint List won 15 seats, followed by yet another schism resulting in a total of 10 seats in the March 2021 elections. As such, the Joint List’s achievements did not herald the strengthening of the Arab parties’ influence in the Arab street but rather the increasing influence of the public on the political configuration of the parties wishing to represent it. The interrelation between the public and the parties is the outcome of profound processes of political change that Arab society in Israel has undergone over the past two decades. The article discusses these processes and their impact on the political behaviour of the Arab public.","PeriodicalId":45036,"journal":{"name":"Israel Affairs","volume":"28 1","pages":"856 - 877"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43265084","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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