In the middle of the Great Depression, a number of state institutions in Ontario (the legislature, the judiciary, the Attorney - General's office) felt called upon to administer two sets of "problem" families. One was the Dionnes, the other those competing in the Toronto Stork Derby. The former "group" was perceived by the Hepburn government as two distinct families: the Quintuplets on the one hand, and their five siblings and parents on the other. In 1934, the Ontario government declared itself the true parent of the newborn Quintuplets and made a complete physical as well as legal separation between them and their kin. Eventually the Quints were legally and physically reunited with the other Dionnes, at a time when their fame and fortune had in any case been rather exhausted, and control over their trust fund was no longer a source of wages to many retainers and of tourist revenue to the province. A close analysis of the government documents on the Dionne case reveals that the Quintuplets were not dealt with as children in need of state protection: the Children's Aid Society was not involved.(f.1) Rather, they were managed as natural resources or scenic wonders requiring nationalization. In other words, the guardianship of the five little girls had very little to do with child welfare or family policy; rather, it became an aspect of provincial economic policy. Just as the "natural beauty" of Niagara Falls has been sold to tourists and exploited by Ontario Hydro, so too the apparently priceless Quintuplets were economically exploited by their legal father, the government of Ontario.The unusual degree of government intervention in the Dionne case stands in contrast to the more laissez - faire position taken by the same government in another regulatory dilemma, namely the so - called Toronto Stork Derby of 1926 - 38. The Stork Derby was occasioned by an eccentric lawyer's will leaving a very large amount of money to the Toronto woman giving birth to the largest number of children over the subsequent 10 years. Immediately after the will was probated, in December of 1926, the Conservative government at Queen's Park attempted to declare the Stork Derby clause invalid on the grounds that it was "disgusting" and against the public interest. However a public outcry, mostly from women's groups, managed to reverse the government's decision: both Premier George Henry's government and the subsequent Hepburn government let the various mothers and other potential heirs fight the case out in the courts, with little political interference. The courts, concerned with safeguarding the principle of the autonomy of property owners, decided to uphold the will against the claims of distant relatives, but only after resolving tricky issues regarding the moral and legal status of both children and mothers.A comparison of these two cases raises some interesting questions about the role of the state in the administration of reproduction. The relationship between the stat
{"title":"Families, Private Property, and the State: The Dionnes and the Toronto Stork Derby","authors":"Mariana Valverde","doi":"10.3138/JCS.29.4.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.29.4.15","url":null,"abstract":"In the middle of the Great Depression, a number of state institutions in Ontario (the legislature, the judiciary, the Attorney - General's office) felt called upon to administer two sets of \"problem\" families. One was the Dionnes, the other those competing in the Toronto Stork Derby. The former \"group\" was perceived by the Hepburn government as two distinct families: the Quintuplets on the one hand, and their five siblings and parents on the other. In 1934, the Ontario government declared itself the true parent of the newborn Quintuplets and made a complete physical as well as legal separation between them and their kin. Eventually the Quints were legally and physically reunited with the other Dionnes, at a time when their fame and fortune had in any case been rather exhausted, and control over their trust fund was no longer a source of wages to many retainers and of tourist revenue to the province. A close analysis of the government documents on the Dionne case reveals that the Quintuplets were not dealt with as children in need of state protection: the Children's Aid Society was not involved.(f.1) Rather, they were managed as natural resources or scenic wonders requiring nationalization. In other words, the guardianship of the five little girls had very little to do with child welfare or family policy; rather, it became an aspect of provincial economic policy. Just as the \"natural beauty\" of Niagara Falls has been sold to tourists and exploited by Ontario Hydro, so too the apparently priceless Quintuplets were economically exploited by their legal father, the government of Ontario.The unusual degree of government intervention in the Dionne case stands in contrast to the more laissez - faire position taken by the same government in another regulatory dilemma, namely the so - called Toronto Stork Derby of 1926 - 38. The Stork Derby was occasioned by an eccentric lawyer's will leaving a very large amount of money to the Toronto woman giving birth to the largest number of children over the subsequent 10 years. Immediately after the will was probated, in December of 1926, the Conservative government at Queen's Park attempted to declare the Stork Derby clause invalid on the grounds that it was \"disgusting\" and against the public interest. However a public outcry, mostly from women's groups, managed to reverse the government's decision: both Premier George Henry's government and the subsequent Hepburn government let the various mothers and other potential heirs fight the case out in the courts, with little political interference. The courts, concerned with safeguarding the principle of the autonomy of property owners, decided to uphold the will against the claims of distant relatives, but only after resolving tricky issues regarding the moral and legal status of both children and mothers.A comparison of these two cases raises some interesting questions about the role of the state in the administration of reproduction. The relationship between the stat","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69363947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
When Pierre Berton published his bestselling account of The Dionne Years in 1977, many believed that the full tragic story of the Dionne Quintuplets had at last been told.(f.1) Heavily based on extensive oral interviews, and supplemented by archival and contemporary newspaper sources, Berton's book appeared so fully researched that very little popular or scholarly work on the Quints has been undertaken since its publication. Any new work, such as this collection of articles, must therefore begin by situating itself in relationship to The Dionne Years. What more remains of importance to say about the Quintuplets?The marking of the 60th anniversary of the 1934 birth of the Quints, together with the interest generated by the CBC/CBS television mini - series about their first years, Million Dollar Babies (1994), shows that the Dionne story continues to fascinate. Many of the themes identified by Berton in The Dionne Years are echoed in the publicity surrounding the mini - series. The astonishing commercial appeal of the Quints during the Depression years finds its counterpart in the advertising hoopla surrounding the production of Million Dollar Babies, and debate rages even now about who was most responsible -- the Ontario government, Oliva Dionne, or Dr. Dafoe -- for the tragedy of the Dionnes.(f.2)But the Dionne story has also taken on new meanings since the publication of The Dionne Years. In an era in which fertility drugs and reproductive technology have made multiple births appear ordinary, the story of the world's only identical quintuplets still excites attention because it raises complex issues of fatherhood, child custody and the role of the state -- all questions with contemporary resonance.This introduction takes Berton's book as a point of departure for re - examining the ways in which "the Dionne story" has been told. It will serve both to orient readers unfamiliar with the outlines of the narrative, and to bring into focus the new questions, approaches and interpretations developed in the articles which make up this special issue of the Journal of Canadian Studies/Revue d'etudes canadiennes. In essence, these articles make a threefold contribution: they present new archival evidence, offer new interpretations based on recent theory in the areas of gender, ethnicity and popular culture, and explore important aspects of the Quint story which have received little attention in The Dionne Years and elsewhere. In the second part of the introduction, a discussion of Quintland as a tourist site will further outline some of the complex issues -- state and medical power, Franco - Ontarian identity, and the construction of childhood/girlhood -- taken up elsewhere in the volume.Redrawing the Boundaries of "The Dionne Story"The Dionne Quintuplets -- Annette, Cecile, Emilie, Marie and Yvonne -- were born in a small farmhouse on May 28, 1934 near the French - Canadian village of Corbeil in northern Ontario. Elzire and Oliva Dionne, the Quints' paren
当皮埃尔·伯顿在1977年出版了他的畅销书《迪翁年》时，许多人认为迪翁五胞胎的全部悲剧故事终于被讲述出来了。(f.1)很大程度上基于广泛的口头采访，并辅以档案和当时的报纸资料，伯顿的书似乎得到了充分的研究，以至于自出版以来，关于五胞胎的流行或学术研究很少。因此，任何新作品，比如这一系列的文章，都必须从与《迪翁岁月》的关系开始。关于五胞胎还有什么重要的要说的吗?1934年是昆特夫妇出生60周年，加上CBC/CBS电视迷你剧《百万美元宝贝》(1994)对他们出生后的生活产生了浓厚的兴趣，这表明迪翁的故事仍然令人着迷。伯顿在《迪翁年》中确定的许多主题在围绕迷你系列的宣传中得到了回应。在经济大萧条时期，五人组惊人的商业吸引力在《百万宝贝》的广告宣传中也得到了相应的体现，甚至到现在，关于谁对狄奥涅一家的悲剧负有最大责任的争论仍在激烈进行，是安大略省政府、奥利瓦·狄奥尼还是达福医生。但是，自从《狄奥尼年代》出版以来，狄奥尼的故事也有了新的含义。在一个生育药物和生殖技术使多胞胎变得司空见惯的时代，世界上唯一的同卵五胞胎的故事仍然引起人们的关注，因为它提出了父亲身份、孩子监护权和国家角色等复杂问题——所有这些问题都具有当代的共鸣。本引言以伯顿的书为出发点，重新审视“迪翁的故事”被讲述的方式。它既可以帮助不熟悉故事梗概的读者，也可以让读者关注本期《加拿大研究杂志》/《加拿大人评论》特刊中文章中提出的新问题、新方法和新解释。从本质上讲，这些文章做出了三方面的贡献:它们提供了新的档案证据，基于性别、种族和流行文化领域的最新理论提供了新的解释，并探索了在《迪翁年》和其他地方很少受到关注的昆特故事的重要方面。在引言的第二部分，对昆特兰作为旅游景点的讨论将进一步概述一些复杂的问题——国家和医疗权力，弗朗哥-安大略身份，以及童年/少女时代的构建——这些问题在本卷的其他地方得到了讨论。迪翁五胞胎——安妮特、塞西尔、艾米丽、玛丽和伊冯——于1934年5月28日出生在安大略省北部法裔加拿大人科贝尔村附近的一个小农舍里。昆特夫妇的父母埃尔兹尔和奥利瓦·迪翁已经有了五个孩子。两个女孩出生后没几天，她们的父亲奥利瓦·迪翁(Oliva Dionne)就签署了一份合同，将五胞胎在芝加哥世纪进步博览会(Chicago Century of Progress Exposition)上展出。当时人们认为她们不太可能活下来。没有征求埃尔兹尔的意见。但合同的条款从未得到执行。当成群结队的摄影师和记者闯入迪翁的小家时，报纸上引起了恐慌，人们担心迪翁父母的“健康”，五胞胎的健康状况脆弱，以及“我们的”五胞胎即将被卖给美国小贩的事实。安大略省政府介入并接管了五胞胎的监护权。一个不包括奥利瓦和埃尔兹尔·迪翁的监护人委员会成立了，他们在接下来的两年里决定所有关于昆特夫妇生活的事情。与父母和兄弟姐妹分离后，昆特夫妇在迪翁庄园附近的昆特兰向数百万游客展出。…
{"title":"They Were Five: The Dionne Quintuplets Revisited","authors":"Cynthia Wright","doi":"10.3138/JCS.29.4.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.29.4.5","url":null,"abstract":"When Pierre Berton published his bestselling account of The Dionne Years in 1977, many believed that the full tragic story of the Dionne Quintuplets had at last been told.(f.1) Heavily based on extensive oral interviews, and supplemented by archival and contemporary newspaper sources, Berton's book appeared so fully researched that very little popular or scholarly work on the Quints has been undertaken since its publication. Any new work, such as this collection of articles, must therefore begin by situating itself in relationship to The Dionne Years. What more remains of importance to say about the Quintuplets?The marking of the 60th anniversary of the 1934 birth of the Quints, together with the interest generated by the CBC/CBS television mini - series about their first years, Million Dollar Babies (1994), shows that the Dionne story continues to fascinate. Many of the themes identified by Berton in The Dionne Years are echoed in the publicity surrounding the mini - series. The astonishing commercial appeal of the Quints during the Depression years finds its counterpart in the advertising hoopla surrounding the production of Million Dollar Babies, and debate rages even now about who was most responsible -- the Ontario government, Oliva Dionne, or Dr. Dafoe -- for the tragedy of the Dionnes.(f.2)But the Dionne story has also taken on new meanings since the publication of The Dionne Years. In an era in which fertility drugs and reproductive technology have made multiple births appear ordinary, the story of the world's only identical quintuplets still excites attention because it raises complex issues of fatherhood, child custody and the role of the state -- all questions with contemporary resonance.This introduction takes Berton's book as a point of departure for re - examining the ways in which \"the Dionne story\" has been told. It will serve both to orient readers unfamiliar with the outlines of the narrative, and to bring into focus the new questions, approaches and interpretations developed in the articles which make up this special issue of the Journal of Canadian Studies/Revue d'etudes canadiennes. In essence, these articles make a threefold contribution: they present new archival evidence, offer new interpretations based on recent theory in the areas of gender, ethnicity and popular culture, and explore important aspects of the Quint story which have received little attention in The Dionne Years and elsewhere. In the second part of the introduction, a discussion of Quintland as a tourist site will further outline some of the complex issues -- state and medical power, Franco - Ontarian identity, and the construction of childhood/girlhood -- taken up elsewhere in the volume.Redrawing the Boundaries of \"The Dionne Story\"The Dionne Quintuplets -- Annette, Cecile, Emilie, Marie and Yvonne -- were born in a small farmhouse on May 28, 1934 near the French - Canadian village of Corbeil in northern Ontario. Elzire and Oliva Dionne, the Quints' paren","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69363996","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
When the Dionne Quintuplets were born on 28 May 1934, Canada was in the grips of the most severe economic depression in its history. Nearly a million Canadians were out of work, and hundreds of thousands more struggled to survive on drastically reduced incomes. The miracle of the Quintuplets' birth provided a welcome distraction from the harsh realities of the day. North Americans, and indeed people around the world, hungered for news of their activities and development. By 1943, an estimated three million people had made the pilgrimage north to Callander to view the girls at play.(f.1) For those not fortunate enough to see the girls in person, there was no shortage of information available. North Americans were bombarded with countless visual images of the girls. By 1936, some 672 American dailies with a total circulation of nearly 13 million carried photos of the girls taken by Fred Davis, their exclusive photographer. A Time magazine article called them "the world's greatest newspicture story."(f.2) Full - page advertisements carried their endorsement of products ranging from Lysol Disinfectant to corn syrup, as products bearing their famous image spread across the department stores of the land.(f.3) Feature films were preceded by Pathe newsreel footage of their latest antics. In short, as Pierre Berton has noted, "It was impossible to escape the Dionnes."(f.4) The public longed for any scrap of information, while advertisers, magazine editors and manufacturers were eager to take advantage of a sure - fire seller in a dismal economy.It was not just commercial enterprises that hoped to capitalize on the tremendous popularity of the Dionne Quintuplets. Medical and child - care experts also recognized the opportunity which they provided to promote the goals and methods of "scientific child rearing." For the Quintuplets were born into a world not only hard - hit by economic catastrophe, but also ravaged by high rates of infant and maternal mortality. Efforts to combat the problem of infant mortality had begun in the early decades of the twentieth century, as recruitment for the armed forces had revealed the poor quality of the nation's health.(f.5) By 1919, the devastation caused by the First World War and by the Spanish influenza epidemic had elevated concerns about the health of the Canadian population to an issue of national importance.(f.6) Studies conducted on the twin problems of infant and maternal mortality all pointed in the same direction: "maternal incompetence." Babies were dying because, apparently, their mothers did not know how to care for them properly. Dr. B. Atlee, a prominent obstetrician, reflected the attitude of leading medical experts of the day when, in a 1932 article in the Canadian Home Journal, he complained that "The trouble is that the home today is the poorest run, most mismanaged and bungled of all human industries.... Many women running homes haven't even the fundamentals of house management and dietetics. They rais
1934年5月28日，当迪翁五胞胎出生时，加拿大正处于历史上最严重的经济萧条之中。近100万加拿大人失业，还有数十万人靠大幅减少的收入挣扎求生。五胞胎出生的奇迹让人们从严酷的现实中解脱出来。北美人，实际上是世界各地的人们，渴望了解他们的活动和发展的消息。到1943年，估计有300万人向北朝圣到卡兰德去观看女孩们的表演。对于那些没有有幸亲眼看到女孩们的人来说，他们可以获得很多信息。北美人被这些女孩的无数视觉图像轰炸。到1936年，大约672家美国日报，总发行量接近1300万，刊登了这些女孩的照片，这些照片是由他们的独家摄影师弗雷德·戴维斯拍摄的。《时代》杂志的一篇文章称他们是“世界上最伟大的新闻报道”。(f.2)整页的广告刊登了他们代言的产品，从来苏消毒剂到玉米糖浆，印有他们著名形象的产品遍布全国的百货商店。(f.3)在故事片之前，有他们最新滑稽动作的新闻短片片段。简而言之，正如皮埃尔·伯顿所指出的那样，“想摆脱狄奥尼斯是不可能的。”公众渴望得到一点信息，而广告商、杂志编辑和制造商则渴望在萧条的经济中利用一个稳赚不动的卖家。不仅仅是商业企业希望利用迪翁五胞胎的巨大人气。医疗和儿童保健专家也认识到他们提供了促进“科学养育儿童”的目标和方法的机会。因为五胞胎出生时，世界不仅遭受了经济灾难的重创，而且婴儿和孕产妇的死亡率也很高。与婴儿死亡率问题作斗争的努力始于20世纪最初的几十年，因为军队的征兵暴露了国民健康质量的低下。第一次世界大战和西班牙流感造成的破坏使人们对加拿大人口健康的关注上升为一个具有全国重要性的问题。(f.6)对婴儿和产妇死亡率这两个问题进行的研究都指向同一个方向:"产妇无能"。婴儿的死亡显然是因为他们的母亲不知道如何正确地照顾他们。著名的产科医生B.阿特利博士反映了当时主要医学专家的态度，他在1932年《加拿大家庭杂志》(Canadian Home Journal)上的一篇文章中抱怨说:“问题在于，今天的家庭是人类所有行业中经营最糟糕、管理最不善、最拙劣的行业....。许多操持家务的女性甚至连家务管理和饮食的基本知识都不懂。当专家们争论妇女是否应该为她们的无知而受到公平的指责时，他们的解决办法是一致的:妇女必须为做母亲而接受教育。因此，在两次世界大战之间的几年里，医学、儿童心理学和社会工作领域的男人和女人以越来越积极的方式干预传统的母亲抚养孩子的领域。专家们通过编写大量的咨询文献，通过妇女杂志和报纸的专题文章和专栏，以及通过在儿童保健诊所的讲座和咨询，努力教育妇女了解科学孕产的规则和做法。然而，尽管作出了努力，产妇和婴儿死亡率仍然很高。专家们忽略了贫穷在这个等式中的关键作用，将这些高比率归因于女性没有遵循当时规范文献中给出的建议。…
{"title":"Raising the Dionne Quintuplets: Lessons for Modern Mothers","authors":"K. Arnup","doi":"10.3138/JCS.29.4.65","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.29.4.65","url":null,"abstract":"When the Dionne Quintuplets were born on 28 May 1934, Canada was in the grips of the most severe economic depression in its history. Nearly a million Canadians were out of work, and hundreds of thousands more struggled to survive on drastically reduced incomes. The miracle of the Quintuplets' birth provided a welcome distraction from the harsh realities of the day. North Americans, and indeed people around the world, hungered for news of their activities and development. By 1943, an estimated three million people had made the pilgrimage north to Callander to view the girls at play.(f.1) For those not fortunate enough to see the girls in person, there was no shortage of information available. North Americans were bombarded with countless visual images of the girls. By 1936, some 672 American dailies with a total circulation of nearly 13 million carried photos of the girls taken by Fred Davis, their exclusive photographer. A Time magazine article called them \"the world's greatest newspicture story.\"(f.2) Full - page advertisements carried their endorsement of products ranging from Lysol Disinfectant to corn syrup, as products bearing their famous image spread across the department stores of the land.(f.3) Feature films were preceded by Pathe newsreel footage of their latest antics. In short, as Pierre Berton has noted, \"It was impossible to escape the Dionnes.\"(f.4) The public longed for any scrap of information, while advertisers, magazine editors and manufacturers were eager to take advantage of a sure - fire seller in a dismal economy.It was not just commercial enterprises that hoped to capitalize on the tremendous popularity of the Dionne Quintuplets. Medical and child - care experts also recognized the opportunity which they provided to promote the goals and methods of \"scientific child rearing.\" For the Quintuplets were born into a world not only hard - hit by economic catastrophe, but also ravaged by high rates of infant and maternal mortality. Efforts to combat the problem of infant mortality had begun in the early decades of the twentieth century, as recruitment for the armed forces had revealed the poor quality of the nation's health.(f.5) By 1919, the devastation caused by the First World War and by the Spanish influenza epidemic had elevated concerns about the health of the Canadian population to an issue of national importance.(f.6) Studies conducted on the twin problems of infant and maternal mortality all pointed in the same direction: \"maternal incompetence.\" Babies were dying because, apparently, their mothers did not know how to care for them properly. Dr. B. Atlee, a prominent obstetrician, reflected the attitude of leading medical experts of the day when, in a 1932 article in the Canadian Home Journal, he complained that \"The trouble is that the home today is the poorest run, most mismanaged and bungled of all human industries.... Many women running homes haven't even the fundamentals of house management and dietetics. They rais","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364317","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Cultural studies dlscovers the Dionne Quintuplets. Inevitable and welcome: what better Canadian illustration of the power of professional discourses, the logic of "the gaze," the demarcation of the normal from the pathological? Quintland was Foucauldian theatre par excellence -- and although Michel Foucault is rarely mentioned in these articles, his spectre haunts almost all of them. Rather than merely adding new empirical material to Pierre Berton's 1977 account, these thoughtful articles suggest a new way of telling this story that unsettles all the old categories (even that of "childhood").Briefly and schematically, "Dionnology" has had three moments: an initial naive, heartfelt celebration, fed by their promoters and the state, and diffused through the newly refined arts of advertising, of the miracle of life and the cuteness of babies; a second - order liberal humanist, somewhat anti - modern historiography, discernibly echoing the politics of the 1960s, critical of the "exploitation" of the Quints and of the "excesses" of modern science, yet also reclaiming this experience for "Canadian culture"; and finally, this new skeptical school, turning its cool gaze on all those discourses and technologies of power through which the Dionne girls were transformed into "the Quints." For these third - generation Dionnologists, the crucial task is the analysis of categories and disciplines: the Quints are reconceptualized as sites, on which were staged the manoeuvres of priests and politicians, clinicians and hucksters, doctors and nurses, not to mention rival ideals of class, gender, and ethnicity. And insofar as this new narrative undoubtedly captures much of what was surely the case, and does so in the most disturbing and interesting fashion, it marks a real advance. And yet...IIAnd yet, I'm left asking myself some simple (some might say simpleminded) questions. Why did this happen? Should it have happened? Why are we retelling this story today? These sound like silly questions because they bring to Dionnology explicitly ethical considerations. Historians are largely trained to treat ethical discussions as embarrassing outbreaks, like acne, to be remedied with the clear, refreshing balm of empiricism and common sense; cultural studies is even more hostile to formal ethics, mainly because a theoretical tradition so influenced by Foucault (and consequently by Nietzsche) is bound to question any universal, teleological, or even general framework of ethical reason as a holdover from the discredited narratives of humanism.(f.1)Even so, I'm surprised by the absence in this particular case of much overt ethical reasoning: it just calls out for it. Not to be confused with a simplistic hunt for heroes and villains (wisely avoided by everyone here), this process of reasoning rather would mean being clear about the ethical assumptions that ground research. Yet nobody talks directly about ethics in this issue (with the honourable exception of Mariana Valverde, w
{"title":"Why Tell This Parable? Some Ethical Reflections on the Dionne Quintuplets","authors":"I. Mckay","doi":"10.3138/JCS.29.4.144","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.29.4.144","url":null,"abstract":"Cultural studies dlscovers the Dionne Quintuplets. Inevitable and welcome: what better Canadian illustration of the power of professional discourses, the logic of \"the gaze,\" the demarcation of the normal from the pathological? Quintland was Foucauldian theatre par excellence -- and although Michel Foucault is rarely mentioned in these articles, his spectre haunts almost all of them. Rather than merely adding new empirical material to Pierre Berton's 1977 account, these thoughtful articles suggest a new way of telling this story that unsettles all the old categories (even that of \"childhood\").Briefly and schematically, \"Dionnology\" has had three moments: an initial naive, heartfelt celebration, fed by their promoters and the state, and diffused through the newly refined arts of advertising, of the miracle of life and the cuteness of babies; a second - order liberal humanist, somewhat anti - modern historiography, discernibly echoing the politics of the 1960s, critical of the \"exploitation\" of the Quints and of the \"excesses\" of modern science, yet also reclaiming this experience for \"Canadian culture\"; and finally, this new skeptical school, turning its cool gaze on all those discourses and technologies of power through which the Dionne girls were transformed into \"the Quints.\" For these third - generation Dionnologists, the crucial task is the analysis of categories and disciplines: the Quints are reconceptualized as sites, on which were staged the manoeuvres of priests and politicians, clinicians and hucksters, doctors and nurses, not to mention rival ideals of class, gender, and ethnicity. And insofar as this new narrative undoubtedly captures much of what was surely the case, and does so in the most disturbing and interesting fashion, it marks a real advance. And yet...IIAnd yet, I'm left asking myself some simple (some might say simpleminded) questions. Why did this happen? Should it have happened? Why are we retelling this story today? These sound like silly questions because they bring to Dionnology explicitly ethical considerations. Historians are largely trained to treat ethical discussions as embarrassing outbreaks, like acne, to be remedied with the clear, refreshing balm of empiricism and common sense; cultural studies is even more hostile to formal ethics, mainly because a theoretical tradition so influenced by Foucault (and consequently by Nietzsche) is bound to question any universal, teleological, or even general framework of ethical reason as a holdover from the discredited narratives of humanism.(f.1)Even so, I'm surprised by the absence in this particular case of much overt ethical reasoning: it just calls out for it. Not to be confused with a simplistic hunt for heroes and villains (wisely avoided by everyone here), this process of reasoning rather would mean being clear about the ethical assumptions that ground research. Yet nobody talks directly about ethics in this issue (with the honourable exception of Mariana Valverde, w","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69363940","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Annette, Yvonne, Marie, Cecile and Emilie Dionne became the darlings of Canadian and North American popular culture in the 1930s. Media organizations eagerly cultivated and sought to satisfy the curiosity of millions of people with stories about the miracle babies. Newspaper readers, radio listeners and movie goers were supplied with facts and images representing almost every aspect of life in the Dionne nursery. The earliest Quintuplet lore to enter popular culture in the Thirties circulated romantic and dramatic tales of innocent children rescued from certain death by modern medicine, and of a benevolent state acting to rescue the five girls from the dangers of poverty, greed and ignorance. Popular accounts of the girls and the adults who surrounded them offered a drama of struggle, survival, heroism, happiness and romance. However, other and more contradictory and confusing stories soon began to appear. Theirs was not to be a fairy tale with an uncomplicated happy ending, nor was it a story where the cast of characters could easily be sorted into good and evil.In this paper I explore stories told by scientists about the Dionne Quintuplets. The five girls were subjected to intense and detailed scrutiny by a group of researchers working under the leadership of University of Toronto psychologist William E. Blatz. Between March 1935 and March 1938, Blatz exercised a major influence in the Dionne nursery. He hired, trained and supervised the young nurses and teachers who were responsible for applying scientific child - rearing methods to the Quintuplets. In addition to coordinating research and teaching, he also influenced the remodeling of the Dafoe Hospital buildings and grounds, where the five girls spent all their time during this three - year period. Initially built as a hospital, Blatz aimed to turn it into a more school - like environment. Thus rooms and furniture in the nursery incorporated many features from the St. George School for Child Study at the University of Toronto, where Blatz was the director. He also oversaw the design of a circular public viewing gallery and one - way screens to resemble those used in psychological observation rooms. Here the Quintuplets were put on daily display for thousands of tourists flocking to Callander to see the "miracle babies."(f.1)At first the scientists were interested in the physical survival and healthof the Quintuplets. As the girls miraculously lived through the first few days and weeks, however, psychologists and educators, as well as zoologists, biologists, forensic scientists and dentists began to vie for an opportunity to study them for other reasons. Many scientists had great expectations that these babies -- the only surviving set of identical quintuplets in an age before fertility treatments -- offered opportunities to discover new truths (or affirm old ones) about human nature and growth, or to demonstrate the efficacy of modern child - rearing methods and educational practices. Blatz'
安妮特、伊冯、玛丽、塞西尔和艾米丽·迪翁在20世纪30年代成为加拿大和北美流行文化的宠儿。媒体机构急切地培养并试图满足数百万人对奇迹婴儿的好奇心。报纸读者、广播听众和电影观众都能看到迪翁托儿所生活的方方面面。最早进入大众文化的五胞胎传说是在20世纪30年代流传的浪漫和戏剧性的故事，讲述的是被现代医学从死亡中拯救出来的无辜孩子，以及一个仁慈的国家将五个女孩从贫穷、贪婪和无知的危险中拯救出来的故事。关于这些女孩和她们周围的成年人的流行描述提供了一出关于挣扎、生存、英雄主义、幸福和浪漫的戏剧。然而，其他更加矛盾和令人困惑的故事很快开始出现。他们的故事并不是一个简单的幸福结局的童话故事，也不是一个角色可以轻易分为善恶的故事。在这篇论文中，我探索了科学家们讲述的关于迪翁五胞胎的故事。在多伦多大学心理学家威廉·e·布拉茨(William E. Blatz)的领导下，一组研究人员对这五个女孩进行了严格而详细的审查。从1935年3月到1938年3月，布拉茨对迪翁的托儿所产生了重大影响。他雇佣、培训和监督年轻的护士和教师，负责将科学的育儿方法应用于五胞胎。除了协调研究和教学之外，他还影响了达福医院建筑和场地的改造，这五个女孩在这三年的时间里一直在那里度过。最初是作为医院建造的，布拉茨的目标是把它变成一个更像学校的环境。因此，托儿所的房间和家具结合了多伦多大学圣乔治儿童研究学校的许多特征，布拉茨是那里的主任。他还监督设计了一个圆形的公共观景廊和单向屏幕，类似于心理观察室中使用的屏幕。五胞胎每天都在这里展出，成千上万的游客涌向卡兰德看这些“奇迹婴儿”。起初，科学家们对五胞胎的身体存活和健康状况很感兴趣。然而，当这两个女孩奇迹般地活过最初的几天和几周后，心理学家、教育家、动物学家、生物学家、法医学家和牙医开始出于其他原因争夺研究她们的机会。许多科学家对这些婴儿寄予厚望，希望它们能提供机会，发现关于人性和成长的新真理(或肯定旧真理)，或证明现代育儿方法和教育实践的有效性。这些婴儿是生育治疗前唯一幸存下来的同卵五胞胎。布拉茨对这项研究项目潜力的热情是显而易见的:“在人类遗传学的历史上，从来没有五个相同的孩子出生在这样的环境中，不仅可以而且必须提供机会，在受控的条件下跟踪他们的生长和发育。”(f.2)五胞胎提供了一个独特的机会，展示了现代育儿和托儿所教育方法的好处，并测试了儿童发展的新理论。与被广泛地亲切地称为“我们的五胞胎”的孩子们一起工作，提供了一个机会，向更广泛的公众展示科学的育儿方法的功效，而不仅仅是一小群受过良好教育的城市儿童研究的皈依者。一位记者在1937年10月写道:“在三岁零四个月的时候，五胞胎可能已经为我们的现代教育技能和理论提供了最清晰的测试。”讽刺的是，他补充说:“这一次，我们将看到专家们在没有帮助的情况下，或者我们应该说不受家庭的影响，甜蜜的家庭。”…
{"title":"Fictions of the Scientific Imagination: Researching the Dionne Quintuplets","authors":"Kari Dehli","doi":"10.3138/JCS.29.4.86","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.29.4.86","url":null,"abstract":"Annette, Yvonne, Marie, Cecile and Emilie Dionne became the darlings of Canadian and North American popular culture in the 1930s. Media organizations eagerly cultivated and sought to satisfy the curiosity of millions of people with stories about the miracle babies. Newspaper readers, radio listeners and movie goers were supplied with facts and images representing almost every aspect of life in the Dionne nursery. The earliest Quintuplet lore to enter popular culture in the Thirties circulated romantic and dramatic tales of innocent children rescued from certain death by modern medicine, and of a benevolent state acting to rescue the five girls from the dangers of poverty, greed and ignorance. Popular accounts of the girls and the adults who surrounded them offered a drama of struggle, survival, heroism, happiness and romance. However, other and more contradictory and confusing stories soon began to appear. Theirs was not to be a fairy tale with an uncomplicated happy ending, nor was it a story where the cast of characters could easily be sorted into good and evil.In this paper I explore stories told by scientists about the Dionne Quintuplets. The five girls were subjected to intense and detailed scrutiny by a group of researchers working under the leadership of University of Toronto psychologist William E. Blatz. Between March 1935 and March 1938, Blatz exercised a major influence in the Dionne nursery. He hired, trained and supervised the young nurses and teachers who were responsible for applying scientific child - rearing methods to the Quintuplets. In addition to coordinating research and teaching, he also influenced the remodeling of the Dafoe Hospital buildings and grounds, where the five girls spent all their time during this three - year period. Initially built as a hospital, Blatz aimed to turn it into a more school - like environment. Thus rooms and furniture in the nursery incorporated many features from the St. George School for Child Study at the University of Toronto, where Blatz was the director. He also oversaw the design of a circular public viewing gallery and one - way screens to resemble those used in psychological observation rooms. Here the Quintuplets were put on daily display for thousands of tourists flocking to Callander to see the \"miracle babies.\"(f.1)At first the scientists were interested in the physical survival and healthof the Quintuplets. As the girls miraculously lived through the first few days and weeks, however, psychologists and educators, as well as zoologists, biologists, forensic scientists and dentists began to vie for an opportunity to study them for other reasons. Many scientists had great expectations that these babies -- the only surviving set of identical quintuplets in an age before fertility treatments -- offered opportunities to discover new truths (or affirm old ones) about human nature and growth, or to demonstrate the efficacy of modern child - rearing methods and educational practices. Blatz'","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364335","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"In Memoriam: William E. Taylor","authors":"J. Wadland","doi":"10.3138/JCS.29.4.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.29.4.3","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69363990","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The story of the Dionne Quintuplets has been told many times over the past 50 years. Writers have told us about the way they lived, the food they ate, their relationships with their family and the provincial guardians they had and, perhaps most often, the interaction they had with Dr. Roy Dafoe. What most of these stories have failed to do, except in a passing fashion, has been to place the Quintuplets in the context of their own evolving ethnocultural community -- French - Canadian or Franco - Ontarian society in the Ontario of the 1930s and 1940s.(f.1)This article seeks, first of all, to study the Quintuplets as members of a specific community with its own history and contradictions. It is hoped that, by placing the community at the centre of the story and within its own history, we can better understand how the family interacted with the larger French - Canadian community and how the community in turn responded to the reality of the Quints.(f.2) Second, I hope to demonstrate that the Franco - Ontarian community was not monolithic in its reaction to the birth of the Quints. Not only did conditions and opinions affecting the family continually change, but the community was fragmented along class, gender and regional lines. This led to important differences in community responses.The purpose here is not to consider the many events in the struggle of the Dionne family to regain custody of the Quints. Rather, the focus will be on four examples that illuminate the forms of interaction between the Dionne family and the French - Canadian community. First, the role and motivation of the local parish priest in encouraging Oliva Dionne to "exhibit" the Quints in Chicago soon after their birth in 1934 will be discussed. Second, the greater involvement of the French - Canadian community, especially women's groups, after the Dionne Quintuplets' Guardianship Act was passed in March 1935, will be studied. Third, and in far greater detail, the active involvement of the Franco - Ontarian leadership, both male and female, in the events surrounding the firing of the French - Canadian nurse and teacher in early 1938 will be studied. Finally, we will show how, in 1941, the Dionne Quintuplets ceased to be merely objects, and began instead to affirm their own sense of their French - Canadian identity -- a development that led to a backlash in English - speaking communities in both Canada and the United StatesThe context and events surrounding the Quints will be studied principally from a French - Canadian viewpoint. The English - Canadian viewpoint on the various questions will be de - emphasized, since that perspective has tended to dominate discusssions regarding the Dionne Quintuplets over the past years, with French - Canadians being portrayed primarily as passive players simply reacting to various situations.Turn - of - the - Century Northeastern OntarioIt was the building of the Canadian Pacific Railway in 1882 - 83 through northeastern Ontario that permitted t
{"title":"The Dionne Quintuplets: More Than an Ontario Showpiece — Five Franco-Ontarian Children","authors":"D. Welch","doi":"10.3138/JCS.29.4.36","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.29.4.36","url":null,"abstract":"The story of the Dionne Quintuplets has been told many times over the past 50 years. Writers have told us about the way they lived, the food they ate, their relationships with their family and the provincial guardians they had and, perhaps most often, the interaction they had with Dr. Roy Dafoe. What most of these stories have failed to do, except in a passing fashion, has been to place the Quintuplets in the context of their own evolving ethnocultural community -- French - Canadian or Franco - Ontarian society in the Ontario of the 1930s and 1940s.(f.1)This article seeks, first of all, to study the Quintuplets as members of a specific community with its own history and contradictions. It is hoped that, by placing the community at the centre of the story and within its own history, we can better understand how the family interacted with the larger French - Canadian community and how the community in turn responded to the reality of the Quints.(f.2) Second, I hope to demonstrate that the Franco - Ontarian community was not monolithic in its reaction to the birth of the Quints. Not only did conditions and opinions affecting the family continually change, but the community was fragmented along class, gender and regional lines. This led to important differences in community responses.The purpose here is not to consider the many events in the struggle of the Dionne family to regain custody of the Quints. Rather, the focus will be on four examples that illuminate the forms of interaction between the Dionne family and the French - Canadian community. First, the role and motivation of the local parish priest in encouraging Oliva Dionne to \"exhibit\" the Quints in Chicago soon after their birth in 1934 will be discussed. Second, the greater involvement of the French - Canadian community, especially women's groups, after the Dionne Quintuplets' Guardianship Act was passed in March 1935, will be studied. Third, and in far greater detail, the active involvement of the Franco - Ontarian leadership, both male and female, in the events surrounding the firing of the French - Canadian nurse and teacher in early 1938 will be studied. Finally, we will show how, in 1941, the Dionne Quintuplets ceased to be merely objects, and began instead to affirm their own sense of their French - Canadian identity -- a development that led to a backlash in English - speaking communities in both Canada and the United StatesThe context and events surrounding the Quints will be studied principally from a French - Canadian viewpoint. The English - Canadian viewpoint on the various questions will be de - emphasized, since that perspective has tended to dominate discusssions regarding the Dionne Quintuplets over the past years, with French - Canadians being portrayed primarily as passive players simply reacting to various situations.Turn - of - the - Century Northeastern OntarioIt was the building of the Canadian Pacific Railway in 1882 - 83 through northeastern Ontario that permitted t","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69363993","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In his March 1997 speech to the World Affairs Council in Los Angeles, Foreign Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy discussed the changing nature of the Canadian-American relationship. Axworthy stated that "the world has experienced a profound geopolitical shift.... Countries are being forced to redefine their international relations. ... Nowhere is this process of redefinition more clear than our relationship with one another." Almost the exact words could have been said by William Lyon Mackenzie King (until 1946 the prime minister also held the External Affairs portfolio) about the altered nature of global politics at the end of the Second World War as the United States and the Soviet Union began to dominate the international arena; or by Mitchell Sharp in 1972 after the Trudeau government's adoption of the third option policy in reaction to the "Nixon shock" as the Bretton Woods system came under revision by the American administration; or by Joe Clark in 1989 after the Mulroney government was re-elected with a renewed mandate (arguably) to implement free trade, the Conservatives having spent their first mandate negotiating the bilateral trade agreement with the United States because of apparently increasing global protectionist trends. The point is that when Canadian foreign ministers talk about "profound shifts" and "redefinitions" in international relations, such talk must inevitably centre on the country's relationship with the United States.The pivotal importance of understanding Canadian-American relations quickly becomes obvious to any student of Canadian foreign policy. Trying to make sense of Canadian actions in the international arena inevitably means attempting to come to grips with the linkages between Ottawa and Washington. Given that the study of foreign policy, according to William Wallace,(f.1) is a "boundary problem" in two respects: it is an area of politics bordering the nation-state and its international environment, and it is a field of study embodying (at least) two academic disciplines, namely, the study of domestic government and politics and the study of international politics and diplomacy, how is this to be done? For those of us who have focussed our attention on international relations, the Canadian-American relationship can be little understood from the global events and trends that have become even more apparent with the end of the Cold War. Whether sharing similar ideological premises,(f.2) coming from the same civilization,(f.3) or being equally subject to (or subjects of) "McWofid,"(f.4) Canada and the United States are largely part of the same entity called the "West," thus forcing us to question why it is that Canadian governments continue to pronounce and propagate the view that Canada is unique (particularly vis-a-vis the United States). The most recent manifestation of this can be found in the Chretien government's foreign policy statement, Canada in the World,(f.5) where along with the two objectives of promoti
{"title":"NAFTA in Transition","authors":"S. Randall, H. W. Konrad","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv6gqs6h","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv6gqs6h","url":null,"abstract":"In his March 1997 speech to the World Affairs Council in Los Angeles, Foreign Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy discussed the changing nature of the Canadian-American relationship. Axworthy stated that \"the world has experienced a profound geopolitical shift.... Countries are being forced to redefine their international relations. ... Nowhere is this process of redefinition more clear than our relationship with one another.\" Almost the exact words could have been said by William Lyon Mackenzie King (until 1946 the prime minister also held the External Affairs portfolio) about the altered nature of global politics at the end of the Second World War as the United States and the Soviet Union began to dominate the international arena; or by Mitchell Sharp in 1972 after the Trudeau government's adoption of the third option policy in reaction to the \"Nixon shock\" as the Bretton Woods system came under revision by the American administration; or by Joe Clark in 1989 after the Mulroney government was re-elected with a renewed mandate (arguably) to implement free trade, the Conservatives having spent their first mandate negotiating the bilateral trade agreement with the United States because of apparently increasing global protectionist trends. The point is that when Canadian foreign ministers talk about \"profound shifts\" and \"redefinitions\" in international relations, such talk must inevitably centre on the country's relationship with the United States.The pivotal importance of understanding Canadian-American relations quickly becomes obvious to any student of Canadian foreign policy. Trying to make sense of Canadian actions in the international arena inevitably means attempting to come to grips with the linkages between Ottawa and Washington. Given that the study of foreign policy, according to William Wallace,(f.1) is a \"boundary problem\" in two respects: it is an area of politics bordering the nation-state and its international environment, and it is a field of study embodying (at least) two academic disciplines, namely, the study of domestic government and politics and the study of international politics and diplomacy, how is this to be done? For those of us who have focussed our attention on international relations, the Canadian-American relationship can be little understood from the global events and trends that have become even more apparent with the end of the Cold War. Whether sharing similar ideological premises,(f.2) coming from the same civilization,(f.3) or being equally subject to (or subjects of) \"McWofid,\"(f.4) Canada and the United States are largely part of the same entity called the \"West,\" thus forcing us to question why it is that Canadian governments continue to pronounce and propagate the view that Canada is unique (particularly vis-a-vis the United States). The most recent manifestation of this can be found in the Chretien government's foreign policy statement, Canada in the World,(f.5) where along with the two objectives of promoti","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68819170","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
For nearly a generation now, Canadian labour history has gone beyond a simple identification of its task with the writing of the labour union history. The landmarks of the latter have long been familiar to all students of Canadian history: the 1872 legalization of trade unions, the Berlin Conference, IDIA, Winnipeg General Strike, PC 1003 and the Rand formula. To this list will likely be added the recent trend away from international unions marked by the creation of the Canadian Auto Workers (CAW). But it has been Braverman and not Harold Logan from whom labour historians have taken their marching orders.(f.1) Labour history has very much become working class history.The core of the discipline, like Caesar's Gaul, has been composed of three unequal-sized parts. The largest embraces studies of workplace control, the contested terrain of industrial capitalism. Drawing on the seminal work of Braverman, writers such as Radforth, Heron and the authors of the outstanding On the Job collection have given us a wealth of case studies on the work experience in a broad variety of settings.(f.2) The issue of skill has in particular been well explored, moving beyond simplistic models of de-skilling to more sophisticated understandings of the impact of new technologies and managerial strategies on the control of production at the shop floor level. Working-class culture forms the second part of labour history's core. Palmer, Fingard and many others have helped us to understand the lives of past workers within and beyond the workplace and how gender, ethnicity and other factors have textured those lives.(f.3) Finally, a minority of labour historians has continued to find the political history of labour to be of interest.(f.4) These three approaches can be seen together in one of the field's exemplary works, Kealey's well regarded Toronto Workers Respond to Industrial Capitalism.(f.5)While these developments place Canadian labour history in the mainstream of contemporary English-language labour historiography, finding uniquely Canadian aspects of the country's labour history has been more problematic. In his review essay on American labour history, Nellis challenged practitioners of that specialty to show how their work impinged on or was impinged upon by other debates and broader themes in national history.(f.6) A similar gauntlet could be thrown down on this side of the line. Kealey's own identification of continental economic integration and regional identities and federalism as "account[ing] for that national uniqueness of the historical experience of our working class"(f.7) has not been pursued. Pentland's ambitious thesis, though admired, has not defined overall chronological developments in a clear analytical framework;(f.8) thus Leir's recent regret over the lack of theory in the writing of labour history.(f.9) Perhaps the most promising candidate for an approach to this problem is national comparison. Similarities and contrasts with the United States are
{"title":"[Art & Work: A Social History of Labour in the Canadian Graphic Arts Industry to the 1940s]","authors":"Angela E. Davis, J. Hull","doi":"10.2307/25143991","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/25143991","url":null,"abstract":"For nearly a generation now, Canadian labour history has gone beyond a simple identification of its task with the writing of the labour union history. The landmarks of the latter have long been familiar to all students of Canadian history: the 1872 legalization of trade unions, the Berlin Conference, IDIA, Winnipeg General Strike, PC 1003 and the Rand formula. To this list will likely be added the recent trend away from international unions marked by the creation of the Canadian Auto Workers (CAW). But it has been Braverman and not Harold Logan from whom labour historians have taken their marching orders.(f.1) Labour history has very much become working class history.The core of the discipline, like Caesar's Gaul, has been composed of three unequal-sized parts. The largest embraces studies of workplace control, the contested terrain of industrial capitalism. Drawing on the seminal work of Braverman, writers such as Radforth, Heron and the authors of the outstanding On the Job collection have given us a wealth of case studies on the work experience in a broad variety of settings.(f.2) The issue of skill has in particular been well explored, moving beyond simplistic models of de-skilling to more sophisticated understandings of the impact of new technologies and managerial strategies on the control of production at the shop floor level. Working-class culture forms the second part of labour history's core. Palmer, Fingard and many others have helped us to understand the lives of past workers within and beyond the workplace and how gender, ethnicity and other factors have textured those lives.(f.3) Finally, a minority of labour historians has continued to find the political history of labour to be of interest.(f.4) These three approaches can be seen together in one of the field's exemplary works, Kealey's well regarded Toronto Workers Respond to Industrial Capitalism.(f.5)While these developments place Canadian labour history in the mainstream of contemporary English-language labour historiography, finding uniquely Canadian aspects of the country's labour history has been more problematic. In his review essay on American labour history, Nellis challenged practitioners of that specialty to show how their work impinged on or was impinged upon by other debates and broader themes in national history.(f.6) A similar gauntlet could be thrown down on this side of the line. Kealey's own identification of continental economic integration and regional identities and federalism as \"account[ing] for that national uniqueness of the historical experience of our working class\"(f.7) has not been pursued. Pentland's ambitious thesis, though admired, has not defined overall chronological developments in a clear analytical framework;(f.8) thus Leir's recent regret over the lack of theory in the writing of labour history.(f.9) Perhaps the most promising candidate for an approach to this problem is national comparison. Similarities and contrasts with the United States are","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1994-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/25143991","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68816048","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Historians have long - known that the American Revolution created Canada in a political sense as surely as it created the United States. Consequently any work that changes our understanding of the Loyalists, or of the way political ideas were formed in the revolutionary and post - revolutionary era, is of fundamental importance. These five quite different yet superb books provide interesting perspectives on the Loyalists, and on the way Loyalist Canadians saw their politics. To begin with, patriarchal values loomed large in Loyalist thought as it emerged after 1785. Historians, not recognizing this, have misread the history of Loyalism, perpetuated gender stereotypes and misconstrued an important thread in our understanding of political culture in Canada. As Janice Potter - MacKinnon convincingly demonstrates, Loyalist ideology was defined in exile, complete with short - term objectives and deliberate misrepresentation.Potter - MacKinnon wonders why women have been disadvantaged and ignored in the historiography of the Loyalists. Loyalist women played key roles in the decisions of families to become Loyalist. Often, they ran the family farms and businesses when husbands had to leave suddenly to avoid capture by the Patriots. During these periods the contributions of these women were recognized as valuable by their families, by the British authorities and by the American Patriots.Within the patriarchal conventions of the eighteenth century, women were treated as extensions of their husbands. While this was also true for Patriot women, it was at least possible to create legends around women who advanced the Patriot cause. For one thing, revolutionary rhetoric, unlike Loyalist rhetoric, lent itself to a loosening of the prevailing paternalism.For Loyalist women, the war tightened patriarchal values. In the early stages of the war, women could be independent as long as they remained where they were. Where they were, however, was increasingly behind the lines in a bitter civil war, open to abuse and mistreatment by their neighbours, especially if they were easily labelled as traitors. They lacked legal guarantees to their rights or properties; aside from dower rights, land and chattel were considered the property of their husbands. If the husband had left, or if he were considered an enemy, his property could be confiscated even while his wife and children occupied it.There was pressure on Loyalist women to leave, even at great sacrifice. However, in leaving they lost any semblance of independence. They often required permission from local committees of vigilance. Then, they needed aid and assistance from Indian and military guides to reach husbands stationed in military forts or in refugee camps. In these forts and camps, they were only significant as spouses; they were treated as dependents and as burdens. Now weak and dependent, they sought compensation for very real sacrifices from a British government only interested in helping those with militar
{"title":"His Majesty's Indian Allies: British Indian Policy in the Defence of Canada, 1774-1815 // Review","authors":"R. Allen","doi":"10.5860/choice.31-0499","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.31-0499","url":null,"abstract":"Historians have long - known that the American Revolution created Canada in a political sense as surely as it created the United States. Consequently any work that changes our understanding of the Loyalists, or of the way political ideas were formed in the revolutionary and post - revolutionary era, is of fundamental importance. These five quite different yet superb books provide interesting perspectives on the Loyalists, and on the way Loyalist Canadians saw their politics. To begin with, patriarchal values loomed large in Loyalist thought as it emerged after 1785. Historians, not recognizing this, have misread the history of Loyalism, perpetuated gender stereotypes and misconstrued an important thread in our understanding of political culture in Canada. As Janice Potter - MacKinnon convincingly demonstrates, Loyalist ideology was defined in exile, complete with short - term objectives and deliberate misrepresentation.Potter - MacKinnon wonders why women have been disadvantaged and ignored in the historiography of the Loyalists. Loyalist women played key roles in the decisions of families to become Loyalist. Often, they ran the family farms and businesses when husbands had to leave suddenly to avoid capture by the Patriots. During these periods the contributions of these women were recognized as valuable by their families, by the British authorities and by the American Patriots.Within the patriarchal conventions of the eighteenth century, women were treated as extensions of their husbands. While this was also true for Patriot women, it was at least possible to create legends around women who advanced the Patriot cause. For one thing, revolutionary rhetoric, unlike Loyalist rhetoric, lent itself to a loosening of the prevailing paternalism.For Loyalist women, the war tightened patriarchal values. In the early stages of the war, women could be independent as long as they remained where they were. Where they were, however, was increasingly behind the lines in a bitter civil war, open to abuse and mistreatment by their neighbours, especially if they were easily labelled as traitors. They lacked legal guarantees to their rights or properties; aside from dower rights, land and chattel were considered the property of their husbands. If the husband had left, or if he were considered an enemy, his property could be confiscated even while his wife and children occupied it.There was pressure on Loyalist women to leave, even at great sacrifice. However, in leaving they lost any semblance of independence. They often required permission from local committees of vigilance. Then, they needed aid and assistance from Indian and military guides to reach husbands stationed in military forts or in refugee camps. In these forts and camps, they were only significant as spouses; they were treated as dependents and as burdens. Now weak and dependent, they sought compensation for very real sacrifices from a British government only interested in helping those with militar","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1994-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71043381","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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