Pub Date : 2022-10-20DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2022.2159734
Mariëtta Van der Tol, P. Gorski
ABSTRACT This collection reflects on ways in which right-wing populisms in Europe and the USA unsettle what had become common understandings of the sacred in the study of religion and politics. Whereas secularisation theories long associated the sacred with religion, and in particular Latin Christianity, right-wing populism has demonstrated a remarkable potential for mobilising the sacred through relentless sacralisations of nationhood. Their reliance on Christian imaginaries and symbols for predominantly and possibly exclusively secular purposes means that scholarship must rethink ‘the sacred’ as a potentially immanent phenomenon. Contributions from politics, sociology, and theology discuss the relationship between sacralisations of nationhood and meanings of public space, public policy on migration and integration, and ways in which Christian theology might critique the secular appropriation of religious repertoires.
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Pub Date : 2022-10-20DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2022.2152213
Effie Fokas
European Union (by Lucian N. Leustean and Jeffrey Haynes, in Chapter 18). It is interesting to note how the uncovering of the religious matrix – for too long hidden and forgotten – operating at the origins of both these two remarkable institutions of post-Second World War international society is happening at the same time as both these international/supranational organisations strengthen their effort to include religious voices and build better religious literacy and religious engagement capacity as part of their international policymaking toolkit. In a similar way, it was refreshing to read about some ‘old’ and ‘new’ religious actors and international dynamics. There is the thoughtful, knowledgeable Chapter 20 by Mariano Barbato on one of the oldest – and probably among the least well understood – religious actors in international relations, the Papacy, an ‘old’ actor of great contemporary political relevance given the global-political role the head of the Catholic Church has assumed on such different important issues such as the refugee crisis, climate change, and the current Ukrainian crisis, to mention just a few. A fascinating analysis by Daniel G. Hummel explores the new, less well-known, and clearly very important religious diplomacy of the state of Israel as part of US – Israeli bilateral relations (Chapter 25). In sum, as scholars and students of politics with an interest in this growing subfield, we have good reason to be very grateful to Jeffrey Haynes for his herculean effort in bringing this substantial volume together. It is a useful teaching and research addition to what is becoming one of the most dynamic and interesting areas of research in International Relations.
欧盟(Lucian N. Leustean和Jeffrey Haynes著，第18章)。有趣的是，在二战后国际社会的这两个卓越机构的起源上，宗教矩阵的揭示——被隐藏和遗忘的时间太长了——是如何同时发生的，因为这两个国际/超国家组织都加强了他们的努力，包括宗教的声音，建立更好的宗教知识和宗教参与能力，作为他们国际政策制定工具包的一部分。同样，读到一些“旧的”和“新的”宗教角色以及国际动态，也让人耳目一新。马里亚诺·巴巴托(Mariano Barbato)撰写的第20章内容深思熟虑，知识渊博，讲述了国际关系中最古老的——可能也是最不为人所了解的——宗教角色之一——教皇。鉴于天主教会的领袖在难民危机、气候变化和当前乌克兰危机等不同重要问题上所扮演的全球政治角色，教皇是一个具有重大当代政治意义的“老”角色。丹尼尔·g·哈梅尔(Daniel G. Hummel)的一篇精彩分析探讨了以色列作为美以双边关系一部分的新的、不太为人所知的、显然非常重要的宗教外交(第25章)。总而言之，作为对这一不断发展的分支领域感兴趣的政治学者和学生，我们有充分的理由非常感谢杰弗里·海恩斯(Jeffrey Haynes)的巨大努力，他将这本庞大的书汇集在一起。对于正在成为国际关系中最具活力和最有趣的研究领域之一的研究来说，这是一个有用的教学和研究领域。
{"title":"Law and religion in the liberal state","authors":"Effie Fokas","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2022.2152213","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2022.2152213","url":null,"abstract":"European Union (by Lucian N. Leustean and Jeffrey Haynes, in Chapter 18). It is interesting to note how the uncovering of the religious matrix – for too long hidden and forgotten – operating at the origins of both these two remarkable institutions of post-Second World War international society is happening at the same time as both these international/supranational organisations strengthen their effort to include religious voices and build better religious literacy and religious engagement capacity as part of their international policymaking toolkit. In a similar way, it was refreshing to read about some ‘old’ and ‘new’ religious actors and international dynamics. There is the thoughtful, knowledgeable Chapter 20 by Mariano Barbato on one of the oldest – and probably among the least well understood – religious actors in international relations, the Papacy, an ‘old’ actor of great contemporary political relevance given the global-political role the head of the Catholic Church has assumed on such different important issues such as the refugee crisis, climate change, and the current Ukrainian crisis, to mention just a few. A fascinating analysis by Daniel G. Hummel explores the new, less well-known, and clearly very important religious diplomacy of the state of Israel as part of US – Israeli bilateral relations (Chapter 25). In sum, as scholars and students of politics with an interest in this growing subfield, we have good reason to be very grateful to Jeffrey Haynes for his herculean effort in bringing this substantial volume together. It is a useful teaching and research addition to what is becoming one of the most dynamic and interesting areas of research in International Relations.","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"162 1","pages":"586 - 588"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86437199","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-20DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2022.2148922
F. Petito
{"title":"Handbook on religion and international relations","authors":"F. Petito","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2022.2148922","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2022.2148922","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"20 1","pages":"585 - 586"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81919926","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-20DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2022.2123691
T. Müller
ABSTRACT In the currently resurging contestation about religion and nationalism in the public sphere, secularism has become one of the most intensively contested political concepts. Even staunch advocates concede that across Euroamerica, secularism has in many ways failed to deliver on its promise to guarantee state neutrality and free exercise of religion. However, scholarship critically investigating the effects of secularism is often unclear about what discrimination, harm, or violence it seeks to uncover, creating misunderstandings among secularism’s advocates and critics alike. This contribution suggests that there are three major analytical angles that should be distinguished: the liberal egalitarian critique, the decolonial critique, and the genealogical critique. To demonstrate the benefits and limitations of each perspective, the contribution draws on the case study of Christian national identity politics in Bavaria targeting Islam. It makes the case for the conscious combination of these three perspectives in the analysis of the ‘religion-culture-citizenship’ nexus.
{"title":"Conscripts of secularism: nationalism, Islam and violence","authors":"T. Müller","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2022.2123691","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2022.2123691","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the currently resurging contestation about religion and nationalism in the public sphere, secularism has become one of the most intensively contested political concepts. Even staunch advocates concede that across Euroamerica, secularism has in many ways failed to deliver on its promise to guarantee state neutrality and free exercise of religion. However, scholarship critically investigating the effects of secularism is often unclear about what discrimination, harm, or violence it seeks to uncover, creating misunderstandings among secularism’s advocates and critics alike. This contribution suggests that there are three major analytical angles that should be distinguished: the liberal egalitarian critique, the decolonial critique, and the genealogical critique. To demonstrate the benefits and limitations of each perspective, the contribution draws on the case study of Christian national identity politics in Bavaria targeting Islam. It makes the case for the conscious combination of these three perspectives in the analysis of the ‘religion-culture-citizenship’ nexus.","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"7 1","pages":"513 - 531"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85366852","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-20DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2022.2104097
T. Cremer
ABSTRACT From the display of oversized crosses at the United States Capitol riots, to a new rhetoric centred on defence of the ‘Judaeo-Christian West’ in Europe: right-wing populist movements on both sides of the Atlantic are intensifying their use of Christian symbols and language. Many observers have interpreted such rhetoric as symptomatic of a conservative religious resurgence against secular liberalism and multiculturalism. However, several indicators suggest a more complicated relationship between the populist Right, religion, and secularisation. For instance, in the United States Donald Trump was perceived to be the least religious Republican party candidate in recent history, while in Europe church attendance remains a strong predictor for not voting for right-wing populist parties. Deploying a demand- and supply-side framework to understand the socio-demographic roots behind the rise of right-wing populist movements and the motives behind their references to Christianity, this contribution posits that right-wing populists primarily employ Christianity as a cultural identity marker to mobilise voters around a new post-religious identity cleavage. However, they often remain distanced from Christian doctrine, beliefs, and institutions, and instead seek to combine cultural references to Christianity with secular policies, suggesting a secularisation of Christian symbols rather than a resurgence of religion in western politics.
{"title":"Defenders of the Faith? How shifting social cleavages and the rise of identity politics are reshaping right-wing populists’ attitudes towards religion in the West","authors":"T. Cremer","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2022.2104097","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2022.2104097","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT From the display of oversized crosses at the United States Capitol riots, to a new rhetoric centred on defence of the ‘Judaeo-Christian West’ in Europe: right-wing populist movements on both sides of the Atlantic are intensifying their use of Christian symbols and language. Many observers have interpreted such rhetoric as symptomatic of a conservative religious resurgence against secular liberalism and multiculturalism. However, several indicators suggest a more complicated relationship between the populist Right, religion, and secularisation. For instance, in the United States Donald Trump was perceived to be the least religious Republican party candidate in recent history, while in Europe church attendance remains a strong predictor for not voting for right-wing populist parties. Deploying a demand- and supply-side framework to understand the socio-demographic roots behind the rise of right-wing populist movements and the motives behind their references to Christianity, this contribution posits that right-wing populists primarily employ Christianity as a cultural identity marker to mobilise voters around a new post-religious identity cleavage. However, they often remain distanced from Christian doctrine, beliefs, and institutions, and instead seek to combine cultural references to Christianity with secular policies, suggesting a secularisation of Christian symbols rather than a resurgence of religion in western politics.","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"12 1","pages":"532 - 552"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87589320","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-20DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2022.2154516
Jennifer Leith
ABSTRACT This contribution addresses pressing questions about English national identity and belonging through exploring Anglican polity and its relationship with place. I argue that the Church of England’s ‘territorial embeddedness’ has resources to offer to the present turmoil over what it means to belong to a national civic community. However, identifying these resources involves reckoning with the ways that the Church – in its relationship with territory – has itself historically displayed possessive and hierarchical tendencies. Through reckoning with this history I retrieve a theological account of the place of the church as undefended territory, in which there is genuine attachment to particular places that is (or should be) non-competitive. This non-competitive account of belonging is explored in terms of, first, federated modes of polity and, second, forms of collective responsibility for all the people of a land and all of that land’s history. In grappling with Anglicanism’s mottled identity, therefore, fruitful resources emerge for understanding belonging and responsibility within a place-tethered community – resources which can help to offer an alternative to narrow forms of nationalism and attendant civic alienation. In this way, there is scope for the Church of England to distinctively contribute to the cultivation of a truly common national life.
{"title":"The place of civic belonging: the dangers and possibilities of Anglican territorial embeddedness","authors":"Jennifer Leith","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2022.2154516","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2022.2154516","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This contribution addresses pressing questions about English national identity and belonging through exploring Anglican polity and its relationship with place. I argue that the Church of England’s ‘territorial embeddedness’ has resources to offer to the present turmoil over what it means to belong to a national civic community. However, identifying these resources involves reckoning with the ways that the Church – in its relationship with territory – has itself historically displayed possessive and hierarchical tendencies. Through reckoning with this history I retrieve a theological account of the place of the church as undefended territory, in which there is genuine attachment to particular places that is (or should be) non-competitive. This non-competitive account of belonging is explored in terms of, first, federated modes of polity and, second, forms of collective responsibility for all the people of a land and all of that land’s history. In grappling with Anglicanism’s mottled identity, therefore, fruitful resources emerge for understanding belonging and responsibility within a place-tethered community – resources which can help to offer an alternative to narrow forms of nationalism and attendant civic alienation. In this way, there is scope for the Church of England to distinctively contribute to the cultivation of a truly common national life.","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"1 1","pages":"569 - 584"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84780437","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-20DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2022.2154087
Viktória Kóczián
ABSTRACT This contribution discusses how concerns over ethnic identity and solidarity shape attitudes towards migration within the Reformed Church in Hungary. Hungary faced an influx of refugees on two occasions in the 1980s and again in 2015, which the Reformed Church responded to very differently. At the end of the 1980s, the drastic deterioration of circumstances in Romania and the forced assimilation of ethnic minorities led to a wave of migration into Hungary. In response, the Reformed Church played a pioneering role in offering relief to refugees. The Church also became involved in the broader political issue of immigration by actively contributing to public debates. During the refugee crisis of 2015, the Church remained divided over the level of support it should offer to people who arrived primarily from the Middle East. Although practical assistance was offered to those in need by the Church’s aid organisation, theologians and church leaders expressed fears about dangers that these refugees might pose to Hungary and to Europe’s perceived Christian identity. This contribution argues that ethnic identity played both a constructive and restrictive role, and that the Church’s distinct responses may be understood as deriving from its ethno-religious self-identification.
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Pub Date : 2022-10-20DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2022.2144662
Mariëtta Van der Tol, P. Gorski
ABSTRACT Contemporary conflicts about secularity in ‘the West’ tend to focus on public space. Although collective Christian heritage means that public space is rarely exclusively neutral, conflicts continue to arise over the relationship between secularity and religious symbolism, and especially over those symbols which derive from religious minorities. This contribution critically considers the designation of space as either sacred or secular in political imaginaries, approaching processes of secularisation as part of a fragmentation of the sacred and of sacred space. We introduce the concept of trans-liminal space: spaces which can contain multiple and potentially conflicting ascriptions of meaning. Conceptualising public space as trans-liminal allows for contemporaneous and competing ascriptions of the secular, the sacred, the secular-sacred, the sacred-secular, without being exclusively grounded in either. Trans-liminality does not preclude public space to be predominantly secular, but it does problematise the phenomenon of normative exclusions of religious symbols from public spaces.
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Pub Date : 2022-08-08DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2022.2132079
Thomas Sealy, T. Modood
ABSTRACT Debates and controversies over the governance of religious diversity are important features of the social and political landscape in all five regions covered in this collection. All have historical as well as contemporary forms of these debates that have had a significant impact on not just the structures and forms of governance but also on the very identity of each state as it has grappled, and continues to grapple, with religious diversity and the issues it raises. This final contribution presents an inter-regional comparative analysis and findings of different modes of state-religion connections between our different regions, following on from the discussions in the individual contributions of the collection focused on intra-regional analyses. Moreover, central to state-religion relations is the idea of political secularism and so we offer a definition of political secularism from which we can compare countries and regions. We assess the idea of political secularism against our typology of modes of governance of religious diversity and explore convergences and divergences between our regions along three conceptual lines: the idea of secularism, the idea of freedom of religion, and the relationship between national identity and religion.
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