Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2023.2207421
J. Bowen
{"title":"Islam and the liberal state: national identity and the future of Muslim Britain","authors":"J. Bowen","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2023.2207421","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2023.2207421","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"43 1","pages":"213 - 214"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86629973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2023.2206342
J. Schwörer, Belén Fernández-García
ABSTRACT Politics and religion are usually considered to be strongly interlinked in Latin America. Despite the fact that discourses about religion, Christianity, and God are assumed to play an important role in political competition, we are still confronted with a gap of systematic comparative large N analyses. This work attempts to map the religious discourses of 87 parties and presidential candidates in 15 Latin American countries based on quantitative content analyses of 14,379 posts on Facebook. We found that religious references serve to emphasise one’s own closeness to God and Christianity, to promote traditional morality, and to portray competitors as immoral and corrupt. Religious discourses mainly occur in Central America and Brazil, where evangelical groups are on the rise and where societies are particularly religious. The evangelical rise may therefore have a substantial impact on society and political campaigning. Religious discourses in society without relevant evangelical groups can be explained by strongly conservative parties and an extremely religious population.
{"title":"In the name of God and Christianity: mapping parties’ and candidates’ religious communication in Latin America","authors":"J. Schwörer, Belén Fernández-García","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2023.2206342","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2023.2206342","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Politics and religion are usually considered to be strongly interlinked in Latin America. Despite the fact that discourses about religion, Christianity, and God are assumed to play an important role in political competition, we are still confronted with a gap of systematic comparative large N analyses. This work attempts to map the religious discourses of 87 parties and presidential candidates in 15 Latin American countries based on quantitative content analyses of 14,379 posts on Facebook. We found that religious references serve to emphasise one’s own closeness to God and Christianity, to promote traditional morality, and to portray competitors as immoral and corrupt. Religious discourses mainly occur in Central America and Brazil, where evangelical groups are on the rise and where societies are particularly religious. The evangelical rise may therefore have a substantial impact on society and political campaigning. Religious discourses in society without relevant evangelical groups can be explained by strongly conservative parties and an extremely religious population.","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"136 1","pages":"131 - 152"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76389701","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2023.2190290
P. Kolstø
ABSTRACT During Vladimir Putin’s presidency, and in particular since the enthronement of Patriarch Kirill (2009), the Russian Orthodox Church has invested considerable energy and prestige in its fight against abortion. Nevertheless, the strategy adopted by the ROC seems ill-conceived and in many ways has proved counterproductive in terms of the goals which the ROC has set itself. While certain restrictions on the right to abortion have been introduced under Putin, this has been a far cry from the complete abortion ban advocated by the ecclesiastical leadership under Patriarch Kirill and supported by virtually all Orthodox believers who have expressed themselves publicly. At the same time, survey results as well as circumstantial evidence suggest that most Russians, including many who declare themselves to be Orthodox, have been reluctant to support a campaign for a ban on abortion. When the church leaders have failed to impress the public or the politicians, they have not readjusted their message towards more accommodating positions. The top hierarchs have been deeply involved in the anti-abortion drive and there are few signs of disagreements within the ROC leadership on this issue. However, the abortion issue threatens to sour relations between the ROC and the Putin regime.
{"title":"The Russian Orthodox Church and its fight against abortion: taking on the state and losing","authors":"P. Kolstø","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2023.2190290","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2023.2190290","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT During Vladimir Putin’s presidency, and in particular since the enthronement of Patriarch Kirill (2009), the Russian Orthodox Church has invested considerable energy and prestige in its fight against abortion. Nevertheless, the strategy adopted by the ROC seems ill-conceived and in many ways has proved counterproductive in terms of the goals which the ROC has set itself. While certain restrictions on the right to abortion have been introduced under Putin, this has been a far cry from the complete abortion ban advocated by the ecclesiastical leadership under Patriarch Kirill and supported by virtually all Orthodox believers who have expressed themselves publicly. At the same time, survey results as well as circumstantial evidence suggest that most Russians, including many who declare themselves to be Orthodox, have been reluctant to support a campaign for a ban on abortion. When the church leaders have failed to impress the public or the politicians, they have not readjusted their message towards more accommodating positions. The top hierarchs have been deeply involved in the anti-abortion drive and there are few signs of disagreements within the ROC leadership on this issue. However, the abortion issue threatens to sour relations between the ROC and the Putin regime.","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"4 1","pages":"153 - 173"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85293220","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2023.2207898
Daniel Nilsson DeHanas, Marat S. Shterin
The contributions to this issue of Religion, State & Society take us to a range of different contexts: Latin America, Russia, Bangladesh, and Pakistan. They explore seemingly disparate themes of the relationship between religion and state legislatures, political parties, movements, and cultural trends. However, for all their variety, these contributions ultimately address the perennial question of boundary-making – something that the social anthropologist Douglas ([1966] 2002) saw as a crucial element of human experience – which is key to understanding the social and political structures we create. Jakob Schwörer and Belén Fernández-García open this journal issue with the first largescale and systematic study of how Latin American political parties use religious content in their social media outreach. Schwörer and Fernández-García find that mentions of God, Christianity, and the church on Facebook are important for parties wishing to articulate a positive moral presence in society. Parties most typically do this to assert conservative moral boundaries that appeal to evangelical voters, though in a few cases religious language is used for signalling progressive views. Importantly, the authors uncover regional differences. The use of religiously inflected language and symbols is most prevalent among parties in Central America and Brazil where evangelicals are highly active and in Paraguay which has an ultraconservative political culture. Parties are less likely to reference religion on social media in other countries that are more secularised or where evangelicals are less important as a voting bloc. Pål Kolstø continues the theme of conservative moral boundaries in his article on advocacy of a total ban on women’s abortion rights by representatives and activists of the Russian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate). He argues that this advocacy potentially puts the Church leadership on a collision course with the Putin regime, because the latter is aware that the majority of Russians do not support such a ban. While in the current situation of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine any disharmony between the Moscow Patriarchate and Putin’s regime seems unlikely, the article raises interesting longerrange questions about the boundaries between ecclesiastical and secular authorities, which may be drawn differently and expediently, depending on the issue at hand. Focusing on Bangladesh, Jinat Hossain and Ishtiaq Jamil investigate gender-related political struggles over legislation on inheritance rights. Multiple actors involved in these political debates conceive of different boundary lines for defining gender relations. In particular, human rights organisations and international frameworks push towards gender-equal revisions of the law, whilst various domestic groups who advocate for Islamic or Hindu political visions urge retaining gender differences. Ironically, even though the two main prime ministerial rivals in Bangladesh for the past few decades are fema
本期《宗教、国家与社会》的投稿将我们带到了一系列不同的背景下:拉丁美洲、俄罗斯、孟加拉国和巴基斯坦。他们探讨了宗教与州立法机构、政党、运动和文化趋势之间关系的看似不同的主题。然而，尽管他们的贡献各不相同，但这些贡献最终解决了一个长期存在的问题，即边界的建立——社会人类学家道格拉斯([1966]2002)认为这是人类经验的一个关键因素——这是理解我们创造的社会和政治结构的关键。Jakob Schwörer和bel n Fernández-García在本期杂志中首次对拉丁美洲政党如何在其社交媒体宣传中使用宗教内容进行了大规模和系统的研究。Schwörer和Fernández-García发现，在Facebook上提到上帝、基督教和教会对于希望在社会中表达积极道德存在的政党很重要。政党通常这样做是为了维护保守的道德界限，以吸引福音派选民，尽管在少数情况下，宗教语言被用来表达进步的观点。重要的是，作者揭示了地区差异。在福音派非常活跃的中美洲和巴西，以及政治文化极端保守的巴拉圭，政党使用带有宗教色彩的语言和符号最为普遍。在其他更世俗化的国家，或者福音派作为一个投票群体不那么重要的国家，政党不太可能在社交媒体上提及宗教。paval Kolstø在他关于俄罗斯东正教(莫斯科宗主教区)的代表和活动人士倡导全面禁止妇女堕胎权利的文章中继续讨论保守道德界限的主题。他认为，这种主张可能会使教会领导层与普京政权发生冲突，因为后者意识到大多数俄罗斯人不支持这样的禁令。虽然在俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的当前形势下，莫斯科宗主教区和普京政权之间似乎不太可能出现任何不和谐，但这篇文章提出了关于教会和世俗当局之间界限的有趣的长期问题，根据手头的问题，这可能会以不同的方式和权宜之计来划分。Jinat Hossain和Ishtiaq Jamil着眼于孟加拉国，调查了在继承权立法中与性别相关的政治斗争。参与这些政治辩论的多个行动者设想了定义性别关系的不同界线。特别是，人权组织和国际框架推动对法律进行性别平等的修订，而倡导伊斯兰教或印度教政治愿景的各种国内团体则敦促保留性别差异。具有讽刺意味的是，尽管过去几十年来孟加拉国的两位主要总理竞争对手都是女性，但由于她们依靠政治伊斯兰来讨好选民，因此在任何可能支持性别平等政策方面都受到了阻碍。《宗教、国家与社会》，第51卷，第2023期。2,129 - 130 https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2023.2207898
{"title":"Editors’ introduction","authors":"Daniel Nilsson DeHanas, Marat S. Shterin","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2023.2207898","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2023.2207898","url":null,"abstract":"The contributions to this issue of Religion, State & Society take us to a range of different contexts: Latin America, Russia, Bangladesh, and Pakistan. They explore seemingly disparate themes of the relationship between religion and state legislatures, political parties, movements, and cultural trends. However, for all their variety, these contributions ultimately address the perennial question of boundary-making – something that the social anthropologist Douglas ([1966] 2002) saw as a crucial element of human experience – which is key to understanding the social and political structures we create. Jakob Schwörer and Belén Fernández-García open this journal issue with the first largescale and systematic study of how Latin American political parties use religious content in their social media outreach. Schwörer and Fernández-García find that mentions of God, Christianity, and the church on Facebook are important for parties wishing to articulate a positive moral presence in society. Parties most typically do this to assert conservative moral boundaries that appeal to evangelical voters, though in a few cases religious language is used for signalling progressive views. Importantly, the authors uncover regional differences. The use of religiously inflected language and symbols is most prevalent among parties in Central America and Brazil where evangelicals are highly active and in Paraguay which has an ultraconservative political culture. Parties are less likely to reference religion on social media in other countries that are more secularised or where evangelicals are less important as a voting bloc. Pål Kolstø continues the theme of conservative moral boundaries in his article on advocacy of a total ban on women’s abortion rights by representatives and activists of the Russian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate). He argues that this advocacy potentially puts the Church leadership on a collision course with the Putin regime, because the latter is aware that the majority of Russians do not support such a ban. While in the current situation of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine any disharmony between the Moscow Patriarchate and Putin’s regime seems unlikely, the article raises interesting longerrange questions about the boundaries between ecclesiastical and secular authorities, which may be drawn differently and expediently, depending on the issue at hand. Focusing on Bangladesh, Jinat Hossain and Ishtiaq Jamil investigate gender-related political struggles over legislation on inheritance rights. Multiple actors involved in these political debates conceive of different boundary lines for defining gender relations. In particular, human rights organisations and international frameworks push towards gender-equal revisions of the law, whilst various domestic groups who advocate for Islamic or Hindu political visions urge retaining gender differences. Ironically, even though the two main prime ministerial rivals in Bangladesh for the past few decades are fema","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"34 1","pages":"129 - 130"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80639682","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2023.2206341
Jinat Hossain, Ishtiaq Jamil
ABSTRACT Inheritance rights in Bangladesh are a highly contested issue. These are interpreted differently in the two major religions in Bangladesh, Islam and Hinduism. Using the concepts of ‘legal pluralism’ and ‘feminist institutionalism’, we aim to understand different contestations and debates and the multiplicity of practices in these religions on this issue. Such contestation challenges the formulation of gender-equal inheritance policies in Bangladesh. In this article, we identify the major actors involved in policy formulation and investigate the key factors and events that led the state to formulate such policy and, later, to withdraw it. Based on a qualitative case-study method, we observe that gender-equal inheritance rights provision depends on multiple political factors and events. On the one hand, the international mandate of ensuring gender equality coupled with local and international donors’ support influenced the formulation of equal inheritance rights provision in the National Women’s Development Policy (NWDP). On the other hand, opposition from Islamic fundamentalist parties created tension in formulating such policy and, in the face of violent opposition, the government feared being framed as ‘anti-Islamic’ and withdrew the equal inheritance rights policy in Bangladesh in the policy formulation stage.
{"title":"Negotiating gender-equal inheritance rights: the rise of Islamic politics and the global feminist landscape in Bangladesh","authors":"Jinat Hossain, Ishtiaq Jamil","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2023.2206341","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2023.2206341","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Inheritance rights in Bangladesh are a highly contested issue. These are interpreted differently in the two major religions in Bangladesh, Islam and Hinduism. Using the concepts of ‘legal pluralism’ and ‘feminist institutionalism’, we aim to understand different contestations and debates and the multiplicity of practices in these religions on this issue. Such contestation challenges the formulation of gender-equal inheritance policies in Bangladesh. In this article, we identify the major actors involved in policy formulation and investigate the key factors and events that led the state to formulate such policy and, later, to withdraw it. Based on a qualitative case-study method, we observe that gender-equal inheritance rights provision depends on multiple political factors and events. On the one hand, the international mandate of ensuring gender equality coupled with local and international donors’ support influenced the formulation of equal inheritance rights provision in the National Women’s Development Policy (NWDP). On the other hand, opposition from Islamic fundamentalist parties created tension in formulating such policy and, in the face of violent opposition, the government feared being framed as ‘anti-Islamic’ and withdrew the equal inheritance rights policy in Bangladesh in the policy formulation stage.","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"84 6 1","pages":"174 - 193"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87665566","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2023.2206720
Anneli Winell
{"title":"The Bloomsbury handbook of religion and migration","authors":"Anneli Winell","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2023.2206720","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2023.2206720","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"121 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135698026","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Bloomsbury handbook of religion and migration","authors":"Anneli Winell","doi":"10.5040/9781350203884","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5040/9781350203884","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"6 1","pages":"215 - 216"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87154314","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2023.2197843
Sumrin Kalia
ABSTRACT Research on Islam and consumption focuses mostly on commercialisation of Islam. This article studies Islam-consumption interaction in the context of religious competition within Islam. It discusses the role of religious consumption in Pakistan where Islamic organisations belonging to different Sunni denominations seek to expand while maintaining ideological boundaries. Through an ethnographic study of Dawat-e-Islami, which belongs to the Barelvi denomination within Sunni Islam, it argues that religious consumption within the media and ritual settings of the organisation help to reify a subcultural, denominational identity. Capitalising on the cultural repertoires at its disposal, Dawat-e-Islami has commodified its call to Madina into artefacts, signs, symbols, and names and offered them for consumption to its followers through its media and ritual settings. Collective and expressive acts of consumption, enabled as such, serve to construct a unique, subcultural collective identity within Sunnism – the Madani Brotherhood. This brotherhood contributes to the expansion of DI’s Madani mission while guarding ideological boundaries. In the context of competing visions of Sunni Islam, collective and expressive acts of religious consumption reinforce symbolic and ideological boundaries.
{"title":"Consuming Islam: media, ritual, and identity in the making of a brotherhood","authors":"Sumrin Kalia","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2023.2197843","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2023.2197843","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Research on Islam and consumption focuses mostly on commercialisation of Islam. This article studies Islam-consumption interaction in the context of religious competition within Islam. It discusses the role of religious consumption in Pakistan where Islamic organisations belonging to different Sunni denominations seek to expand while maintaining ideological boundaries. Through an ethnographic study of Dawat-e-Islami, which belongs to the Barelvi denomination within Sunni Islam, it argues that religious consumption within the media and ritual settings of the organisation help to reify a subcultural, denominational identity. Capitalising on the cultural repertoires at its disposal, Dawat-e-Islami has commodified its call to Madina into artefacts, signs, symbols, and names and offered them for consumption to its followers through its media and ritual settings. Collective and expressive acts of consumption, enabled as such, serve to construct a unique, subcultural collective identity within Sunnism – the Madani Brotherhood. This brotherhood contributes to the expansion of DI’s Madani mission while guarding ideological boundaries. In the context of competing visions of Sunni Islam, collective and expressive acts of religious consumption reinforce symbolic and ideological boundaries.","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"112 1","pages":"194 - 212"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79662388","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2023.2167642
P. Ladouceur
This book is a pioneering anthropological study of two largely self-sustained Orthodox communities in rural and mountainous West Virginia. Its publication ignited a firestorm of praise and denunciation on social media and in reviews on the book’s amazon.com webpage, where most ratings clustered at five stars (the highest) or one star (the lowest). 1 The book spawned an extreme polarisation of views because it became cannon fodder in the Orthodox subset of American culture wars, depending on attitudes towards Russia, its leaders (especially Tsar Nicholas II and Vladimir Putin), and the Russian Orthodox Church (especially its principal US affiliate, the Russian Orthodox Church outside Russia, ROCOR). If most anthropological studies of small or isolated religious communities are typically read by mainly by academics, here we have a minor cause célèbre , either hailed as the best thing since apple pie, or trashed as rubbish, ‘little more than opinion journalism’. 2 This makes a sober academic review of Between Heaven and Russia a hazardous but necessary undertaking.
{"title":"Between heaven and Russia: religious conversion and political apostasy in Appalachia","authors":"P. Ladouceur","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2023.2167642","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2023.2167642","url":null,"abstract":"This book is a pioneering anthropological study of two largely self-sustained Orthodox communities in rural and mountainous West Virginia. Its publication ignited a firestorm of praise and denunciation on social media and in reviews on the book’s amazon.com webpage, where most ratings clustered at five stars (the highest) or one star (the lowest). 1 The book spawned an extreme polarisation of views because it became cannon fodder in the Orthodox subset of American culture wars, depending on attitudes towards Russia, its leaders (especially Tsar Nicholas II and Vladimir Putin), and the Russian Orthodox Church (especially its principal US affiliate, the Russian Orthodox Church outside Russia, ROCOR). If most anthropological studies of small or isolated religious communities are typically read by mainly by academics, here we have a minor cause célèbre , either hailed as the best thing since apple pie, or trashed as rubbish, ‘little more than opinion journalism’. 2 This makes a sober academic review of Between Heaven and Russia a hazardous but necessary undertaking.","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"215 1","pages":"123 - 125"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76535651","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2023.2174757
Jeanne Kormina
ABSTRACT In the post-Soviet context liberal publics in Russia often see the Russian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate as a satellite of the state and its collaborator. Attempts by Church representatives, sometimes self-appointed, to enlarge the Church’s presence in public space are perceived by secular publics as violating certain principles fundamental to the functioning of the public sphere: individual membership and independence from the state. Consequently, individual religious activists and associations of believers – Orthodox brotherhoods and sisterhoods, charity projects and other initiatives affiliated with the Church – function as counterpublics which feel excluded from the common public sphere and form alternative public spheres. This contribution focuses on the public actions of a female religious activist in a big city in the Urals who presents herself as speaking on behalf of the church people, often aiming to establish or defend visible religious symbols in the city landscape.
{"title":"Fervent Christians: Orthodox activists in Russia as publics and counterpublics","authors":"Jeanne Kormina","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2023.2174757","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2023.2174757","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the post-Soviet context liberal publics in Russia often see the Russian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate as a satellite of the state and its collaborator. Attempts by Church representatives, sometimes self-appointed, to enlarge the Church’s presence in public space are perceived by secular publics as violating certain principles fundamental to the functioning of the public sphere: individual membership and independence from the state. Consequently, individual religious activists and associations of believers – Orthodox brotherhoods and sisterhoods, charity projects and other initiatives affiliated with the Church – function as counterpublics which feel excluded from the common public sphere and form alternative public spheres. This contribution focuses on the public actions of a female religious activist in a big city in the Urals who presents herself as speaking on behalf of the church people, often aiming to establish or defend visible religious symbols in the city landscape.","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"28 1","pages":"11 - 29"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90524622","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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