Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2077418
J. Hyslop, Kasper Braskén, N. Roos
ABSTRACT The article is the introduction to a special issue of the South African Historical Journal on anti-fascism. It starts by explaining the contemporary relevance of the subject. It then places Southern Africa within the contemporary historiographical debates on anti-fascism. The article provides a broad overview of the history of the anti-fascist political ideas and practice within the region. It examines in detail both the impact of ‘historical’ anti-fascism in the era of Mussolini, Hitler and Franco, and how notions of anti-fascism subsequently impacted on the national liberation movements and in the post-colonial era.
{"title":"Political and Intellectual Lineages of Southern African Anti-Fascism","authors":"J. Hyslop, Kasper Braskén, N. Roos","doi":"10.1080/02582473.2022.2077418","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2022.2077418","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article is the introduction to a special issue of the South African Historical Journal on anti-fascism. It starts by explaining the contemporary relevance of the subject. It then places Southern Africa within the contemporary historiographical debates on anti-fascism. The article provides a broad overview of the history of the anti-fascist political ideas and practice within the region. It examines in detail both the impact of ‘historical’ anti-fascism in the era of Mussolini, Hitler and Franco, and how notions of anti-fascism subsequently impacted on the national liberation movements and in the post-colonial era.","PeriodicalId":45116,"journal":{"name":"South African Historical Journal","volume":"74 1","pages":"1 - 29"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43497107","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2027005
Kasper Braskén
ABSTRACT This article offers a new analysis of how the Third Reich’s Foreign Office reported on anti-fascist activities in the Union of South Africa during the 1930s. Based on letters, dispatches and reports written by the German legation and official German representatives in South Africa, the article reveals and discusses how Nazi officials followed and reacted to anti-fascist activity in South Africa. The article demonstrates how the German legation perceived anti-fascist movements and analysed them as a part of a rising global anti-German sentiment, Jewish activism, and ‘international bolshevism’. South African anti-fascism reveals itself also as a direct concern for the official bilateral relations between South Africa and Nazi Germany during the 1930s. Germany was intensely concerned with South African public opinion when it came to protests against German Nazism, international fascism and local fascist groups in South Africa. The article thus offers to expand our understanding of South Africa’s place in the global struggle between anti-fascism and fascism and discusses the ways in which anti-fascism was delegitimised. Furthermore, it shows how German clubs, offices, ships and consulates became important sites of protest and targets of anti-fascist activities and boycotts.
{"title":"South African Anti-Fascism and the Nazi Foreign Office: Antisemitism, Anti-communism and the Surveillance of the Third Reich’s International Enemies","authors":"Kasper Braskén","doi":"10.1080/02582473.2022.2027005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2022.2027005","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article offers a new analysis of how the Third Reich’s Foreign Office reported on anti-fascist activities in the Union of South Africa during the 1930s. Based on letters, dispatches and reports written by the German legation and official German representatives in South Africa, the article reveals and discusses how Nazi officials followed and reacted to anti-fascist activity in South Africa. The article demonstrates how the German legation perceived anti-fascist movements and analysed them as a part of a rising global anti-German sentiment, Jewish activism, and ‘international bolshevism’. South African anti-fascism reveals itself also as a direct concern for the official bilateral relations between South Africa and Nazi Germany during the 1930s. Germany was intensely concerned with South African public opinion when it came to protests against German Nazism, international fascism and local fascist groups in South Africa. The article thus offers to expand our understanding of South Africa’s place in the global struggle between anti-fascism and fascism and discusses the ways in which anti-fascism was delegitimised. Furthermore, it shows how German clubs, offices, ships and consulates became important sites of protest and targets of anti-fascist activities and boycotts.","PeriodicalId":45116,"journal":{"name":"South African Historical Journal","volume":"74 1","pages":"30 - 54"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49212219","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2055131
B. Henkes
ABSTRACT This contribution addresses the dynamics of Dutch memory politics in the Dutch–South African exchanges between 1948 and 1975. The 1948 election victory of the Nationalist Party and their Apartheid policies brought about painful memories of Nazi attrocities, antisemitic persecurtion and anti-fascist struggle in the Netherlands. Soon, however, the Dutch government acquired an interest in highlighting a different history in relation to South Africa when referring to the notion of stamverwantschap. This implied an ethnic–racial identification of the Dutch with White, Nationalist South Africans on the basis of an alleged shared history of Dutchness. These memory politics changed after ‘Sharpeville’ in the 1960s. Once more memories of racist exclusion during National Socialism were revived in relation to the Apartheid regime. These memories facilitated and were strengthened by a growing anti-Apartheid movement. Yet, in their effort to be ‘on the right side of history’, the grassroots memory politics of the anti-Apartheid movement ignored the Dutch colonial implementation of racial inequality and its effects, not only on the Apartheid policies but also in contemporary Dutch society. This article aims to explore spaces for a synergy between narratives of historical catastrophe such as colonialism and Nazism, both with deep historical and intellectual roots in many parts of the world.
{"title":"National Socialism, Colonialism and Antifascist Memory Politics in Postwar Dutch–South African Exchanges","authors":"B. Henkes","doi":"10.1080/02582473.2022.2055131","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2022.2055131","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This contribution addresses the dynamics of Dutch memory politics in the Dutch–South African exchanges between 1948 and 1975. The 1948 election victory of the Nationalist Party and their Apartheid policies brought about painful memories of Nazi attrocities, antisemitic persecurtion and anti-fascist struggle in the Netherlands. Soon, however, the Dutch government acquired an interest in highlighting a different history in relation to South Africa when referring to the notion of stamverwantschap. This implied an ethnic–racial identification of the Dutch with White, Nationalist South Africans on the basis of an alleged shared history of Dutchness. These memory politics changed after ‘Sharpeville’ in the 1960s. Once more memories of racist exclusion during National Socialism were revived in relation to the Apartheid regime. These memories facilitated and were strengthened by a growing anti-Apartheid movement. Yet, in their effort to be ‘on the right side of history’, the grassroots memory politics of the anti-Apartheid movement ignored the Dutch colonial implementation of racial inequality and its effects, not only on the Apartheid policies but also in contemporary Dutch society. This article aims to explore spaces for a synergy between narratives of historical catastrophe such as colonialism and Nazism, both with deep historical and intellectual roots in many parts of the world.","PeriodicalId":45116,"journal":{"name":"South African Historical Journal","volume":"74 1","pages":"160 - 183"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48411498","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2038660
M. A. Houser
ABSTRACT When Moses Kotane founded The African Defender in 1937, he did so with the intention to encourage African self-sufficiency through teaching and publishing in indigenous languages and through sharing information on how to survive in segregated South Africa. In doing so, he entered into public conversation with writers and editors of other independent publications such as The Anti-Fascist or occasional series by groups such as the South African Jewish Deputies Board. In the decade after Kotane and his peers began their own discussions, conversations about fascism and anti-fascism in South Africa moved from the margins among those deemed alarmist into spaces where anti-racist activists increasingly saw red flags connecting European oppression with the growing populist nationalism in their own country. This article examines this decade through the language and conversations of independent publications such as Kotane’s, in the face of the proliferation of groups such as the Greyshirts, The People’s Movement, the South African National Democratic Party (‘Blackshirts’), The South African Fascists, and the Gentile Protection League. It argues that anti-fascist philosophies not only informed but served as cornerstones to a nascent anti-apartheid movement.
{"title":"‘Open Fascism Has Appeared on this Continent’: South Africa’s Independent Press and Anti-Fascism, 1937–1947","authors":"M. A. Houser","doi":"10.1080/02582473.2022.2038660","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2022.2038660","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT When Moses Kotane founded The African Defender in 1937, he did so with the intention to encourage African self-sufficiency through teaching and publishing in indigenous languages and through sharing information on how to survive in segregated South Africa. In doing so, he entered into public conversation with writers and editors of other independent publications such as The Anti-Fascist or occasional series by groups such as the South African Jewish Deputies Board. In the decade after Kotane and his peers began their own discussions, conversations about fascism and anti-fascism in South Africa moved from the margins among those deemed alarmist into spaces where anti-racist activists increasingly saw red flags connecting European oppression with the growing populist nationalism in their own country. This article examines this decade through the language and conversations of independent publications such as Kotane’s, in the face of the proliferation of groups such as the Greyshirts, The People’s Movement, the South African National Democratic Party (‘Blackshirts’), The South African Fascists, and the Gentile Protection League. It argues that anti-fascist philosophies not only informed but served as cornerstones to a nascent anti-apartheid movement.","PeriodicalId":45116,"journal":{"name":"South African Historical Journal","volume":"74 1","pages":"120 - 134"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46133786","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2067220
George Bishi
ABSTRACT This article examines anti-fascist and anti-Nazi sentiments in Southern Rhodesia from the 1930s to 1940s. Even though the country did not have an anti-fascist and anti-Nazi policy or legislation, the state and the white population held competing anti-fascist and anti-Nazi attitudes regarding how the government should deal with suspected fascist and Nazi propaganda activities in the country and in internment camps. The United Rhodesia Party, Southern Rhodesia Labour Party, Labour Party, Southern Rhodesia Communist Party, and trade unions were all anti-fascist and anti-Nazi. As an openly pro-British self-governing colony, Southern Rhodesia collaborated with other colonial regimes in southern and eastern Africa by exchanging intelligence information on suspected fascist and Nazi activities. However, some sections of the white population in Southern Rhodesia criticised the state for not being committed enough in their efforts to curtail such activities in internment camps, an accusation the government rejected. White settlers defined their anti-fascism in terms of their British identity, the Allied war effort, and democracy. Using newspapers, archives, and Southern Rhodesia parliamentary debates, this article examines the convoluted nature of white identity politics based on contradictory political divides, ethnicity, and white-on-white racism during this era.
{"title":"‘Filthiest Gangs of Thugs’: Anti-Fascism and Anti-Nazism Perceptions in Southern Rhodesia, 1930s to 1940s","authors":"George Bishi","doi":"10.1080/02582473.2022.2067220","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2022.2067220","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines anti-fascist and anti-Nazi sentiments in Southern Rhodesia from the 1930s to 1940s. Even though the country did not have an anti-fascist and anti-Nazi policy or legislation, the state and the white population held competing anti-fascist and anti-Nazi attitudes regarding how the government should deal with suspected fascist and Nazi propaganda activities in the country and in internment camps. The United Rhodesia Party, Southern Rhodesia Labour Party, Labour Party, Southern Rhodesia Communist Party, and trade unions were all anti-fascist and anti-Nazi. As an openly pro-British self-governing colony, Southern Rhodesia collaborated with other colonial regimes in southern and eastern Africa by exchanging intelligence information on suspected fascist and Nazi activities. However, some sections of the white population in Southern Rhodesia criticised the state for not being committed enough in their efforts to curtail such activities in internment camps, an accusation the government rejected. White settlers defined their anti-fascism in terms of their British identity, the Allied war effort, and democracy. Using newspapers, archives, and Southern Rhodesia parliamentary debates, this article examines the convoluted nature of white identity politics based on contradictory political divides, ethnicity, and white-on-white racism during this era.","PeriodicalId":45116,"journal":{"name":"South African Historical Journal","volume":"74 1","pages":"100 - 119"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41484277","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2040580
Johanna M. Wetzel
fcohistorians/docs/the_rhodesia_settlement_final_with_cover_. 3. L. White, Unpopular Sovereignty: Rhodesian Independence and African Decolonization (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015), especially 310–311, and review by C. Saunders, ‘Review of L. White, Unpopular Sovereignty: Rhodesian Independence and African Decolonization’, Itinerario, 40, no. 3 (2016), 555–556. 4. The joke was that Idi Amin thought of renaming Uganda after himself until it was pointed out to him that the people of Cyprus were called Cypriots. 5. There are odd references to the Burkovsky Archive online (e.g. 135 n. 7, 195, 202 n. 77). There is no list of archival sources in the bibliography. 6. On the Soviet role see, especially, V. Shubin, The Hot ‘Cold War’: The USSR in Southern Africa (London: Pluto Press, 2008). How Soviet-Chinese rivalry influenced Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle remains little explored.
{"title":"Mozambique’s Samora Machel: A Life Cut Short","authors":"Johanna M. Wetzel","doi":"10.1080/02582473.2022.2040580","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2022.2040580","url":null,"abstract":"fcohistorians/docs/the_rhodesia_settlement_final_with_cover_. 3. L. White, Unpopular Sovereignty: Rhodesian Independence and African Decolonization (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015), especially 310–311, and review by C. Saunders, ‘Review of L. White, Unpopular Sovereignty: Rhodesian Independence and African Decolonization’, Itinerario, 40, no. 3 (2016), 555–556. 4. The joke was that Idi Amin thought of renaming Uganda after himself until it was pointed out to him that the people of Cyprus were called Cypriots. 5. There are odd references to the Burkovsky Archive online (e.g. 135 n. 7, 195, 202 n. 77). There is no list of archival sources in the bibliography. 6. On the Soviet role see, especially, V. Shubin, The Hot ‘Cold War’: The USSR in Southern Africa (London: Pluto Press, 2008). How Soviet-Chinese rivalry influenced Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle remains little explored.","PeriodicalId":45116,"journal":{"name":"South African Historical Journal","volume":"74 1","pages":"189 - 193"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43535849","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2021.2004215
Daniel Huizenga
{"title":"Land, Law and Chiefs in Rural South Africa: Contested Histories and Current Struggles","authors":"Daniel Huizenga","doi":"10.1080/02582473.2021.2004215","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2021.2004215","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45116,"journal":{"name":"South African Historical Journal","volume":"74 1","pages":"196 - 200"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41949343","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2027006
C. Saunders
{"title":"Race and Diplomacy in Zimbabwe: The Cold War and Decolonization, 1960–1984","authors":"C. Saunders","doi":"10.1080/02582473.2022.2027006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2022.2027006","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45116,"journal":{"name":"South African Historical Journal","volume":"74 1","pages":"187 - 189"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48591193","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2044375
D. Jethro
1. See, for example, the recent edited volume by M. Buthelezi, D. Skosana, and B. Vale, eds, Traditional Leaders in a Democracy: Resources, Respect and Resistance (Johannesburg: Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflection, 2018). 2. See B. de Sousa Santos, ‘Law: AMap of Misreading; Toward a Postmodern Conception of Law’, Journal of Law and Society, 14, 3 (1987), 279–302. 3. R.W. Gordon, ‘Critical Legal Histories’, Stanford Law Review, 36 (1984), 57–125. 4. Gordon, ‘Critical Legal Histories’, 111. 5. S. Mnisi Weeks, Access to Justice and Human Security: Cultural Contradictions in Rural South Africa (London: Routledge, 2018). 6. B. Cousins and R. Hall, ‘Rural Land Tenure: The Potential and Limits of Rights-Based Approaches’, in M. Langford, B. Cousins, J. Dugard, and T. Madlingozi, eds, SocioEconomic Rights in South Africa: Symbols or Substance? (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 159.
{"title":"Falling Monuments, Reluctant Ruins: The Persistence of the Past in the Architecture of Apartheid","authors":"D. Jethro","doi":"10.1080/02582473.2022.2044375","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2022.2044375","url":null,"abstract":"1. See, for example, the recent edited volume by M. Buthelezi, D. Skosana, and B. Vale, eds, Traditional Leaders in a Democracy: Resources, Respect and Resistance (Johannesburg: Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflection, 2018). 2. See B. de Sousa Santos, ‘Law: AMap of Misreading; Toward a Postmodern Conception of Law’, Journal of Law and Society, 14, 3 (1987), 279–302. 3. R.W. Gordon, ‘Critical Legal Histories’, Stanford Law Review, 36 (1984), 57–125. 4. Gordon, ‘Critical Legal Histories’, 111. 5. S. Mnisi Weeks, Access to Justice and Human Security: Cultural Contradictions in Rural South Africa (London: Routledge, 2018). 6. B. Cousins and R. Hall, ‘Rural Land Tenure: The Potential and Limits of Rights-Based Approaches’, in M. Langford, B. Cousins, J. Dugard, and T. Madlingozi, eds, SocioEconomic Rights in South Africa: Symbols or Substance? (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 159.","PeriodicalId":45116,"journal":{"name":"South African Historical Journal","volume":"74 1","pages":"200 - 203"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42884447","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2021.2020329
Fernando Tavares Pimenta
ABSTRACT This article analyses anti-fascist and anti-colonial political efforts carried out by white settlers in Angola, against Salazar’s colonial dictatorship, between 1930 and 1945. It begins with an analysis of the origins and characteristics of the settlers’ political protest, considering in particular the conflicted relationships between the colonists and the Estado Novo in the 1930s. The article then analyses the secessionist conspiracy in 1940/1941, which was promoted by a group of anti-fascist settlers in Angola, in close connection with the Union of South Africa. Additionally, the article deals with the action of an anti-colonial political organisation named Organização Socialista de Angola (OSA), which was the first Euro-African nationalist movement in Angola. OSA was mostly formed by young Angolan-born whites and mestiços, who demanded full political independence as well as the end of discrimination against all Angolans. However, OSA was severely repressed by the Portuguese authorities, and a number of anti-fascist settlers, including the Vicar General of the Catholic Church, were arrested and deported to Portugal. Nonetheless, despite the repression exerted by the dictatorship, the settlers’ political protest, which was both anti-fascist and anti-colonial, had relevant repercussions in Angola, having contributed to the political structuring of Angolan nationalism in the 1940s.
{"title":"White Settlers’ Anti-Fascist and Anti-Colonial Movements in Angola (1930–1945)","authors":"Fernando Tavares Pimenta","doi":"10.1080/02582473.2021.2020329","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2021.2020329","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyses anti-fascist and anti-colonial political efforts carried out by white settlers in Angola, against Salazar’s colonial dictatorship, between 1930 and 1945. It begins with an analysis of the origins and characteristics of the settlers’ political protest, considering in particular the conflicted relationships between the colonists and the Estado Novo in the 1930s. The article then analyses the secessionist conspiracy in 1940/1941, which was promoted by a group of anti-fascist settlers in Angola, in close connection with the Union of South Africa. Additionally, the article deals with the action of an anti-colonial political organisation named Organização Socialista de Angola (OSA), which was the first Euro-African nationalist movement in Angola. OSA was mostly formed by young Angolan-born whites and mestiços, who demanded full political independence as well as the end of discrimination against all Angolans. However, OSA was severely repressed by the Portuguese authorities, and a number of anti-fascist settlers, including the Vicar General of the Catholic Church, were arrested and deported to Portugal. Nonetheless, despite the repression exerted by the dictatorship, the settlers’ political protest, which was both anti-fascist and anti-colonial, had relevant repercussions in Angola, having contributed to the political structuring of Angolan nationalism in the 1940s.","PeriodicalId":45116,"journal":{"name":"South African Historical Journal","volume":"74 1","pages":"75 - 99"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48955171","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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