Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2027004
David Johnson
ABSTRACT Noting the prominence of anti-fascist rhetoric in contemporary wSouth African politics, the article returns to the varieties of South African anti-fascism inspired by the Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1935. Opening with a brief survey of South African support for the Italian invasion, three varieties of anti-fascism are analysed: first, white South African anti-fascism, both Prime Minister J. B. M. Hertzog’s support of sanctions against Italy in parliament and popular anti-fascism expressed in the white English-speaking press; second, black South African anti-fascism as articulated in newspapers like Bantu World and Umteteli wa Bantu; and, third, the socialist anti-fascism of the Communist Party of South Africa (in Umvikeli-Thebe/The African Defender and Umsebenzi), of Trotskyist groups (in The Spark), and of independent radicals. Two subsequent expressions of anti-fascism conclude the article. The first is the anti-fascism of the white South African soldiers who fought in Ethiopia in 1940–1941; the second, the 1966 speech in Addis Ababa by Jacob Nyaose, the Pan Africanist Congress Secretary for Labour on the national executive, which commemorated the South African soldiers who died liberating Ethiopia from fascism.
{"title":"‘With the Abyssinian Armies, in Defence of Africa’s Only Native State’: Varieties of South African Anti-Fascism, 1930s–1960s","authors":"David Johnson","doi":"10.1080/02582473.2022.2027004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2022.2027004","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Noting the prominence of anti-fascist rhetoric in contemporary wSouth African politics, the article returns to the varieties of South African anti-fascism inspired by the Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1935. Opening with a brief survey of South African support for the Italian invasion, three varieties of anti-fascism are analysed: first, white South African anti-fascism, both Prime Minister J. B. M. Hertzog’s support of sanctions against Italy in parliament and popular anti-fascism expressed in the white English-speaking press; second, black South African anti-fascism as articulated in newspapers like Bantu World and Umteteli wa Bantu; and, third, the socialist anti-fascism of the Communist Party of South Africa (in Umvikeli-Thebe/The African Defender and Umsebenzi), of Trotskyist groups (in The Spark), and of independent radicals. Two subsequent expressions of anti-fascism conclude the article. The first is the anti-fascism of the white South African soldiers who fought in Ethiopia in 1940–1941; the second, the 1966 speech in Addis Ababa by Jacob Nyaose, the Pan Africanist Congress Secretary for Labour on the national executive, which commemorated the South African soldiers who died liberating Ethiopia from fascism.","PeriodicalId":45116,"journal":{"name":"South African Historical Journal","volume":"74 1","pages":"55 - 74"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47727178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2029935
J. Cherry
{"title":"Insurgency and Counterinsurgency in South Africa","authors":"J. Cherry","doi":"10.1080/02582473.2022.2029935","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2022.2029935","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45116,"journal":{"name":"South African Historical Journal","volume":"74 1","pages":"193 - 196"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47015981","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-09DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2021.2009014
Asher Lubotzky, Roni Mikel Arieli
ABSTRACT In May 1948, three years after the end of World War II, the National Party rose to power in South Africa and started to implement its doctrine of apartheid. In response, activists from various sections of the opposition to apartheid regularly invoked anti-fascist and anti-Nazi rhetoric. Their anti-fascist language combined global concepts – heavily borrowed from the struggle against fascism and Nazism in Europe in the 1930s and 1940s – with the colonial and racialist realities in South Africa. By doing so, activists contested the alleged uniqueness of the conditions in South Africa – conditions that justified, according to Afrikaner Nationalists, the need for apartheid policies. Our study aspires to explore postwar anti-fascism in the anti-apartheid discourse of radical South Africans in the early years of apartheid. We argue that by using specific anti-fascist tropes in their political discourse, South African radicals appropriated this language within the specific South African context, giving it new – sometimes contradicting – meanings that served their local interests of opposing nationalist authoritarianism, apartheid and white supremacy.
{"title":"‘The Great Trek Towards Nazism’: Anti-Fascism and the Radical Left in South Africa During the Early Apartheid Era","authors":"Asher Lubotzky, Roni Mikel Arieli","doi":"10.1080/02582473.2021.2009014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2021.2009014","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In May 1948, three years after the end of World War II, the National Party rose to power in South Africa and started to implement its doctrine of apartheid. In response, activists from various sections of the opposition to apartheid regularly invoked anti-fascist and anti-Nazi rhetoric. Their anti-fascist language combined global concepts – heavily borrowed from the struggle against fascism and Nazism in Europe in the 1930s and 1940s – with the colonial and racialist realities in South Africa. By doing so, activists contested the alleged uniqueness of the conditions in South Africa – conditions that justified, according to Afrikaner Nationalists, the need for apartheid policies. Our study aspires to explore postwar anti-fascism in the anti-apartheid discourse of radical South Africans in the early years of apartheid. We argue that by using specific anti-fascist tropes in their political discourse, South African radicals appropriated this language within the specific South African context, giving it new – sometimes contradicting – meanings that served their local interests of opposing nationalist authoritarianism, apartheid and white supremacy.","PeriodicalId":45116,"journal":{"name":"South African Historical Journal","volume":"74 1","pages":"135 - 159"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44630441","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-25DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2021.1988690
P. Brooke
Guerrilla Radios makes an original and important contribution to the literature on southern Africa’s liberation struggles. The collected essays showcase the work of both new and established writers to argue that radio broadcasting was a crucial weapon in the armoury of liberation movements, especially while they were operating in exile. Zimbabwean liberation broadcasting (or ‘guerrilla radios’) dominates the book, but there are also chapters on South African, Namibian, Angolan and Mozambican radio stations in the period from the 1960s to the early 1990s. The authors clearly demonstrate that political elites on both sides of the liberation divide put great emphasis on control of the media and shared a belief in the importance of winning the war for hearts and minds. They argue that the media war was every bit as important as the military conflict between African nationalism and settler colonialism, which has so far received far more attention from historians. The settler media machine maintained ostensible dominance throughout the period in the form of generously funded state broadcasters such as Radio Republic South Africa, as illustrated by Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu’s chapter. Although it is not discussed here, the same was true of the press. But Guerrilla Radios argues persuasively that the radio stations set up in exile by anti-colonial liberation movements and run on a shoestring had an impact that went far beyond their limited technical and budgetary firepower. Listeners to guerrilla radio stations recall that although they often struggled to get a good signal and lived in fear of being caught, hearing subversive voices or even just strains of machine gun fire – the signature of the African National Congress (ANC)’s Radio Freedom – was enough to revive their spirits in the darkest of times. TshepoMoloi’s chapter on Radio Freedom and Black Consciousness uses oral history interviews and published memoirs to give a rich account of the psychological impact of hearing liberated voices on the airwaves, sometimes persuading young South Africans to join uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK) in exile in the wake of the Soweto uprising and repression of 1976–1977. An MK veteran, Wonga Welile Bottoman, recalls how
游击队电台对有关南部非洲解放斗争的文学做出了独创性的重要贡献。这些散文集展示了新作家和老牌作家的作品，他们认为广播是解放运动武器库中的一个关键武器，尤其是在他们流亡期间。津巴布韦解放广播（或“游击队广播”）在本书中占据主导地位，但也有关于20世纪60年代至90年代初南非、纳米比亚、安哥拉和莫桑比克广播电台的章节。作者清楚地表明，解放分歧双方的政治精英都非常重视对媒体的控制，并共同相信赢得这场战争对心灵的重要性。他们认为，媒体战争与非洲民族主义和定居者殖民主义之间的军事冲突一样重要，迄今为止，这场冲突受到了历史学家的更多关注。正如Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu的章节所示，定居者媒体机器在整个时期以慷慨资助的国家广播公司的形式保持着表面上的主导地位，如南非共和国电台。虽然这里没有讨论，但新闻界也是如此。但游击队电台（Guerrilla Radios）令人信服地辩称，反殖民解放运动在流亡期间建立的、以小本经营的电台所产生的影响远远超出了其有限的技术和预算火力。游击队电台的听众回忆说，尽管他们经常很难获得好的信号，并生活在被抓住的恐惧中，但听到颠覆性的声音，甚至只是机关枪的射击声——非洲人国民大会（ANC）无线电自由的签名——足以在最黑暗的时代重振他们的精神。TshepoMoloi关于无线电自由和黑人意识的章节利用口述历史采访和出版的回忆录，丰富地描述了在广播中听到解放声音的心理影响，有时说服南非年轻人加入1976年至1977年索韦托起义和镇压后流亡的uMkhonto we Sizwe（MK）。MK老将Wonga Welile Bottoman回忆起
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Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2031264
Billy Keniston
ABSTRACT Jeanette and Katryn Schoon were assassinated on 28 June 1984, the victims of a parcel bomb sent to Angola by the apartheid state's security services. To understand the state's decision to assassinate the Schoons, it is necessary to look back to the Schoons' time in Botswana, where they were members of the African National Congress (ANC)'s exile structures for six years, from 1977 to 1983. I argue that the Schoons’ forced departure from Botswana in 1983 was profoundly influenced by the British government, working in support of the apartheid state. Furthermore, I argue that the UK’s complicity in this instance placed the Schoons in an unnecessarily precarious position. Without recourse to asylum in the UK, the Schoons were forced to seek refuge in a nation locked in an extended armed conflict with South Africa, and they were therefore within striking range of the apartheid state’s security forces. It seems the notion that the Schoons might end up somewhere even less safe than Botswana did not enter the equation for the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO). Their only real concern was to get the Schoons away from the precious citizens of the United Kingdom.
1984年6月28日，Jeanette Schoon和Katryn Schoon被这个种族隔离国家的安全部门寄往安哥拉的包裹炸弹炸死。为了理解政府暗杀斯库恩夫妇的决定，有必要回顾一下斯库恩夫妇在博茨瓦纳的生活，从1977年到1983年，他们是非洲人国民大会(ANC)流亡组织的成员，在那里呆了六年。我认为，斯库恩夫妇1983年被迫离开博茨瓦纳是受到英国政府的深刻影响，因为英国政府支持这个种族隔离国家。此外，我认为，英国在这件事上的共谋，使商学院处于不必要的危险境地。由于无法在英国寻求庇护，Schoons一家被迫在一个与南非陷入长期武装冲突的国家寻求庇护，因此他们处于这个种族隔离国家安全部队的打击范围之内。英国外交和联邦事务部(Foreign and Commonwealth Office，简称FCO)似乎并没有考虑到Schoons一家可能会在比博茨瓦纳更不安全的地方落脚。他们唯一真正关心的是让学校远离英国宝贵的公民。
{"title":"No Asylum from Her Majesty: The British FCO and Complicity with Apartheid","authors":"Billy Keniston","doi":"10.1080/02582473.2022.2031264","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2022.2031264","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Jeanette and Katryn Schoon were assassinated on 28 June 1984, the victims of a parcel bomb sent to Angola by the apartheid state's security services. To understand the state's decision to assassinate the Schoons, it is necessary to look back to the Schoons' time in Botswana, where they were members of the African National Congress (ANC)'s exile structures for six years, from 1977 to 1983. I argue that the Schoons’ forced departure from Botswana in 1983 was profoundly influenced by the British government, working in support of the apartheid state. Furthermore, I argue that the UK’s complicity in this instance placed the Schoons in an unnecessarily precarious position. Without recourse to asylum in the UK, the Schoons were forced to seek refuge in a nation locked in an extended armed conflict with South Africa, and they were therefore within striking range of the apartheid state’s security forces. It seems the notion that the Schoons might end up somewhere even less safe than Botswana did not enter the equation for the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO). Their only real concern was to get the Schoons away from the precious citizens of the United Kingdom.","PeriodicalId":45116,"journal":{"name":"South African Historical Journal","volume":"73 1","pages":"859 - 877"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45860259","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2055130
Janeke Thumbran
ABSTRACT This article makes an intervention into the historiography which has positioned Afrikaner sociology as an unambiguous instrument of the apartheid state. In doing so, the article examines how leading Afrikaner sociologists used Parsonian structural functionalism to engage with the coloured question in the 1970s – articulated as the conundrum of where to position coloureds politically in the absence of direct representation in parliament. The primary argument is that this form of differentiated knowledge production was ‘alternative’ in the context of Afrikaner sociology’s early ties to Afrikaner nationalism because it challenged Verwoerdian separate development and replaced it with the idea that coloureds shared ‘common values’ with white society. This argument is made by tracing how Afrikaner sociologists’ calls for coloured representation gained momentum in the early 1970s, initiating a set of reforms which may be viewed as a resolution to the coloured question through the establishment of the Tricameral Parliament in 1984.
{"title":"Forging an Alternative to Separate Development: Afrikaner Sociology, the Apartheid State, and the ‘Coloured’ Question (c.1932–1984)","authors":"Janeke Thumbran","doi":"10.1080/02582473.2022.2055130","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2022.2055130","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article makes an intervention into the historiography which has positioned Afrikaner sociology as an unambiguous instrument of the apartheid state. In doing so, the article examines how leading Afrikaner sociologists used Parsonian structural functionalism to engage with the coloured question in the 1970s – articulated as the conundrum of where to position coloureds politically in the absence of direct representation in parliament. The primary argument is that this form of differentiated knowledge production was ‘alternative’ in the context of Afrikaner sociology’s early ties to Afrikaner nationalism because it challenged Verwoerdian separate development and replaced it with the idea that coloureds shared ‘common values’ with white society. This argument is made by tracing how Afrikaner sociologists’ calls for coloured representation gained momentum in the early 1970s, initiating a set of reforms which may be viewed as a resolution to the coloured question through the establishment of the Tricameral Parliament in 1984.","PeriodicalId":45116,"journal":{"name":"South African Historical Journal","volume":"73 1","pages":"836 - 858"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48537580","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2021.1980818
Nathan J. P. Hein
Ashwin Desai’s Wentworth: The Beautiful Game and the Making of Place covers the history of Wentworth, a former coloured group area located in Durban, from the mid-twentieth century to the early twe...
{"title":"Wentworth: The Beautiful Game and the Making of Place","authors":"Nathan J. P. Hein","doi":"10.1080/02582473.2021.1980818","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2021.1980818","url":null,"abstract":"Ashwin Desai’s Wentworth: The Beautiful Game and the Making of Place covers the history of Wentworth, a former coloured group area located in Durban, from the mid-twentieth century to the early twe...","PeriodicalId":45116,"journal":{"name":"South African Historical Journal","volume":"73 1","pages":"950 - 953"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45231927","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2036802
Perseverence Madhuku, Joseph Mujere, Barbara Mahamba
ABSTRACT In recent decades, historians’ understanding of colonialism has been significantly enriched, going beyond the central concepts of resistance and negotiation. Several works have been produced on various aspects of African lives in colonial cities. Yet African organisational life and networks of solidarity in such ‘restrictive’ urban spaces have been largely overlooked. In this article, we examine African ‘informal’ leisure parties known as tea parties (matiyipati) and their role as economic circuits for the African underclass in Harari Township in Salisbury. Although Africans in urban areas were offered few opportunities in the colonial economy, they were capable of exploiting the crevices in the colonial system to create an alternative, underground economy that enabled them to survive in the city. Drawing on archival sources and oral interviews, this article argues that not only were tea parties arenas for alcohol consumption and cultural resistance but they were also essential platforms for chatting new livelihoods. The moral discourse of both the organisers and patrons was founded on the premise of the right to subsistence livelihoods. As a result, the exchange at these parties remained embedded in wide socio-cultural systems of which reciprocity formed an integral part.
{"title":"Reciprocity and the Moral Economy of Exchange in African ‘Tealess’ Tea Parties in Salisbury, Southern Rhodesia, c. 1945–1950s","authors":"Perseverence Madhuku, Joseph Mujere, Barbara Mahamba","doi":"10.1080/02582473.2022.2036802","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2022.2036802","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In recent decades, historians’ understanding of colonialism has been significantly enriched, going beyond the central concepts of resistance and negotiation. Several works have been produced on various aspects of African lives in colonial cities. Yet African organisational life and networks of solidarity in such ‘restrictive’ urban spaces have been largely overlooked. In this article, we examine African ‘informal’ leisure parties known as tea parties (matiyipati) and their role as economic circuits for the African underclass in Harari Township in Salisbury. Although Africans in urban areas were offered few opportunities in the colonial economy, they were capable of exploiting the crevices in the colonial system to create an alternative, underground economy that enabled them to survive in the city. Drawing on archival sources and oral interviews, this article argues that not only were tea parties arenas for alcohol consumption and cultural resistance but they were also essential platforms for chatting new livelihoods. The moral discourse of both the organisers and patrons was founded on the premise of the right to subsistence livelihoods. As a result, the exchange at these parties remained embedded in wide socio-cultural systems of which reciprocity formed an integral part.","PeriodicalId":45116,"journal":{"name":"South African Historical Journal","volume":"73 1","pages":"818 - 835"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44136340","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2021.2009015
Roderick Willis
ABSTRACT This article reconstructs the history of the Western Province Senior Schools Sports Union with specific reference to high school athletics in the oppressed communities of the greater Cape Peninsula. The article looks specifically at the athletics competitions that took place at the Athlone Stadium and gives a tabular presentation of athletics competitions during the period under review. It presents the performances of outstanding athletes and juxtaposes these against White, establishment athletes. It provides an overview of the role of the South African Council on Sport (SACOS) and the impact it had on the participation of high school students in sport. Finally, the article looks at the socio-political factors that led to the demise of the Union in 1994.
{"title":"Reconstructing a Socio-Political Narrative of High School Athletics in the Oppressed Communities of the Greater Cape Peninsula, South Africa, 1973–1994","authors":"Roderick Willis","doi":"10.1080/02582473.2021.2009015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2021.2009015","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article reconstructs the history of the Western Province Senior Schools Sports Union with specific reference to high school athletics in the oppressed communities of the greater Cape Peninsula. The article looks specifically at the athletics competitions that took place at the Athlone Stadium and gives a tabular presentation of athletics competitions during the period under review. It presents the performances of outstanding athletes and juxtaposes these against White, establishment athletes. It provides an overview of the role of the South African Council on Sport (SACOS) and the impact it had on the participation of high school students in sport. Finally, the article looks at the socio-political factors that led to the demise of the Union in 1994.","PeriodicalId":45116,"journal":{"name":"South African Historical Journal","volume":"73 1","pages":"878 - 902"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41773708","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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