Pub Date : 2022-05-30DOI: 10.1017/S0898588X22000062
K. Ramanathan
Abstract Recent events have augured a renewed urgency among political scientists to address the instability of democracy and the structure of racism in the United States. In this article, I make the case for American political development (APD) scholars to engage more deeply with Black Reconstruction in America (1935), W. E. B. Du Bois's masterful study of political development during the Reconstruction Era. This rich text, which analyzes an often overlooked period in the APD literature, offers numerous contributions that can reinvigorate our analyses of democracy and racism in the United States.
{"title":"Reinvigorating American Political Development Scholarship through Du Bois's Black Reconstruction","authors":"K. Ramanathan","doi":"10.1017/S0898588X22000062","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0898588X22000062","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Recent events have augured a renewed urgency among political scientists to address the instability of democracy and the structure of racism in the United States. In this article, I make the case for American political development (APD) scholars to engage more deeply with Black Reconstruction in America (1935), W. E. B. Du Bois's masterful study of political development during the Reconstruction Era. This rich text, which analyzes an often overlooked period in the APD literature, offers numerous contributions that can reinvigorate our analyses of democracy and racism in the United States.","PeriodicalId":45195,"journal":{"name":"Studies in American Political Development","volume":"36 1","pages":"144 - 147"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49234086","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.2174/1871526522666220523145253
Tewogbade A Adedeji, Adeyinka A Akande, Nife O Adedeji, Olufemi S Smith, Olusola A Jeje, Abiodun K Ajeigbe, Olabamiji A Ajose
Background: HIV/AIDS may lead to micronutrient deficiencies and low CD4+ count.
Objectives: We assessed the correlation of CD4+ count in antiretroviral-naïve patients with the serum levels of micronutrients as measures of the relationship between immunity and nutrition/malnutrition.
Methods: A case-control study of ninety consecutive newly diagnosed HIV/AIDS patients and ninety blood donors. Blood collected from controls and patients before HAART treatment were assayed for serum zinc, selenium, copper, manganese, and magnesium.
Results: The participants had non-significantly lower zinc (14.25±2.93µmol/l versus 14.58±3.69µmol/l, p=0.493), significantly lower selenium (0.38±0.08µmol/l versus 0.78±0.22µmol/l, p<0.001), manganese (7.06±0.87µmol/l versus 11.23±3.27µmol/l, p<0.001), and magnesium (1.02±0.21mmol/l versus 1.21±0.28mmol/l, p<0.001) when compared with the controls. The mean copper level was similar in both groups (18.88±3.1µmol/l and 18.82±5.12µmol/l, p=0.921). There was no correlation between the micronutrients and CD4+ count; however, there were strong positive correlations between the levels of zinc and copper, selenium, magnesium; copper and magnesium (p<0.001 respectively). Multivariate regression showed that all micronutrients were independent predictors of one another (p<0.001).
Conclusion: HIV/AIDS results in serum micronutrient depletion with strong positive correlations between their levels; all micronutrients were independent predictors of one another. This significant positive relationships between the micronutrients, and magnesium; and all other micronutrients being independent predictors of each other signifies a synergistic or supportive relationship between micronutrient deficiencies and HIV/AIDS disease morbidity and progression. Serum micronutrients may not be qualified as direct markers or surrogates for CD4+ count in antiretroviral-naïve HIV-infected patients.
{"title":"Serum Levels of Micronutrients, Magnesium, and Markers of Immunity (CD4+ ) in Antiretroviral-naïve HIV-infected Individuals: Relationships and Predictors.","authors":"Tewogbade A Adedeji, Adeyinka A Akande, Nife O Adedeji, Olufemi S Smith, Olusola A Jeje, Abiodun K Ajeigbe, Olabamiji A Ajose","doi":"10.2174/1871526522666220523145253","DOIUrl":"10.2174/1871526522666220523145253","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Background: </strong>HIV/AIDS may lead to micronutrient deficiencies and low CD4+ count.</p><p><strong>Objectives: </strong>We assessed the correlation of CD4+ count in antiretroviral-naïve patients with the serum levels of micronutrients as measures of the relationship between immunity and nutrition/malnutrition.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>A case-control study of ninety consecutive newly diagnosed HIV/AIDS patients and ninety blood donors. Blood collected from controls and patients before HAART treatment were assayed for serum zinc, selenium, copper, manganese, and magnesium.</p><p><strong>Results: </strong>The participants had non-significantly lower zinc (14.25±2.93µmol/l versus 14.58±3.69µmol/l, p=0.493), significantly lower selenium (0.38±0.08µmol/l versus 0.78±0.22µmol/l, p<0.001), manganese (7.06±0.87µmol/l versus 11.23±3.27µmol/l, p<0.001), and magnesium (1.02±0.21mmol/l versus 1.21±0.28mmol/l, p<0.001) when compared with the controls. The mean copper level was similar in both groups (18.88±3.1µmol/l and 18.82±5.12µmol/l, p=0.921). There was no correlation between the micronutrients and CD4+ count; however, there were strong positive correlations between the levels of zinc and copper, selenium, magnesium; copper and magnesium (p<0.001 respectively). Multivariate regression showed that all micronutrients were independent predictors of one another (p<0.001).</p><p><strong>Conclusion: </strong>HIV/AIDS results in serum micronutrient depletion with strong positive correlations between their levels; all micronutrients were independent predictors of one another. This significant positive relationships between the micronutrients, and magnesium; and all other micronutrients being independent predictors of each other signifies a synergistic or supportive relationship between micronutrient deficiencies and HIV/AIDS disease morbidity and progression. Serum micronutrients may not be qualified as direct markers or surrogates for CD4+ count in antiretroviral-naïve HIV-infected patients.</p>","PeriodicalId":45195,"journal":{"name":"Studies in American Political Development","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79344311","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.1017/s0898588x22000025
{"title":"SAP volume 36 issue 1 Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s0898588x22000025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x22000025","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45195,"journal":{"name":"Studies in American Political Development","volume":"36 1","pages":"f1 - f2"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43242776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-22DOI: 10.1017/S0898588X21000134
N. Short
Abstract The American knowledge economy (AKE) is not a foreordained transition in the organization of economic production, nor is it a form of political economy shaped predominately by the political demands of highly educated workers. It is a politically generated consensus for producing economic prosperity and economic advantage over other nations in which intellectual property (IP), and the businesses that produce it, play a leading role. The history of AKE development reveals as much. In the AKE's formative period, from 1980 to 1994, IP producers and a faction of neoliberal Democrats (the “Atari Democrats”), not decisive middle-class voters, played a pivotal role in reconfiguring institutions of American political economy to hasten the AKE transition. Their vision of AKE development inherently complicated the Democratic Party's attitude toward rising market power and continues to shape contemporary disputes within the party over antitrust enforcement and the validity of the AKE project itself.
{"title":"The Politics of the American Knowledge Economy","authors":"N. Short","doi":"10.1017/S0898588X21000134","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0898588X21000134","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The American knowledge economy (AKE) is not a foreordained transition in the organization of economic production, nor is it a form of political economy shaped predominately by the political demands of highly educated workers. It is a politically generated consensus for producing economic prosperity and economic advantage over other nations in which intellectual property (IP), and the businesses that produce it, play a leading role. The history of AKE development reveals as much. In the AKE's formative period, from 1980 to 1994, IP producers and a faction of neoliberal Democrats (the “Atari Democrats”), not decisive middle-class voters, played a pivotal role in reconfiguring institutions of American political economy to hasten the AKE transition. Their vision of AKE development inherently complicated the Democratic Party's attitude toward rising market power and continues to shape contemporary disputes within the party over antitrust enforcement and the validity of the AKE project itself.","PeriodicalId":45195,"journal":{"name":"Studies in American Political Development","volume":"36 1","pages":"41 - 60"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46884423","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-07DOI: 10.1017/S0898588X22000013
D. Hopkins, E. Schickler, David Azizi
Abstract Many contend that U.S. state parties are increasingly polarized and nationalized, meaning that they have adopted divergent positions matching their national counterparts’ positions. Such trends reflect a transformation of America's historically decentralized party system. Yet, the precise timing of these related trends—as well as the mechanisms underpinning them—remain unclear. We assess these dynamics using a novel data set of 1,783 state party platforms between 1918 and 2017. Applying tools from automated and manual content analysis, we document a dramatic divergence in the topics emphasized by Democrats and Republicans starting in the mid-1990s, just as congressional speech became polarized. During this period, cross-state differences in each party's agenda decreased and regional/sectoral issues became less prominent, suggesting tight connections between polarization, nationalization, and state agendas. We also find that innovative phrases increasingly debut in state (not national) platforms. Overall, the evidence undercuts claims of top-down polarization emanating from national party leaders in Washington, DC. Polarization at the state and federal levels coincided with the development of an integrated network of activists spanning multiple levels of the polity.
{"title":"From Many Divides, One? The Polarization and Nationalization of American State Party Platforms, 1918–2017","authors":"D. Hopkins, E. Schickler, David Azizi","doi":"10.1017/S0898588X22000013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0898588X22000013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Many contend that U.S. state parties are increasingly polarized and nationalized, meaning that they have adopted divergent positions matching their national counterparts’ positions. Such trends reflect a transformation of America's historically decentralized party system. Yet, the precise timing of these related trends—as well as the mechanisms underpinning them—remain unclear. We assess these dynamics using a novel data set of 1,783 state party platforms between 1918 and 2017. Applying tools from automated and manual content analysis, we document a dramatic divergence in the topics emphasized by Democrats and Republicans starting in the mid-1990s, just as congressional speech became polarized. During this period, cross-state differences in each party's agenda decreased and regional/sectoral issues became less prominent, suggesting tight connections between polarization, nationalization, and state agendas. We also find that innovative phrases increasingly debut in state (not national) platforms. Overall, the evidence undercuts claims of top-down polarization emanating from national party leaders in Washington, DC. Polarization at the state and federal levels coincided with the development of an integrated network of activists spanning multiple levels of the polity.","PeriodicalId":45195,"journal":{"name":"Studies in American Political Development","volume":"36 1","pages":"1 - 20"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44397275","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-18DOI: 10.1017/S0898588X21000122
Paul E. Herron
Abstract After defeat in the Civil War, the white South used time as a tool of political oppression. Myths of the “Old South” and the “Lost Cause” distorted history and public memory; vagrancy laws and labor regulations controlled the time of the newly free; grandfather clauses distributed rights based on past conditions; and attacks on education, labor, and democratic rights undermined progress in the “New South.” In this article, I show that Black southerners also recognized the political value of time. My source for their sentiments is the Colored Conventions Movement. From 1865 to 1900, dozens of conventions gathered in the South, at a significantly higher rate than in other regions. Delegates deployed temporal rhetoric of the past, present, and future in pursuit of equality and justice by (1) publicly recounting African American history and national contributions to counter white narratives, (2) arguing that emancipation was a new founding moment and the present a time of ongoing crisis, and (3) demanding labor and education rights to secure the future. Scholars of American political development often consider time in studies of institutional change; we should also explore the use of time as a political tool and how temporality illuminates American racial dynamics.
{"title":"“This Crisis of Our History”: The Colored Conventions Movement and the Temporal Construction of Southern Politics","authors":"Paul E. Herron","doi":"10.1017/S0898588X21000122","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0898588X21000122","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract After defeat in the Civil War, the white South used time as a tool of political oppression. Myths of the “Old South” and the “Lost Cause” distorted history and public memory; vagrancy laws and labor regulations controlled the time of the newly free; grandfather clauses distributed rights based on past conditions; and attacks on education, labor, and democratic rights undermined progress in the “New South.” In this article, I show that Black southerners also recognized the political value of time. My source for their sentiments is the Colored Conventions Movement. From 1865 to 1900, dozens of conventions gathered in the South, at a significantly higher rate than in other regions. Delegates deployed temporal rhetoric of the past, present, and future in pursuit of equality and justice by (1) publicly recounting African American history and national contributions to counter white narratives, (2) arguing that emancipation was a new founding moment and the present a time of ongoing crisis, and (3) demanding labor and education rights to secure the future. Scholars of American political development often consider time in studies of institutional change; we should also explore the use of time as a political tool and how temporality illuminates American racial dynamics.","PeriodicalId":45195,"journal":{"name":"Studies in American Political Development","volume":"36 1","pages":"21 - 40"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41669551","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-01DOI: 10.1017/s0898588x21000109
{"title":"SAP volume 35 issue 2 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s0898588x21000109","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x21000109","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45195,"journal":{"name":"Studies in American Political Development","volume":" ","pages":"f1 - f3"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43519486","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-01DOI: 10.1017/S0898588X21000092
Benedikt Springer
Abstract American pro-market conservatives often oppose use of federal authority to rein in anti-competitive behavior by market actors. Competitive barriers, whether created by local jurisdictions or the absence of national competitive rules, go unaddressed. In international comparison, especially considering the European Union's use of central authority for market openness, this is quite puzzling. Based on interviews and archival research, I trace inattention to market barriers to contradictions within Hayek's neoliberalism and an enthusiastic reception within the American academy of one possible interpretation of those writings. This conception of markets—competitive federalism—diffused into the conservative law and economics movements, think tanks, and eventually mainstream conservative politics. It permitted conservatism to align a strong pro-market rhetoric with demands for states’ rights and federal retrenchment, albeit side-stepping many significant issues in economic theory and policy. Thus, conservatives pursue spending and tax cuts, deregulation and decentralization, often to the detriment of market openness.
{"title":"When Think Tanks Refuse Thinking: Why American Pro-Market Conservatives Oppose Market Integration","authors":"Benedikt Springer","doi":"10.1017/S0898588X21000092","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0898588X21000092","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract American pro-market conservatives often oppose use of federal authority to rein in anti-competitive behavior by market actors. Competitive barriers, whether created by local jurisdictions or the absence of national competitive rules, go unaddressed. In international comparison, especially considering the European Union's use of central authority for market openness, this is quite puzzling. Based on interviews and archival research, I trace inattention to market barriers to contradictions within Hayek's neoliberalism and an enthusiastic reception within the American academy of one possible interpretation of those writings. This conception of markets—competitive federalism—diffused into the conservative law and economics movements, think tanks, and eventually mainstream conservative politics. It permitted conservatism to align a strong pro-market rhetoric with demands for states’ rights and federal retrenchment, albeit side-stepping many significant issues in economic theory and policy. Thus, conservatives pursue spending and tax cuts, deregulation and decentralization, often to the detriment of market openness.","PeriodicalId":45195,"journal":{"name":"Studies in American Political Development","volume":"35 1","pages":"239 - 252"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48342057","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-01DOI: 10.1017/s0898588x21000110
{"title":"SAP volume 35 issue 2 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s0898588x21000110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x21000110","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45195,"journal":{"name":"Studies in American Political Development","volume":" ","pages":"b1 - b4"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47663795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-23DOI: 10.1017/S0898588X21000079
Richard Johnson
Abstract Republican support for the 1982 Voting Rights Act (VRA) extension is a puzzle for scholars of racial policy coalitions. The extension contained provisions that were manifestly antithetical to core principles of the “color-blind” policy alliance said to dominate the GOP. Recent scholarship has explained this puzzling decision by arguing that conservatives were confident that the VRA's most objectionable provisions could be undone by the federal bureaucracy and judiciary, while absolving Republicans of the blame of being against voting rights. This article suggests that the picture is more complicated. Applying the concept of “critical junctures” to the 1982 VRA extension, the article highlights the importance of actors’ contingent decisions and reveals a wider range of choices available to political entrepreneurs than has been conventionally understood. Highlighting differing views within the Reagan administration, this article also identifies a wider range of reasons why Republicans supported the act's extension, including career ambition, party-building, policy agenda advancement, and genuine commitment, rather than simply a defensive stance as implied by recent histories.
{"title":"The 1982 Voting Rights Act Extension as a “Critical Juncture”: Ronald Reagan, Bob Dole, and Republican Party-Building","authors":"Richard Johnson","doi":"10.1017/S0898588X21000079","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0898588X21000079","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Republican support for the 1982 Voting Rights Act (VRA) extension is a puzzle for scholars of racial policy coalitions. The extension contained provisions that were manifestly antithetical to core principles of the “color-blind” policy alliance said to dominate the GOP. Recent scholarship has explained this puzzling decision by arguing that conservatives were confident that the VRA's most objectionable provisions could be undone by the federal bureaucracy and judiciary, while absolving Republicans of the blame of being against voting rights. This article suggests that the picture is more complicated. Applying the concept of “critical junctures” to the 1982 VRA extension, the article highlights the importance of actors’ contingent decisions and reveals a wider range of choices available to political entrepreneurs than has been conventionally understood. Highlighting differing views within the Reagan administration, this article also identifies a wider range of reasons why Republicans supported the act's extension, including career ambition, party-building, policy agenda advancement, and genuine commitment, rather than simply a defensive stance as implied by recent histories.","PeriodicalId":45195,"journal":{"name":"Studies in American Political Development","volume":"35 1","pages":"223 - 238"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48883280","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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