Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2080763
William Guéraiche
Abstract After 2013, the UAE multiplied the international aid tenfold to the African continent. From this year onwards, the aid has never dropped below $1 billion, three times the amount allocated prior to 2013. What are the main drivers of this change? This article postulates that three main factors triggered a heightened international aid in the African continent: economic considerations (trade and investments), security issues and a new approach to international cooperation. Official data allows the comparison of the evolution of the Emirati economic interests (mainly trade) with the aid. The statistics show that there are connections between trade and aid but no direct correlations. Over the last two decades, the nexus formed with economics, security and humanitarianism has become more visible. The best way to analyze the bilateral relations between the UAE and African states is probably to pay more attention to the depth of the relations rather than to the sectors that they cover.
{"title":"Between Foreign Policy and Development Assistance: The UAE International Cooperation in Africa","authors":"William Guéraiche","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2080763","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2080763","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract\u0000 After 2013, the UAE multiplied the international aid tenfold to the African continent. From this year onwards, the aid has never dropped below $1 billion, three times the amount allocated prior to 2013. What are the main drivers of this change? This article postulates that three main factors triggered a heightened international aid in the African continent: economic considerations (trade and investments), security issues and a new approach to international cooperation. Official data allows the comparison of the evolution of the Emirati economic interests (mainly trade) with the aid. The statistics show that there are connections between trade and aid but no direct correlations. Over the last two decades, the nexus formed with economics, security and humanitarianism has become more visible. The best way to analyze the bilateral relations between the UAE and African states is probably to pay more attention to the depth of the relations rather than to the sectors that they cover.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":"49 1","pages":"211 - 232"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43349341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2080760
M. Tefera, N. Odhiambo
Abstract This article aims to shed some insights into the ongoing debate on the aid-growth nexus by examining whether sources of aid matter in explaining aid effectiveness. In doing so, we consider three main proxies for bilateral aid based on three sources of aid such as Total Aid (TA); Traditional Donors aid (TDA) and Non-Traditional Donors aid (NTDA) as independent variables in a dynamic panel growth model within a system GMM framework. The study uses a panel dataset from 25 Low-Income Countries (LICs) in Africa over the period 2000–2017. The main findings show that the impact of aid on economic growth appears to be negative and significant for TA and TDA proxies, while it is positive but insignificant when the aid proxy is NTDA. A relatively larger share of TA and TDA disbursement away from the direct growth-enhancing productive sectors towards the unproductive sectors seems to have contributed to their strong negative impact on growth. The key policy implication is that governments in LICs in Africa and donors should work in collaboration to design effective ways to ensure that TDA should target the direct growth-enhancing sectors.
{"title":"The Impact of Foreign Aid on Economic Growth in Africa: Empirical Evidence from Low Income Countries","authors":"M. Tefera, N. Odhiambo","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2080760","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2080760","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article aims to shed some insights into the ongoing debate on the aid-growth nexus by examining whether sources of aid matter in explaining aid effectiveness. In doing so, we consider three main proxies for bilateral aid based on three sources of aid such as Total Aid (TA); Traditional Donors aid (TDA) and Non-Traditional Donors aid (NTDA) as independent variables in a dynamic panel growth model within a system GMM framework. The study uses a panel dataset from 25 Low-Income Countries (LICs) in Africa over the period 2000–2017. The main findings show that the impact of aid on economic growth appears to be negative and significant for TA and TDA proxies, while it is positive but insignificant when the aid proxy is NTDA. A relatively larger share of TA and TDA disbursement away from the direct growth-enhancing productive sectors towards the unproductive sectors seems to have contributed to their strong negative impact on growth. The key policy implication is that governments in LICs in Africa and donors should work in collaboration to design effective ways to ensure that TDA should target the direct growth-enhancing sectors.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":"49 1","pages":"175 - 210"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45232268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-01DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2069594
Preema Ranjitkar, Haldis Haukanes
Abstract In the social discourses of climate change, women are perceived both as vulnerable victims and as active players in adaptation. These perceptions of women along with inclusion policies have led climate change adaptation programs to seek women’s participation. However, ‘women’ is not a homogenous category. Intra-gender power differences in terms of castes and ethnicities can play an important role, especially in Nepal with its long history of institutionalized disparities. Using qualitative methodology, this study explores the relationships between gender, caste and ethnicity in shaping women’s participation in climate change adaptation programs in the southern plains of Nepal. We conclude that women’s gender identities generally facilitated their participation and that affirmative action for marginalized groups, to some extent, gave women from these groups spaces to participate in climate change adaptation programs. However, power relations associated with caste/ethnic identity created hindrances for marginalized women, implying that they had more restricted access than women from the majority groups.
{"title":"Participation in Climate Change Adaptation Programs in Nepal: An Intersectional Study","authors":"Preema Ranjitkar, Haldis Haukanes","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2069594","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2069594","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In the social discourses of climate change, women are perceived both as vulnerable victims and as active players in adaptation. These perceptions of women along with inclusion policies have led climate change adaptation programs to seek women’s participation. However, ‘women’ is not a homogenous category. Intra-gender power differences in terms of castes and ethnicities can play an important role, especially in Nepal with its long history of institutionalized disparities. Using qualitative methodology, this study explores the relationships between gender, caste and ethnicity in shaping women’s participation in climate change adaptation programs in the southern plains of Nepal. We conclude that women’s gender identities generally facilitated their participation and that affirmative action for marginalized groups, to some extent, gave women from these groups spaces to participate in climate change adaptation programs. However, power relations associated with caste/ethnic identity created hindrances for marginalized women, implying that they had more restricted access than women from the majority groups.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":"49 1","pages":"155 - 174"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46525264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-29DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2021.2015718
Bibek Dahal, P. White
Abstract The diverse socio-economic and geographical situation of Nepal contributes to the complexity of community development. In such varied contexts, holistic community development faces many challenges, addressing cross-cutting issues like health and education, which may be viewed differently by men and women, as well as different castes, ethnicities, economic status, political associations and religions. The community's well-being must be the central focus of every development intervention, yet there is no one opinion that reflects the diversity of opinions within every community. How can community development practitioners listen to all viewpoints and find an accepted method to achieve grassroots development in such a complex environment, when they themselves come from diverse backgrounds and education, and bring their own attitudes and opinions? The central focus of this study was to investigate the reflective practices of community development at the grassroots level of rural Nepal. The study investigates the practices and perceptions of community development practitioners and their reflexivity regarding their life experiences and efforts to adequately relate to diverse communities. For this, critical reflective inquiry has been used. Practitioners with extensive experiences were chosen as research participants for that purpose. The life experience of both authors and the practitioners is interpreted through the lens of actor perspective on community development. Additionally, we consider how the insider and outsider perspectives of development practitioners may influence their work. Three key elements with the potential to directly interference the process of community development in rural Nepal were explored: local people as subjective forms of beneficiary; community development practitioners as mediators of interventions; and development policies as a roadmap of community inclusion. The dynamic involvement of these three elements is crucial to reach goals envisioned by community development interventions, yet often the practitioners are ignored. The paper concludes that the success of such interventions rests upon the active and reflective intercourse of this triangulation.
{"title":"Actors of Community Development: Insider and Outsider Perspectives","authors":"Bibek Dahal, P. White","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2021.2015718","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2021.2015718","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The diverse socio-economic and geographical situation of Nepal contributes to the complexity of community development. In such varied contexts, holistic community development faces many challenges, addressing cross-cutting issues like health and education, which may be viewed differently by men and women, as well as different castes, ethnicities, economic status, political associations and religions. The community's well-being must be the central focus of every development intervention, yet there is no one opinion that reflects the diversity of opinions within every community. How can community development practitioners listen to all viewpoints and find an accepted method to achieve grassroots development in such a complex environment, when they themselves come from diverse backgrounds and education, and bring their own attitudes and opinions? The central focus of this study was to investigate the reflective practices of community development at the grassroots level of rural Nepal. The study investigates the practices and perceptions of community development practitioners and their reflexivity regarding their life experiences and efforts to adequately relate to diverse communities. For this, critical reflective inquiry has been used. Practitioners with extensive experiences were chosen as research participants for that purpose. The life experience of both authors and the practitioners is interpreted through the lens of actor perspective on community development. Additionally, we consider how the insider and outsider perspectives of development practitioners may influence their work. Three key elements with the potential to directly interference the process of community development in rural Nepal were explored: local people as subjective forms of beneficiary; community development practitioners as mediators of interventions; and development policies as a roadmap of community inclusion. The dynamic involvement of these three elements is crucial to reach goals envisioned by community development interventions, yet often the practitioners are ignored. The paper concludes that the success of such interventions rests upon the active and reflective intercourse of this triangulation.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":"49 1","pages":"1 - 25"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43819824","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-26DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2021.1998213
Ö. Bartholdson, R. Porro, A. Pain
Abstract Using two cases, Anapu and São Manoel, located in the Brazilian Amazonian, this paper discusses the relationships between smallholders’ capacity for collective action, smallholders’ potential to unite and defend their territories, and the role of the state. In November 2017 a forest reserve of the settlement in Anapu was invaded by near 200 armed illegal squatters. We show how this event resulted from a gradual increase in internal tensions and loss of trust, thereby undermining attempts for collective action. A large reason for the lack of a functioning social network, reciprocal interactions and social trust is the migratory background of the settlers, which hinder the creation of extended kin networks, intermarriages between kin groups, as well as other forms of long-term networks of cooperation. This becomes clear when comparing Anapu to the social organization of the settlement of São Manoel in central Maranhão, which has been strong and functional for several decades. The reasons for the latter’s social coherence and trust is that it formed around interlinked extended kin groups. Collective resistance against a predatory large landowner in the 1980s contributed to forging trust and cohesion that could effectively be used to acquire and maintain collectively owned fields and cattle, to formalize an association and a cooperative and to negotiate social tensions within the community. The reciprocal network of São Manoel has made it possible for its settlers to use its more restricted natural resources to a sustainable extent, without negatively affecting the eco-system of their habitat.
本文以位于巴西亚马逊流域的Anapu和s o Manoel两个案例为例，探讨了小农集体行动能力、小农团结和保卫自己领土的潜力以及国家角色之间的关系。2017年11月，阿纳普定居点的森林保护区遭到近200名武装非法擅自占用者的入侵。我们表明这一事件是如何由于内部紧张局势的逐渐加剧和信任的丧失而造成的，从而破坏了采取集体行动的努力。缺乏有效的社会网络、相互作用和社会信任的一个重要原因是定居者的移徙背景，这阻碍了扩大亲属网络、亲属群体之间的通婚以及其他形式的长期合作网络的建立。当将Anapu与maranh中部的s o Manoel定居点的社会组织进行比较时，这一点就变得清晰起来，后者几十年来一直强大而有效。后者之所以具有社会凝聚力和信任，是因为它是围绕着相互联系的扩展亲属群体形成的。1980年代对掠夺性大地主的集体抵抗有助于建立信任和凝聚力，这种信任和凝聚力可以有效地用于获得和维持集体拥有的田地和牲畜，使协会和合作社正式化，并解决社区内的社会紧张局势。马诺埃尔岛的互惠网络使其移民能够在可持续的范围内使用其较为有限的自然资源，而不会对其栖息地的生态系统产生负面影响。
{"title":"Seeking One’s Fortune Elsewhere: The Social Breakdown of a Smallholder Settlement in the Brazilian Eastern Amazon and the Consequences for Its Rainforest Reserve","authors":"Ö. Bartholdson, R. Porro, A. Pain","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2021.1998213","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2021.1998213","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Using two cases, Anapu and São Manoel, located in the Brazilian Amazonian, this paper discusses the relationships between smallholders’ capacity for collective action, smallholders’ potential to unite and defend their territories, and the role of the state. In November 2017 a forest reserve of the settlement in Anapu was invaded by near 200 armed illegal squatters. We show how this event resulted from a gradual increase in internal tensions and loss of trust, thereby undermining attempts for collective action. A large reason for the lack of a functioning social network, reciprocal interactions and social trust is the migratory background of the settlers, which hinder the creation of extended kin networks, intermarriages between kin groups, as well as other forms of long-term networks of cooperation. This becomes clear when comparing Anapu to the social organization of the settlement of São Manoel in central Maranhão, which has been strong and functional for several decades. The reasons for the latter’s social coherence and trust is that it formed around interlinked extended kin groups. Collective resistance against a predatory large landowner in the 1980s contributed to forging trust and cohesion that could effectively be used to acquire and maintain collectively owned fields and cattle, to formalize an association and a cooperative and to negotiate social tensions within the community. The reciprocal network of São Manoel has made it possible for its settlers to use its more restricted natural resources to a sustainable extent, without negatively affecting the eco-system of their habitat.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":"49 1","pages":"107 - 127"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48126056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-16DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2021.1998212
Gibrán Cruz-Martínez
Abstract Is universal social assistance unaffordable? Targeting social policy has been praised as a magic solution to select the ‘deserving poor’ and efficiently use the scarce resources in the Global South. The article tests the unaffordability hypothesis using five counterfactual analyses based on expenditure redirection (military expenditure, energy subsidies, and the potential illegal/odious external debt servicing) and increasing tax revenues (income and trade tax) in up to thirty-three countries. The article shows the revenue-generating potential of taxes and reprioritising expenditures from unproductive to productive areas to finance – totally or partly- basic universal social pensions in large part of Latin America and the Caribbean; therefore, dispelling the unaffordability myth.
{"title":"Universal Social Pensions Are Unaffordable … Not! Testing the Unaffordability Hypothesis in Latin America and the Caribbean","authors":"Gibrán Cruz-Martínez","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2021.1998212","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2021.1998212","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Is universal social assistance unaffordable? Targeting social policy has been praised as a magic solution to select the ‘deserving poor’ and efficiently use the scarce resources in the Global South. The article tests the unaffordability hypothesis using five counterfactual analyses based on expenditure redirection (military expenditure, energy subsidies, and the potential illegal/odious external debt servicing) and increasing tax revenues (income and trade tax) in up to thirty-three countries. The article shows the revenue-generating potential of taxes and reprioritising expenditures from unproductive to productive areas to finance – totally or partly- basic universal social pensions in large part of Latin America and the Caribbean; therefore, dispelling the unaffordability myth.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":"49 1","pages":"77 - 106"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44175611","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-08DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2021.1984305
Yonas Tesema
Abstract In this article, I explore some of the implications of state land policy as an approach to analyzing the double dispossession – land and labor dispossessions. Despite a growing interest in the study of land dispossession in the global South, especially after the post-2008 financial crisis, examining the complexities between the land policy, land and labor dispossessions have relatively been overlooked. I discuss how the state’s land policy contributes to coercive land dispossession and how this aspect of dispossession becomes the precondition for the second dispossession – labor. The people who lost their land to investments concurrently lost their employment, and a new class of landless and jobless farmers is emerging.
{"title":"Interrogating Dispossession for Development in Ethiopia","authors":"Yonas Tesema","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2021.1984305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2021.1984305","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract\u0000 In this article, I explore some of the implications of state land policy as an approach to analyzing the double dispossession – land and labor dispossessions. Despite a growing interest in the study of land dispossession in the global South, especially after the post-2008 financial crisis, examining the complexities between the land policy, land and labor dispossessions have relatively been overlooked. I discuss how the state’s land policy contributes to coercive land dispossession and how this aspect of dispossession becomes the precondition for the second dispossession – labor. The people who lost their land to investments concurrently lost their employment, and a new class of landless and jobless farmers is emerging.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":"49 1","pages":"53 - 76"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-10-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44697576","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2021.1998214
E. Sanches, Nádia Margarida Armando Júlio
Abstract In 2012 the Mozambican government announced the revision of the mining and petroleum laws in consultation with civil society organizations (CSOs). This followed the discovery of world class gas reserves in the Rovuma Basin, and growing demands for transparency, fair sharing of revenues and protection of national interests, from all quadrants. Given this, what was the role played by CSOs? Did they influence the process at all, or did the consultation serve as a tool to strengthen the regime’s interests and legitimacy? Building on Gramsci and African scholarship that conceptualizes the state and civil society as relational social forces that co-influence each other through shifting power balances, the study reveals that CSOs influenced the development of the mining and petroleum laws by performing four essential roles: expertise, agenda-setting, representative and monitoring. The government accommodated some of CSOs demands, even though the consultation process was not fully open. The findings build on a mix of interviews with members of CSOs and other qualitative sources (laws, news and reports) and underline the need to analyse state and civil society beyond dichotomous and homogenizing categories. They also contribute to a flourishing literature on the role of civil society in competitive authoritarian regimes.
{"title":"Shifting Power Dynamics? The Role of Civil Society Organizations in the Policymaking for Mozambique’s Extractive Sector","authors":"E. Sanches, Nádia Margarida Armando Júlio","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2021.1998214","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2021.1998214","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In 2012 the Mozambican government announced the revision of the mining and petroleum laws in consultation with civil society organizations (CSOs). This followed the discovery of world class gas reserves in the Rovuma Basin, and growing demands for transparency, fair sharing of revenues and protection of national interests, from all quadrants. Given this, what was the role played by CSOs? Did they influence the process at all, or did the consultation serve as a tool to strengthen the regime’s interests and legitimacy? Building on Gramsci and African scholarship that conceptualizes the state and civil society as relational social forces that co-influence each other through shifting power balances, the study reveals that CSOs influenced the development of the mining and petroleum laws by performing four essential roles: expertise, agenda-setting, representative and monitoring. The government accommodated some of CSOs demands, even though the consultation process was not fully open. The findings build on a mix of interviews with members of CSOs and other qualitative sources (laws, news and reports) and underline the need to analyse state and civil society beyond dichotomous and homogenizing categories. They also contribute to a flourishing literature on the role of civil society in competitive authoritarian regimes.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":"48 1","pages":"571 - 592"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48339153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2021.1998215
Søren Jeppesen, P. Kragelund
ABSTRACT The ‘Africa rising’ narrative sparked a lively discussion of the powers of orthodox economic policies to ensure good economic governance and attract private investments to further stimulate economic growth. The 2014 commodity bust and the Covid-19 pandemic effectively ended this discussion and triggered a critical examination of the fundamentals of the narrative. This study investigates how orthodox economic policies have affected the strive for structural transformation in a resource-rich economy like Zambia. It argues that there is a mismatch between the mostly orthodox policies that have driven policy formulation and the needs of the domestic private sector. Therefore, it makes a case for setting domestic market formation as a guiding principle for future economic policies, specifically by focusing industrial policy on business climate, rather than investment climate, and by focusing on capacity building, upgrading, and growth in consumer and inter-sectoral demand, rather than only liberalisation and good economic governance.
{"title":"Beyond ‘Africa rising’: Development Policies and Domestic Market Formation in Zambia","authors":"Søren Jeppesen, P. Kragelund","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2021.1998215","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2021.1998215","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The ‘Africa rising’ narrative sparked a lively discussion of the powers of orthodox economic policies to ensure good economic governance and attract private investments to further stimulate economic growth. The 2014 commodity bust and the Covid-19 pandemic effectively ended this discussion and triggered a critical examination of the fundamentals of the narrative. This study investigates how orthodox economic policies have affected the strive for structural transformation in a resource-rich economy like Zambia. It argues that there is a mismatch between the mostly orthodox policies that have driven policy formulation and the needs of the domestic private sector. Therefore, it makes a case for setting domestic market formation as a guiding principle for future economic policies, specifically by focusing industrial policy on business climate, rather than investment climate, and by focusing on capacity building, upgrading, and growth in consumer and inter-sectoral demand, rather than only liberalisation and good economic governance.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":"48 1","pages":"593 - 612"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48754336","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2021.1984304
J. Asomah
Abstract Corruption poses a substantial danger to human rights, political stability, and development, particularly in developing countries like Ghana. Despite the supposed fight against corruption in most developing countries, including Ghana, little success has been achieved in arresting the problem. This article's objective is to examine what can be done to address Ghana's corruption. Based on primary data from in-depth interviews with Ghanaians, the article focuses on a key question: What can be done to address corruption in Ghana? The findings indicate that unless corruption offences become high-risk crimes through strict implementation of laws to punish offenders regardless of their identities, power, or wealth, the Ghanaian anti-corruption work will likely be a lost battle. The study also shows the need for state anti-corruption agencies to be well-resourced and de-politicized to function independently. This article makes useful contributions to the literature on corruption by investigating and documenting citizens’ perspectives, which can inform anti-corruption policies and practices.
{"title":"What Can Be Done to Address Corruption in Ghana? Understanding Citizens’ Perspectives","authors":"J. Asomah","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2021.1984304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2021.1984304","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Corruption poses a substantial danger to human rights, political stability, and development, particularly in developing countries like Ghana. Despite the supposed fight against corruption in most developing countries, including Ghana, little success has been achieved in arresting the problem. This article's objective is to examine what can be done to address Ghana's corruption. Based on primary data from in-depth interviews with Ghanaians, the article focuses on a key question: What can be done to address corruption in Ghana? The findings indicate that unless corruption offences become high-risk crimes through strict implementation of laws to punish offenders regardless of their identities, power, or wealth, the Ghanaian anti-corruption work will likely be a lost battle. The study also shows the need for state anti-corruption agencies to be well-resourced and de-politicized to function independently. This article makes useful contributions to the literature on corruption by investigating and documenting citizens’ perspectives, which can inform anti-corruption policies and practices.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":"48 1","pages":"519 - 537"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49607029","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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