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‘Illiberal Peace’: Oxymoron, Political Necessity, or Old Wine in a New Bottle “非自由和平”:矛盾修辞法、政治必要性,还是新瓶装旧酒
IF 0.5 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-23 DOI: 10.1163/15718069-bja10081
A. Ohanyan
With growing multipolarity and geopolitical polarization, the role of international organizations as third-party actors within the framework of liberal peace, has been steadily declining over the past two decades. The most recent spike in armed conflict since 2014 has not been accompanied by an associated increase in peace agreements and negotiated settlements, as was the case in the 1990s. Considering the undersupply of conflict management by international organizations, the role of state actors in third-party roles has grown, often with weak normative support and commitment to nonviolent conflict management. This has often legitimized the use of violence as a strategy of coercive kinetic diplomacy. Drawing from historical analyses of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, this article examines the question as to whether the current period of growing illiberalism in peacebuilding is historically anachronistic. It introduces a framework of analysis and engages in concept development to understand and operationalize “illiberality of peacebuilding.”
随着世界多极化和地缘政治极化的发展,国际组织作为自由和平框架下的第三方行动者的作用在过去20年里不断下降。与上世纪90年代的情况不同,自2014年以来武装冲突的最近一次激增并未伴随着和平协议和谈判解决方案的相关增加。考虑到国际组织对冲突管理的供应不足,国家行为体在第三方角色中的作用有所增加,往往缺乏规范支持和对非暴力冲突管理的承诺。这往往使使用暴力作为一种强制性动态外交策略合法化。根据对纳戈尔诺-卡拉巴赫冲突的历史分析,本文探讨了当前在和平建设中日益增长的非自由主义是否在历史上是不合时宜的。它引入了一个分析框架,并参与概念发展,以理解和实施“建设和平的不自由”。
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引用次数: 1
Agricultural Domestic Support Reforms at the WTO: An Assessment of the Proportional Reduction Approach WTO农业国内支持改革:比例削减方法的评估
IF 0.5 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-11 DOI: 10.1163/15718069-bja10082
S. Sharma, A. Das, P. Mathur, Teesta Lahiri, Suvayan Neogi
Domestic support reforms remain an unresolved and contentious issue in the WTO agricultural negotiations. There are proposals to halve the current global trade-distorting domestic support entitlements by 2030, where members would have to undertake reductions proportionate to their existing domestic support entitlements. This study critically examines the implications of the proportional reduction approach on the policy space of 164 WTO members to support their farmers. The results show that this approach fails to address the issues and concerns of developing members regarding domestic support reforms, and these members would be required to undertake higher reduction commitments than their developed counterparts. Additionally, the per-farmer entitlement for developed members would remain massive under this approach. Contrary to general belief, the least developed countries would lose half of their flexibility to support their farmers. Further, the proposed approach would dilute the existing special and differential treatment for developing, and least developed, members.
在世贸组织农业谈判中,国内支持改革仍然是一个悬而未决和有争议的问题。有人提议到2030年将目前扭曲全球贸易的国内支持权利减半,届时成员国必须按照现有国内支持权利的比例进行削减。这项研究批判性地考察了比例削减方法对164个世贸组织成员支持其农民的政策空间的影响。结果表明,这种做法未能解决发展中成员国对国内支持改革的问题和关切,这些成员国将被要求承担比发达国家更高的削减承诺。此外,在这种方法下,发达成员国的农民人均应享权利仍将是巨大的。与普遍看法相反,最不发达国家将失去一半支持农民的灵活性。此外,拟议的办法将削弱对发展中成员和最不发达成员现有的特殊和差别待遇。
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引用次数: 1
‘Hybridity by Design’: Between Liberal Norms and Illiberal Peace in Turkey “设计的混合”:土耳其自由规范与非自由和平之间
IF 0.5 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-09 DOI: 10.1163/15718069-bja10080
Esra Dilek
This article investigates the interplay between liberal norms, hybridity, and illiberal peace by proposing ‘hybridity by design’ as a framework for understanding domestic agency of political actors in ‘homegrown’ peace processes. Hybridity by design refers to strategies used in peace processes that are not guided by external third parties for selectively adopting norms and practices associated with the liberal peace model while maintaining an illiberal peacemaking approach. The study focuses on the case of Turkey’s recent experience in peacemaking regarding the Kurdish conflict in two periods. First, the 2009–2015 period is analyzed as a ‘homegrown’ peace process during which ‘hybridity by design’ was the primary strategy used by the government to promote peacemaking combining liberal and illiberal norms and practices. In the post-2015 period, the government emphasized the ‘authentic’ aspects of the Kurdish issue, adopting a friend/enemy discourse, delegitimizing opponents, and rejecting negotiations as a means for solving the conflict.
本文通过提出“设计的混合性”作为理解“本土”和平进程中政治行为者国内代理的框架,研究了自由规范、混合性和非自由和平之间的相互作用。设计上的混合是指和平进程中使用的不受外部第三方指导的战略,有选择地采用与自由和平模式有关的规范和做法,同时保持不自由的缔造和平方法。这项研究的重点是土耳其最近在两个时期的库尔德冲突中建立和平的经验。首先,2009-2015年期间被分析为“本土”和平进程,在此期间,“设计混合”是政府用于促进和平的主要战略,结合了自由和非自由的规范和做法。在2015年后的时期,政府强调库尔德问题的“真实”方面,采用朋友/敌人的话语,剥夺反对者的合法性,并拒绝将谈判作为解决冲突的手段。
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引用次数: 1
Justice and Negotiation: Themes and Directions 正义与谈判:主题与方向
IF 0.5 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-21 DOI: 10.1163/15718069-bja10079
D. Druckman, Lynn Wagner
This article examines how justice concerns arise during various stages of negotiation with attention paid to contending principles of procedural, distributive, and transitional justice. We review key themes raised by contributors to this special issue. The themes reveal that justice has many facets and surfaces in many contexts. The facets include the role played by voice, the utility of universal definitions of justice, the use of morality arguments, the salience of the equality principle, and the challenges of complex negotiating forums. The contexts vary from single to multiple case analyses. Looking forward, we suggest a number of issues for further research. These include the voice versus exit debate, culturally-sensitive definitions of justice, different forms taken by equality, and how best to develop the skills needed for implementing justice principles. These are a sampling of the issues that pave the way for future scholarship on the role of justice in negotiation.
本文探讨了在谈判的各个阶段,司法问题是如何产生的,并注意到程序正义、分配正义和过渡正义等相互矛盾的原则。我们审查了本期特刊撰稿人提出的主要主题。这些主题表明,正义在许多情况下有许多方面和表面。这些方面包括声音所发挥的作用、正义的普遍定义的效用、道德论点的使用、平等原则的突出性以及复杂谈判论坛的挑战。从单个案例分析到多个案例分析,情况各不相同。展望未来,我们提出了一些需要进一步研究的问题。其中包括声音与退出辩论、对正义的文化敏感定义、平等所采取的不同形式,以及如何最好地发展实施正义原则所需的技能。这些是为未来关于司法在谈判中的作用的学术研究铺平道路的问题的样本。
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引用次数: 1
From Peace Talks to Parliaments: The Microprocesses Propelling Women into Formal Politics Following War 从和谈到议会:战争后推动女性进入正式政治的微观过程
IF 0.5 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-12 DOI: 10.1163/15718069-bja10078
Miriam J. Anderson, Marc Y. Valade
Women’s legislative representation often increases following armed conflict. Although various studies suggest a relationship between gender-inclusive peace negotiations and better outcomes for women, we know little about the processes linking these phenomena. Using social network analysis and drawing on qualitative interviews, we examine women’s participation in Burundi’s peace negotiations (1998–2000) and their increased political participation in post-accord national politics (2000–2005). We find that women’s civil society built social networks reliant on cross-ethnic collaboration and the support of international actors during the peace negotiations. With the aid of those networks, they successfully entered formal politics and passed pro-women legislation, where they developed cross-party alliances and maintained close relationships with civil society, increasing their effectiveness in parliament. This case suggests that evolving social networks are a crucial component of the explanation for women’s increased participation in politics during times of transition from conflict to peace.
武装冲突后,妇女的立法代表人数往往增加。尽管各种研究表明,性别包容的和平谈判与更好的妇女结果之间存在关系,但我们对这些现象之间的联系知之甚少。利用社会网络分析和定性访谈,我们研究了妇女参与布隆迪和平谈判(1998-2000)以及她们在协议后国家政治(2000-2005)中增加的政治参与。我们发现,妇女民间社会在和平谈判期间依靠跨种族合作和国际行动者的支持建立了社会网络。在这些网络的帮助下,她们成功地进入了正式的政界,通过了支持妇女的立法,在那里她们建立了跨党派联盟,并与民间社会保持密切关系,提高了她们在议会中的效力。这个案例表明,在从冲突到和平的过渡时期,不断发展的社会网络是解释妇女越来越多地参与政治的一个重要组成部分。
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引用次数: 2
Implementing Gender Provisions: A Study of the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro in the Philippines 执行性别规定:对菲律宾邦萨摩罗问题全面协定的研究
IF 0.5 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-29 DOI: 10.1163/15718069-bja10068
Juan Diego Duque-Salazar, E. Forsberg, L. Olsson
While scholars on gender provisions have focused on why and how this type of peace agreement clause gets incorporated, few studies have sought to improve our understanding of the implementation process. Addressing this gap empirically, this study utilizes unique interview material to analyze the initial stages of realizing the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro in the Philippines. The article bridges and expands on key theoretical insights based on three explanations suggested by previous research: 1) state capacity on promoting gender equality; 2) the mobilization of women’s organizations; and 3) gender awareness of international actors. We find that the strategic actions of women’s organizations combined with state capacity accelerated the implementation. However, their influence was dependent on whether or not the government prioritized the gender provisions, and whether international actors provided financial support to the agreement infrastructure.
虽然研究性别条款的学者关注的是为什么以及如何纳入这类和平协议条款,但很少有研究试图提高我们对执行过程的理解。为了解决这一差距,本研究利用独特的访谈材料来分析在菲律宾实现2014年邦萨摩罗全面协议的初始阶段。本文在前人研究提出的三种解释的基础上,衔接并扩展了关键的理论见解:1)国家促进性别平等的能力;2)动员妇女组织;3)国际行动者的性别意识。我们发现,妇女组织的战略行动与国家能力相结合,加速了执行。然而,它们的影响取决于政府是否优先考虑性别平等条款,以及国际行为体是否为协定基础设施提供财政支持。
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引用次数: 1
Negotiating Justice: From Conflict to Agreement 谈判正义:从冲突到协议
IF 0.5 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-29 DOI: 10.1163/15718069-bja10069
C. Albin
This special issue of International Negotiation explores how justice is, and may best be, negotiated when parties adhere to conflicting notions of what it means and requires. “Conflicting notions” refer to the endorsement of different principles or to conflicting interpretations of how the same justice principle is to be applied. It may also involve some party’s adhering to a justice principle, while its counterpart endorses criteria other than justice as the proper basis for the case at hand. A diversity of cases and methodological traditions is used to explore a set of analytical questions: Why do parties adhere to conflicting notions of justice in international negotiations? How do conflicting justice notions affect negotiation dynamics and what are different ways in which they can be handled? Are some ways of handling such notions better than others, in the sense of enhancing the chances of a durable agreement?
本期《国际谈判》特刊探讨了当各方对正义的含义和要求持相互矛盾的观点时,正义是如何谈判的,而且可能是最好的谈判。“观念冲突”是指赞同不同的原则或对如何适用同一司法原则的相互矛盾的解释。它也可能涉及某一方坚持正义原则,而其对应方则赞同除正义以外的标准作为手头案件的适当基础。各种案例和方法传统被用来探索一系列分析性问题:为什么各方在国际谈判中坚持相互冲突的正义观念?相互冲突的正义观念是如何影响谈判动态的?有哪些不同的处理方式?在增加达成持久协议的机会方面,处理这些问题的某些方法是否比其他方法更好?
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引用次数: 1
Prospects for Negotiation as a Means of Undoing the Gordian Knot of Just Land Reform in South Africa 谈判作为解开南非公正土地改革难题的一种手段的前景
IF 0.5 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-29 DOI: 10.1163/15718069-bja10071
M. Anstey
Creative and courageous negotiations between 1990 and 1994 enabled South African leaders to end apartheid and manage the first phase of a transition to a constitutional democracy. Land was a key issue in the struggle for democracy, but after thirty years remains unresolved. The Bill of Rights in the Constitution affords protection for property rights but also commits the government to land reform by way of restitution or redress of the disadvantaged who suffered through dispossession following the 1913 Land Act. The failure of government’s three-track system to deliver on the goals it set for transfer of land from white to black ownership has strengthened demands for radical change. This article explores the prospects of negotiation as a means for resolving obstacles to progress, including the problem of competing notions of justice. New levels of engagement between stakeholders enabling a sense of justness in the process and outcome are required.
1990年至1994年期间进行的富有创造性和勇气的谈判使南非领导人结束了种族隔离制度,并顺利完成了向宪政民主过渡的第一阶段。在争取民主的斗争中,土地是一个关键问题,但30年后仍未得到解决。《宪法》中的《权利法案》保护财产权,但也要求政府进行土地改革,向1913年《土地法》之后被剥夺土地的弱势群体提供补偿或补偿。政府的三轨制度未能实现其设定的将土地从白人所有权转移到黑人所有权的目标,这加强了对彻底改革的要求。本文探讨了谈判作为解决进展障碍的一种手段的前景,包括相互竞争的正义概念的问题。需要在利益相关者之间建立新的参与水平,从而在过程和结果中产生正义感。
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引用次数: 0
Understanding Justice 理解正义
IF 0.5 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-16 DOI: 10.1163/15718069-bja10074
David A. Welch
People often disagree about what counts as “just” in a particular case. Such disagreement is natural and understandable once we realize that people commonly bring to the concept of justice different understandings of what makes something just or unjust, interpret general principles differently in specific circumstances, and/or fail to see eye to eye on appropriate ways of resolving justice disputes. But in all cases, disagreement about what is just logically requires that the parties share an understanding of what it is that they are disagreeing about. Similarly, any analysis of the role justice might play in a particular domain – here, negotiation – requires a shared understanding of what it is that is playing the role in question. The purpose of this article is to articulate and justify a shared understanding of the concept of justice that facilitates both the understanding and resolution of justice disputes.
人们经常对在特定情况下什么是“公正”意见不一。一旦我们意识到,人们通常对正义或不正义的原因有不同的理解,在特定情况下对一般原则的解释不同,和/或在解决司法争端的适当方式上意见不一致,这种分歧是自然的,也是可以理解的。但在任何情况下,对什么是逻辑上的分歧都需要各方对他们的分歧有一个共同的理解。同样,对司法在特定领域——这里是谈判——可能扮演的角色的任何分析都需要对扮演该角色的是什么有共同的理解。本条的目的是阐明并证明对司法概念的共同理解是合理的,这有助于理解和解决司法争端。
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引用次数: 0
Negotiating Post-Colonial Legacies: Conflicting Justice Notions in the Belgian Case 谈判后殖民地遗产:比利时案件中相互冲突的司法理念
IF 0.5 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-12 DOI: 10.1163/15718069-bja10064
Valérie Rosoux
Do parties handle conflicting justice notions when they negotiate about the legacy of a colonial past? This question is at the core of an increasing number of judicial and non-judicial processes around the world. In settler-colonial societies, this debate is far from new. The objective of this article is neither to consider the general debate about reparations nor to study theoretically how communities can digest “a past that is hard to swallow.” It is to detect the conflicting justice notions mobilized in the negotiation process when seeking to come to an agreement or other kind of conclusion to the process. Do the parties explicitly refer to these conflicting justice notions or do they avoid them? To address this question, the article focuses on one in-depth empirical case study, namely the Belgian case.
当各方就过去的殖民历史遗产进行谈判时,他们是否处理了相互冲突的正义观念?这个问题是世界各地越来越多的司法和非司法程序的核心问题。在移民-殖民社会中,这种争论并不新鲜。本文的目的既不是考虑关于赔偿的一般性辩论,也不是从理论上研究社区如何消化“难以吞咽的过去”。它是为了发现在谈判过程中,在寻求达成协议或其他类型的结论时,动员的相互冲突的正义观念。双方是明确提及这些相互冲突的正义概念,还是回避它们?为了解决这个问题,本文着重于一个深入的实证案例研究,即比利时的案例。
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引用次数: 1
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International Negotiation-A Journal of Theory and Practice
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